DeSantis is a long way from Florida. Lawmakers at home have noticed.

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DES MOINES, Iowa — What a difference a year and a not-so-successful presidential campaign makes.

Last year, Florida’s annual legislative session became a 60-day grinding marathon as Republicans in charge pushed through a long line of conservative and controversial proposals on abortion, sexual orientation and guns that Gov. Ron DeSantis would ultimately use as selling points for his presidential bid.

Ahead of this year’s session that starts Tuesday, however, the Florida governor spent most of his days in Iowa and New Hampshire, where he’s been campaigning to win the GOP presidential nomination. DeSantis, who has struggled to gain traction in the race, is scheduled to dip back into Tallahassee on Tuesday to give his annual “State of the State” speech, but so far he has laid out only a threadbare agenda compared to previous years.

His focus on his presidential campaign instead of the session — the most important several months for lawmakers in the state — has left legislators frustrated. He hasn’t rolled out a long line of policy initiatives he wants from legislators or communicated to legislative leaders what he wants done.

“We really don’t know what this session is about, which is odd,” said state Rep. Fentrice Driskell, the leader of the House Democrats.

It’s quite a remarkable turnabout for a governor who has multiple times pressed legislators into action, including pushing them to hold special sessions over his battle with Disney and to show solidarity with Israel after the Hamas attacks. DeSantis has been one of the most powerful governor in Florida in decades and holds sizable clout with the Legislature.

Senate President Kathleen Passidomo, while meeting with reporters in early December, said she had called DeSantis to press him on his legislative priorities and that the governor had quipped about getting everything he had wanted the previous year.

And DeSantis has made that point repeatedly on the campaign trail in Iowa this past week as he maintains that he had “over delivered” on his promises to Florida voters.

It was fresh off his resounding reelection win in November 2022 that DeSantis pressed his GOP allies in the Legislature to enact a sweeping set of legislative proposals. Lawmakers ultimately passed bills scrapping concealed weapons permit requirements, banning abortion after six weeks of pregnancy, prohibiting gender affirming medical care for minors and opening up private school vouchers to any family that wanted them.

A DeSantis ally, given anonymity to speak freely, said the aim was to make sure that he could not get outflanked on the right during the presidential campaign.

DeSantis did release a budget framework in early December that lays out spending priorities, including a round of tax cuts and additional money on signature items such as teacher pay increases and Everglades restoration. But beyond that, legislators have been left with little guidance from the governor.

State Sen. Blaise Ingoglia (R-Spring Hill), who is close to DeSantis and helped shepherd several of the governor’s priorities last year, insisted DeSantis and his administration were actively engaged heading into this year’s session.

“He’s still going to have his imprint on the session,” Ingoglia said. “I know the governor’s team … have been engaged in a lot of pieces of legislation. To say they are not active is not giving them credit.”

Florida’s annual legislative session is taking place while DeSantis is in the middle of a crucial make-or-break period for his presidential campaign. He is currently locked in a battle with former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley over who will be the main challenger to former President Donald Trump, who remains out in front according to polls in the key early nominating states such as Iowa.

DeSantis, along with much of his campaign team, is embedded in Iowa as the Jan. 15 caucuses draw closer. This week, before the kickoff of the Florida legislative session, DeSantis is crisscrossing the state as he tries to win the state outright or mount a decent second place showing that could help him regain momentum. New Hampshire’s primary comes a week later on Jan. 23, with the South Carolina primary following a month later.

The prospect that DeSantis will be focused on his presidential campaign and not what’s happening back home is a complete reversal from recent years — although it wouldn’t be unprecedented. Previous GOP governors would let legislative leaders set the tone and agenda of the session and not weigh in, especially on controversial proposals.

Passidomo and Senate Republicans are already pushing ahead with several major proposals, including a rewrite of school regulations and testing standards that has drawn opposition from former Gov. Jeb Bush and his supporters. Passidomo is also pushing an initiative to boost the number of medical professionals working in the state.

But even if the governor isn’t playing a major role, there could still be some heated battles between Democrats and Republicans.

Democrats have already sharply criticized a bill that would loosen up the state’s child labor laws and allow 16-year-olds and 17-year-olds to work full time. Republicans have also sponsored bills to lower the age-buying requirement for rifles that was adopted in the wake of the Parkland massacre, bar government agencies from requiring employees to use certain personal pronouns about their coworkers, and a measure that would require students to be taught that the Democratic Party in the 19th Century supported slavery.

“My suspicion is that it will be more of the same,” Driskell said. “The session will probably start smoothly but then the floodgates will open.”

The changing congressional map is shifting the fight for control of the House

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The partisan tilt of a handful of districts could still change dramatically before voters even go to the polls this year — shifting who has the upper hand in the battle for control the House.

Republicans hold just a three-seat majority and various congressional maps across the country have already been redrawn since the midterms thanks to drawn-out court battles, some of which have yet to be resolved.

So far, post-2022 redistricting has likely netted Republicans two or three seats. But depending on how the final maps are configured, that number could change yet again — and even perhaps tilt the field, ever so slightly, toward favoring Democrats.

With primaries in some states just weeks away, there are still big unresolved questions of what some districts will look like. Here are the big redistricting storylines to watch.

Three states have already drawn new maps — some with big consequences

North Carolina, Alabama and Georgia have already drawn new lines after the midterms in response to successful litigation from challengers.

The Republican-dominated legislature drew a strong GOP gerrymander last year that could net the party as many as four seats in the Tar Heel State. The state currently has an even split of seven Democrats and seven Republicans, but the GOP-controlled state Supreme Court cleared the way for the state to go to potentially a 10-4 Republican split.

Already, three Democratic incumbents — Kathy Manning, Wiley Nickel and Jeff Jackson — opted out of running for reelection after the new map transformed their districts into safe GOP territory. And Democrat Don Davis’ battleground district became a bit redder, although that seat is still expected to be competitive. At worst for Republicans, they will net three seats, but they could get as many as four.

However, Democrats are likely going to pick up one seat in Alabama. A federal court found that the lines used there in 2022 likely violated the Voting Rights Act by diluting the power of Black voters, a decision affirmed by the Supreme Court. The newly drawn majority-Black district in Alabama gives them the opportunity to elect a member of their choosing in a second district in the state. The change could see the delegation go from six Republicans and one Democrat to a likely split of five Republicans and two Democrats.

Georgia, meanwhile, has a new map that won’t change the partisan composition of the delegation: nine Republicans and five Democrats. But they did imperil the political future of Democratic Rep. Lucy McBath by obliterating her district.

After a judge tossed out the lines used in 2022 for violating the Voting Rights Act, Republican legislators redrew the map to increase the number of majority- or near-majority-Black districts, while maintaining the same partisan balance. McBath’s now-former district — where no single racial minority made up a majority, but combined constituted a majority-minority district, which is sometimes known as a “coalition district” — was carved up to make room for a new majority-Black seat.

Litigation will carry on for the three new maps — Republicans in Alabama have appealed the new court-drawn lines, Democrats in North Carolina sued alleging racial gerrymandering and Georgia Democrats will almost assuredly challenge the new lines again — but the trio of maps are likely to be in place at least for 2024.

Two states still need to draw new maps

Courts have ordered new lines in two states — but mapmakers have yet to draw them.

A federal court found that Louisiana’s map likely violated the Voting Rights Act and, like Alabama and Georgia, the state will need to create another Black opportunity district. That would also likely lead to another Democratic representative being elected.

Louisiana’s GOP-dominated legislature has until the end of January to draw new lines, and a special session could take place in the middle of the month.

And New York is also getting a new map. Democrats there challenged a hypercompetitive, court-drawn map that was used in the midterms. But Democrats successfully challenged that map in court, leaving the ultimate partisan split in the state uncertain while the new lines are being drawn.

When the Democratic-controlled legislature drew the lines in 2022, the party instituted a significant gerrymander that could have had them win in as many as 22 of the state’s 26 seats. Instead, the court-drawn map led to 11 Republicans in the delegation after the midterms. In this year’s redraw, Democrats may try to push that advantage again — or perhaps try for a less aggressive gerrymander this time that still gives the party a clear advantage, wary of a threatened lawsuit from Republicans.

The process first has to run through an independent redistricting commission, but the Democratic-controlled legislature gets the final say. There’s still a long way to go, but the outcomes in New York — from a map that may not deviate too dramatically from the midterms, to one where Democrats try to push as big of an advantage as possible — leaves some half-dozen seats in flux right now.

Louisiana is similar to Georgia and Alabama in that a court will review any new map to see whether it appropriately addresses the Voting Rights Act violation — and if not, the court could step in to draw the lines. And New York’s court-drawn maps were tossed on procedural grounds — so if Democrats do gerrymander, Republicans could bring a case alleging partisan gerrymandering and seek a ruling on the merits there.

Both maps’ futures are uncertain and could undergo at least one more round of review in the courts before they’re locked in for 2024.

Some states’ maps are still being litigated

A handful of maps hang in the balance in courts across the country. The biggest is in South Carolina.

The U.S. Supreme Court heard arguments in October over allegations that the state’s 1st Congressional District — currently represented by GOP Rep. Nancy Mace — was an illegal racial gerrymander. The court has not indicated when it could release its decision, but during arguments it seemed like the conservative justices were unlikely to side with those arguing the map should be thrown out — likely leaving the GOP-leaning district in place.

The Utah Supreme Court has also yet to issue a decision in a partisan gerrymandering case that was argued in July. Republicans there had dismantled a battleground district around Salt Lake City, creating four safely red districts. If challengers are successful, that swing district could return and be a competitive seat for both parties.

And a pair of cases are challenging the map in Florida, where GOP Gov. Ron DeSantis muscled through a map that flipped several seats for Republicans in 2022. A state court case faces long odds after an appellate court in December overturned a lower court ruling that said the map was unconstitutional, and a federal judge has not issued a ruling after a racial gerrymandering claim was litigated in a September hearing. Timing remains unclear, but in the event a ruling ultimately goes Democrats’ way they could pick up at least one seat.

The uncertainty — both in states like New York where lines still need to be drawn, and in courts across the country — will ultimately only affect a handful of seats. But with Republicans clinging to a slim majority, every single district could count come November.

Working Strategies: Overcoming the fear of salary negotiation

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Amy Lindgren

Is salary negotiation on your mind for the new year? I have good news and bad news. The good news first: A lot has been happening in this area that finally favors the worker. As an example, laws promoting salary transparency and discouraging historical bias are catching on across the country.

Here’s what that means: Depending on a particular municipality’s wording, transparency laws might mandate that salaries be included in job postings, or that employees not be disciplined for discussing their salaries openly. In either case, internal workers and candidates can gain key information, letting them negotiate more effectively.

Historical bias laws, on the other hand, address the longstanding practice of asking for a candidate’s previous wages, typically on applications or during screening interviews. Among the problems this creates, perhaps the most damaging is the employer’s opportunity (and tendency) to make lower offers to candidates with historically lower wages. Without prior knowledge of a worker’s income, employers find low-balling harder to do.

So what’s the bad news? Some folks still don’t or won’t negotiate. Excluding union workers (whose contracts are generally pre-negotiated), the numbers from different surveys indicate that about half of employees accept a company’s first offer, whether that’s for a new job or for a raise.

The reasons given for negotiation-reluctance run along these lines: Fear of failing; fear of changing the relationship with the boss; fear of losing an offer; fear of retaliation; fear of bringing up something uncomfortable …

Did I mention fear?

It’s not unreasonable to fear something, especially if you have personal experience that underpins your concern. But however real your fear may be, at some point you have to ask, “Is this what I want for myself?”

If you’re a worker who hasn’t been negotiating raises or offers, why not make this your year to start? You’ll find tons of information from authors and strategists on how to do this, but I can get you started with my favorite 10 tips.

1. Negotiate the whole position: Consider all aspects of the job — including the duties, title and schedule — when you decide which aspects to negotiate.

2. Understand the full package: Free health care? School loan repayment? You need the details in order to put a value on the offer as a whole.

3. Consider your current needs: Younger parents might get a lot of benefit from free family health care, while an older worker whose spouse is on Medicare might not. Be sure you’re assigning the true value to each item offered.

4. Base salary is king: Whatever the perks may be, they’re no substitute for higher pay. When you raise this number, retirement contributions and other benefits also improve, since they are based on the salary. Future raises will also be higher because they’ll be percentage increases.

5. It needs to be in writing: If you don’t receive a formal email or offer letter with the points you’ve negotiated and agreed to, send your own letter to the manager outlining the offer or raise as agreed. This will help later if the terms are disputed or the manager leaves.

6. Research matters: What do others make for this work, elsewhere and within this organization? What has the turnover been in this department? How badly do they need you? The more you can learn, the more you can strategize your approach.

7. Perception matters: Are you worth the money you’re asking for? For both internal and external candidates, it’s important to discuss what you’re bringing to the table in terms of work product and contributions to the team.

8. Perception matters, part II: If the employer or boss perceives you want this job above all others, you’ve lost a point in your negotiation. One way to signal your ability to seek other offers is by having a compelling, up-to-date résumé and LinkedIn profile.

9. You matter: If you still hesitate to negotiate after reviewing these pointers, remember who you’re doing it for: Your elderly self, trying to stretch Social Security just a little further, to cover dinner out or a new pair of shoes. Not going to be you? Probably not, if you do what you can to earn more now.

10. Vote with your feet: When an offer won’t budge or your raise is denied for too long, it may be time to move on. Each year you remain underpaid literally steals income you could be using to improve your life. Let 2024 be the year you start.

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Amy Lindgren owns a career consulting firm in St. Paul. She can be reached at alindgren@prototypecareerservice.com.

Chicago Bears decisions: What to know about upcoming evaluations of coach Matt Eberflus, QB Justin Fields and No. 1 pick

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The Chicago Bears don’t have a playoff berth at stake when they play the Green Bay Packers on Sunday at Lambeau Field. The Bears (7-9) officially were eliminated in Week 17.

But there’s plenty to keep the Bears motivated in the season finale — and not just playing spoiler to the Packers playoff hopes.

When time runs out Sunday, the Bears will be on the clock to make major decisions in a crucial offseason.

Here’s a look at the decisions ahead.

General manager Ryan Poles

Not all of Poles’ moves since joining the Bears in January 2022 have worked out, but the way he has gone about building the roster is looking better and better.

His trade of the 2023 No. 1 draft pick to the Carolina Panthers last offseason netted him not only the No. 1 draft pick this year, but also top wide receiver DJ Moore, promising rookies in right tackle Darnell Wright and cornerback Tyrique Stevenson and a 2025 second-round pick.

His acquisition of defensive end Montez Sweat from the Washington Commanders and subsequent four-year, $98 million contract extension has lifted the entire defense to a new level. And there have been plenty of other moves that have looked good this season, including the 2023 free-agent signings of linebackers Tremaine Edmunds and T.J. Edwards, guard Nate Davis and defensive tackle Andrew Billings.

Given that the roster has shown marked improvement in more than doubling its win total from 2022 and considering Poles’ working relationship with President Kevin Warren, his position with the Bears would seem to be safe, but official confirmation likely will come next week.

More on the Warren-Poles relationship and how Warren said of Poles over the summer: ‘I found my work partner’
A look at the how the trade of the 2023 No. 1 overall pick paid off in Brad Biggs’ 10 thoughts
A look at how the Sweat trade has paid off for the Bears defense

Coach Matt Eberflus

In early October, questions arose about whether the Bears even would let Eberflus finish out the season. The Bears started 0-4, the fourth loss featuring a crushing 21-point comeback by the Denver Broncos.

In the middle of it all, defensive coordinator Alan Williams resigned amid strange circumstances which sources told the Tribune was conduct-related. The Bears had an abrupt breakup with wide receiver Chase Claypool, whom they traded to the Miami Dolphins. And Eberflus’ handling of it all left something to be desired.

That rough start hasn’t been forgotten, but the vibe around Halas Hall is considerably different in Week 18, with the Bears winning four of their last five games and five of their last seven. The turnaround has largely been fueled by a defense that has come into its own with Eberflus calling the plays and the addition of Sweat.

Will those factors play into Eberflus returning?

Here’s a look at how sources around the league view the decision on Eberflus and his coaching staff, which is complicated by the Bears’ simultaneous decision at quarterback
Biggs’ mailbag also tackles the possibility of Eberflus’ return, with league chatter suggesting the Bears could be considering retaining Eberflus.

Quarterback Justin Fields

The conversation around Fields’ future has been ongoing, in large part because the Bears have been eyeing the No. 1 pick via the now 2-14 Panthers for months.

The Bears must decide whether they believe Fields is the quarterback who can lead them to the Super Bowl or if they want to bet on a quarterback prospect with the top pick instead.

Fields was just building momentum with his game before he dislocated his right thumb Oct. 15 against the Minnesota Vikings and the Bears started former Division II star Tyson Bagent for four weeks. Since Fields has returned, he has made clear progress, building up to one of his best performances of the season against the Atlanta Falcons on Dec. 31.

How do the Bears’ evaluate Fields’ season — and his future?

Compilation of chatter around the league about how the Bears will make their evaluation of Fields
A look at the complicated timeline Fields has navigated in his first three years, and how he believes he will become the quarterback he wants to be
A look at Fields’ career starts through the Dec. 17 loss to the Cleveland Browns, ranked from 1-35

The No. 1 draft pick

While the decision about what to do with the No. 1 pick is tough, it’s also an enviable position to be in.

The Bears can have their pick of quarterbacks in the draft — including USC’s Caleb Williams and North Carolina’s Drake Maye — or they can stick with Fields and trade the top pick for a haul similar to or better than what they received for the No. 1 pick last year.

What evaluators around the league are saying about the Bears and the No. 1 pick
Here’s A closer look at quarterback prospects Caleb Williams and Drake Maye
Bears have drafted 32 QBs in the Super Bowl-era — and only 1 has made 100 regular-season starts
Bears have selected only 2 No. 1 draft picks in team history — and both were disappointing

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