By DUSAN STOJANOVIC

BELGRADE, Serbia (AP) — Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic is escalating his crackdown on protests that have shaken his populist rule in recent months. What began as a small, student-led campaign against corruption has snowballed into one of the most turbulent protest waves in the Balkan country in a quarter of a century.

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Rights groups and Vucic’s political opponents have warned of increasingly brutal tactics aimed at silencing a movement that has become the biggest challenge yet to his decade-long grip on power.

Last week, tanks rolled through the capital, Belgrade, in preparation for a military parade on Sept. 20. If the parade becomes a flashpoint for unrest, protesters fear the military could remain on the streets.

Vucic’s nationalist background

Vucic has ruled Serbia for more than a decade, reshaping its politics while drawing accusations of corruption and authoritarianism.

Russian President Vladimir Putin, right, and Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic pose for a photo during their meeting at Diaoyutai State Guesthouse in Beijing, China, Tuesday, Sept. 2, 2025. (Alexander Kazakov,Sputnik, Kremlin Pool Photo via AP)

He began his political career in the 1990s as a hardline nationalist in the Serbian Radical Party, becoming information minister under the late Serbian strongman Slobodan Milosevic. He was notorious for his calls to punish independent media and his wartime rhetoric against Serbia’s neighbors which he maintains to this day.

Serbia was defeated in the wars in the Balkans, Milosevic was ousted by a wave of protests in October 2000, and Vucic reinvented himself as a pro-European reformer. He co-founded the Serbian Progressive Party, which promised modernization and EU integration, but he consolidated his power through populism, control of the media, and a tight grip on state institutions.

How the latest unrest started

On Nov. 1, 2024, a canopy collapsed at the railway station in the northern city of Novi Sad, killing at least 16 people. The tragedy, tied to a Chinese-backed renovation project, sparked outrage over alleged state-run corruption and negligence.

University students were the first to protest, blocking traffic every Friday for 15 minutes in memory of the dead.

But the anger over corruption quickly resonated beyond campuses, drawing crowds of ordinary citizens frustrated with rising costs of living and a sense of impunity among ruling-party elites.

Protesters now demand accountability, transparency, and early elections.

Why the protests turned violent

At first, the demonstrations were peaceful marches and sit-ins. But tensions rose when authorities deployed riot police, plainclothes officers and even shady parapolice units, led by soccer hooligans loyal to Vucic, to disperse the gatherings with batons, sticks and flares.

Led by university students, people attend a protest against increasing police brutality in Belgrade, Serbia, Monday, Sept. 8, 2025. (AP Photo/Darko Vojinovic)

Protesters reported beatings, arbitrary arrests, and the use of tear gas, stun grenades and sonic devices — tactics that rights groups have condemned as brutal and excessive.

The harsh response from the authorities has fueled defiance. Students have escalated their actions by blocking major intersections, occupying university halls, and staging sit-ins outside state institutions. Each new crackdown has drawn more people into the streets, creating a cycle of confrontation.

And while previous waves of protests petered out over a disputed property development, allegations of stolen elections and two mass shootings, this time the protests have built up over time. Crucially, they spread beyond Belgrade to dozens of cities and small towns across the country.

Vucic’s response

Vucic has repeatedly branded the student protesters as “terrorists” who are working in conjunction with Western powers to remove him from office, without presenting any evidence. Although he has called for a dialogue with the students, he has refused to call early elections and warned of an even harsher response to the protests.

Students flatly rejected the offer of talks before early elections. In response to the student demands, authorities sacked more than 100 teachers, professors and deans and replaced them with Vucic’s loyalists.

While some schools have reopened with new staff, others have remained closed, especially some of the university faculties.

A strategic position between East and West

While under intense domestic pressure, Vucic continued projecting Serbia’s foreign diplomacy as balanced, managing complex relations with both the European Union and his authoritarian allies, most notably Russia.

Serbian army helicopters MI-35 fly over the city ahead of a military parade scheduled for Sept. 20 in the Serbian capital Belgrade, Friday, Sept. 12, 2025. (AP Photo/Darko Vojinovic)

He attended a summit on Sept.1 with leaders from China, Russia, North Korea and Iran, where he said he received their support in dealing with the protests at home. He has also refused to join international sanctions against Russia for its invasion of Ukraine.

However, he has also made no move to block Serbian exports of weapons to Ukraine and earlier this year, he made his first-ever visit to Kyiv, signaling a willingness to engage with Western-aligned nations.

Serbia has been a candidate for EU membership since 2012, but negotiations have made slow progress.

Europe’s muted reaction

Vucic’s tenure is marked by a centralization of power, suppression of dissent, and tight control over the media, drawing scrutiny from human rights organizations.

He has openly advocated the closure of the last remaining independent TV outlets, N1 and Nova, or a purge of reporters and management. He has called them liars for their coverage of the protests, although they mainly broadcast live, with minimal intervention from editors or commentators.

Analysts and opposition groups argue that Europe must increase the pressure on Serbia to prevent its further democratic erosion.

EU officials have warned Vucic that progress toward EU membership depends on meeting certain standards, including reforms in the judiciary, media freedoms and fight against corruption.

A Serbian Army soldier prepares ahead of a military parade scheduled for Sept. 20 in the Serbian capital Belgrade, Friday, Sept. 12, 2025. (AP Photo/Darko Vojinovic)

At a time when Europe is dealing with the repercussions of Russia’s war in Ukraine, the EU has so far shown little willingness to confront Vucic and his government.

The Serbian opposition and some EU lawmakers believe the EU’s reaction has been too timid because officials believe Vucic is the only one who can preserve peace in a region still reeling from a series of wars in the 1990s that left over 100,000 people dead and millions homeless.

High stakes

The anti-graft rallies have become more than just a fight against corruption. They are now a direct challenge to Vucic’s heavy-handed rule, with demonstrators demanding free elections, independent judiciary and accountability for police violence.

With neither side showing signs of backing down, Serbia faces a deepening political crisis and the risk of further unrest and even bloodshed.

Jovana Gec in Belgrade contributed to this report.

Property taxes for homeowners in St. Paul’s poorest neighborhoods are poised to rise next year by as much as 8% to 16% or more, depending upon how final numbers play out as city, county and school district levies are approved this December.

Together with about $125 in rising water, sewer and recycling fees, that could add well over $600 to total charges for residential property owners in the Thomas-Dale/Frogtown, Payne-Phalen, North End and West Side neighborhoods. Homeowners in Hamline-Midway, Dayton’s Bluff, Como and Summit-University would be the next-most impacted by percentage increases.

Homeowners in St. Anthony Park, Battle Creek, Sunray, Highwood and downtown St. Paul would see their property taxes go up the least of any neighborhoods in the city, percentage-wise, while still seeing hikes of several hundred dollars.

‘Burden shifting from commercial to residential’

Moreso than at any time in the recent past, “the tax burden is shifting from commercial to residential,” said Madeline Mitchell, budget manager for the city of St. Paul, addressing a roomful of elected officials Monday at the St. Paul Public Schools district administration building.

The likely result — large tax increases for the poorest homeowners — isn’t lost on local government officials.

“There are folks in my ward right now that can’t even rub two pennies together … and somehow they keep managing to pay their bills on time,” said Council Vice President HwaJeong Kim, who represents the North End.

Officials from the city of St. Paul, Ramsey County and the St. Paul School District gathered as the Joint Property Tax Advisory Committee Monday to discuss tax trends and give their general support to a joint levy increase, or the maximum that the total amount of property taxes can be raised.

Tax levies

Even that maximum amount remains in flux.

The St. Paul School District is still waiting to hear from the Minnesota Department of Education on what its maximum allowable levy increase can be. In addition to the regular levy, voters in the school district will see a question on their Nov. 4 ballot asking them whether to approve a special funding increase of $1,073 per pupil for 10 years, beginning with taxes payable in 2026.

If approved, the result will cost the owner of a St. Paul home with a median value of $289,200 an estimated $309 per year, or $26 per month. The 10-year tax is subject to increase with inflation.

 

(Kathryn Kovalenko / Pioneer Press)

Buffeted by rising costs, declining enrollment and state aid that has not kept pace with inflation, the district started the year with a $51 million budget deficit and is spending down reserves and cutting into programs to close the gap.

Meanwhile, the city of St. Paul is seeking a 5.3% levy increase and Ramsey County is seeking a 9.75% increase.

How much the city, county, school district gets

Out of every dollar collected from taxpayers, about 35 cents goes to Ramsey County, 33 cents goes to the city of St. Paul and 23 cents goes to St. Paul Public Schools.

Another nine cents goes to special taxing authorities like the Metropolitan Council, rail and watershed districts.

Trends impacting property taxes

Meeting as the joint property tax committee, the city, county and school district officials examined key trends impacting property taxes on Monday.

Among them:

Hiring freezes

To save costs, Ramsey County is looking to keep 43 open positions vacant, and St. Paul plans a similar hiring freeze for most of its open positions. St. Paul Public Schools eliminated more than 140 full-time positions as part of its 2026 budget that was approved in June. Without a cash infusion, the school district faces at least $37 million in cuts next year and every year going forward.

State, federal aid

State and federal aid. School district officials have said that if state funding for public schools kept pace with inflation over the past 20 years, the schools would be receiving another $50 million annually from the state. That hasn’t been the case, and federal funding looks even more uncertain. Reduced federal funding to cover the administrative costs of social services such as SNAP food aid and Medicare means the county likely will spend more in those areas.

Shifting property values

Commercial property values in St. Paul aren’t rising as fast as residential values, and property taxes next year will reflect that trend, which is especially evident when it comes to vacant office buildings trading hands for a steal in downtown St. Paul. Overall market value growth for St. Paul properties is around 1.5%, Mitchell said. St. Paul Mayor Melvin Carter’s budget proposal includes $5 million toward converting more downtown offices to residences, among other strategies to help stabilize downtown, but Ramsey County Commissioner Mai Chong Xiong called for even deeper investments to help improve the city and county tax base and take some tax burden off homeowners.

“You know, some of the investments in the downtown area seem minor and I think it requires a broader conversation around strategy for all of us at the table,” Xiong said, “because if we don’t expand that commercial base … (taxes) will continue to increase for residents. We just see the sheer makeup of our taxable market, and the majority of it is residents.”

Fewer child births

Committee members expressed concern about declining school district enrollment. Given demographic trends, the school district could enroll 5,000 to 10,000 fewer children in the next 10 to 15 years due to low child births alone. That in turn would add to financial stress for the district, which receives state funding per pupil. The shortfall could be passed along to property owners, who would be asked to pick up the slack through higher property taxes.

Tax-exempt land

Officials on Monday said there needs to be more discussion about how to grow the city and county’s tax base while recouping funds from non-taxable properties, which still rely on costly public services such as police and fire. About 14% of Ramsey County properties are off the tax rolls, and many of those properties are in St. Paul. That includes government buildings pertaining to the state, federal, city, county and school district, among other government jurisdictions, as well as parklands, hospitals, universities, museums and other major nonprofits.

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“I stand shoulder‑to‑shoulder with community groups demanding: fix the bridges — but don’t build a park‑spanning bypass. Instead, invest in highway capping, green buffers, clean transit service, and safe walking and biking paths.”

The Cross Bronx Expressway. (Michael Appleton/Mayoral Photography Office)

The Bronx has once again been offered a hollow promise: Gov. Kathy Hochul and the State Department of Transportation’s so‑called “Five Bridges Project” comes dressed as infrastructure repair, but it really doubles down on the Cross Bronx Expressway’s legacy of environmental injustice.

Officially billed as a $900 million effort to rehabilitate or replace five aging bridges between Boston Road and Rosedale Avenue, this one‑mile corridor project would also add a new elevated roadway over the Bronx River with four lanes, increasing highway capacity—not community access. 

In response, the Bronx River Alliance and the Stop the Cross Bronx Expansion coalition—joined by local nonprofits, schools, and residents—mobilized to reject the expansion plan, calling for a full environmental impact statement and community‑led alternatives instead.

This controversy resonates deeply with me: in November, I co‑signed letters alongside U,S, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio‑Cortez and NYS Assemblymember Emérita Torres demanding the state rethink the expansion and return to community‑first planning. I also publicly opposed elevated bypasses that echo Robert Moses‑era destruction—an insult to a borough still recovering from those wounds.

Yes: these bridges need repair. And yes: safety upgrades and better pedestrian, bicycle, and transit access are overdue. But widening the corridor and cementing more highway lanes won’t heal the Bronx—it will deepen the scar. We’ve lived this pattern before: zoning, dust, disruptions, air pollution. Countless families already can’t open windows due to lingering fumes; adding permanent traffic capacity only accelerates respiratory illness, noise, water runoff, and climate harm.

Despite NYSDOT’s public meetings in early June at the Bronx River Art Center, residents overwhelmingly say that state planners are offering no meaningful alternative, limited transparency, and no guarantees that highway connectors won’t erase trees, access points, or park views—especially along the Bronx River Greenway in Starlight Park.

I stand shoulder‑to‑shoulder with community groups demanding: fix the bridges—but don’t build a park‑spanning bypass. Instead, invest in highway capping, green buffers, clean transit service, and safe walking and biking paths. Bronxites have already pushed to cap the Cross Bronx with green space and pedestrian walkways on the portions of the roadway that sit below-grade — a safe and cost-effective way to reconnect neighborhoods and depollute the corridor.

In fact, in response to our community’s advocacy to cap the highway, NYC’s Department of Transportation funded the Reimagine the Cross Bronx study to identify forward-thinking improvements for the Cross Bronx and reverse the harms of Robert Moses’ racist urban planning. Nonetheless, NYSDOT is choosing to overlook our community’s priorities, disregarding the study’s findings in the design of the Five Bridges project.

As City Council Majority Leader, I respectfully call on Gov. Hochul to build on her previous leadership in rethinking infrastructure projects—like the important reconsideration of the LaGuardia AirTrain plan—and to bring that same commitment to this effort. It’s crucial to engage in genuine community-driven planning, support public alternatives for reconnecting neighborhoods, and uphold our state’s climate goals.

The Bronx is in a climate crisis. It’s time to lead on environmental justice, public health, and neighborhood resilience. Any project worth doing must elevate the voices who live here, not drown them under more concrete and added traffic.

We remain open to constructive partnership. But we will not stand by as our communities are sacrificed to an outdated highway agenda. We deserve infrastructure that respects health, connectivity, and equity—not a widened highway masquerading as progress.

Amanda Farías is the majority leader of the New York City Council where she represents the Bronx’s Council District 18.

The post Gov. Hochul’s Five Bridges Project Pours More Concrete into Bronx Wounds appeared first on City Limits.

A federal judge ordered the city of St. Paul to pay $1.7 million in attorneys fees after a jury found an officer used excessive force in fatally shooting a 29-year-old man.

The payment was on top of $3.25 million in compensatory damages and $1.5 million in punitive damage, plus interest. The city sent payment of more than $7.5 million last week.

Cordale Handy (Courtesy of Kimberly Handy-Jones)

Cordale Handy’s mother pursued the lawsuit, and her attorneys filed a notice in federal court on Monday that the city had paid the full amount.

The Handy case was a rare occasion of a lawsuit against the city of St. Paul in a shooting by an officer being heard by a jury — and it’s the largest amount that’s been awarded in a case involving the city of St. Paul. Other lawsuits have been dismissed before trial or ended in settlements negotiated between attorneys.

A $2 million settlement approved by the St. Paul City Council in 2017 had been the largest the city had agreed to. It was for a man who was hospitalized for two weeks after he was bit by a police dog and kicked by a St. Paul officer while he was unarmed and not the suspect police were looking for.

St. Paul is self insured, meaning the money comes out of the city’s budget. The city budgets annually for legal purposes and is also taking cost-saving measures this year to help cover the full cost of the payment, according to a spokesperson for the mayor.

For Handy’s mother, Kimberly Handy-Jones, “no matter how much money the city pays, it never brings back somebody’s child,” said attorney Paul Bosman, who represented her with attorney Kevin O’Connor.

It was a legal victory, “but it’s always a little hollow because you can’t pay for the loss of Cordale,” he added Monday.

St. Paul City Attorney Lyndsey Olson said the judge’s rulings surprised the city because they differed from the “earlier, well-reasoned decisions” of the original judge on the case.

“Recognizing the court’s broad discretion, both the city and the plaintiff have chosen to accept these rulings rather than prolong the matter with additional appeals,” she said in a statement.

1 of 2 officers found civilly liable

St. Paul Police officers Nathaniel Younce and Mikko Norman responded about 2:20 a.m. on March 15, 2017, to a 911 call about a female screaming in an apartment building in the 700 block of East Sixth Street in Dayton’s Bluff. Handy lived there with his girlfriend of 10 years.

Younce and Norman didn’t know before they shot Handy that he’d fired 16 gunshots at a couch in his apartment. He was seeing people who weren’t there and thought they were hiding in the apartment, his girlfriend testified during the first trial in the lawsuit.

A toxicology report showed Handy had a stimulant drug in his system known by the street name of “bath salts.” O’Connor, Handy-Jones’ attorney, told a jury in January that Handy had used marijuana or “Molly” and it was apparently laced with another drug, which caused him to not be “in his right state of mind.”

The officers encountered Handy outside the building. They reported they saw Handy fall down backward, lower his gun and raise it briefly toward Norman. The officers said Handy raised the gun toward Norman a second time, and the officers fired. The incident occurred out of view of security cameras, and the police department hadn’t yet rolled out body-worn cameras.

Handy’s girlfriend and a neighbor testified he did not point the gun.

The previous jury concluded Younce violated Handy’s constitutional rights and wrongfully caused his death. Norman fired just after Younce and jurors found him not civilly liable. An earlier investigation concluded they were not criminally responsible, and they were not charged.

2nd trial was over compensatory damages

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During the first civil trial in summer 2023, a jury decided the city of St. Paul should pay Handy’s family $1.5 million in punitive damages and $10 million in compensatory damages.

The city objected to the amount of compensatory damages and a federal judge who presided over the original case agreed.

Handy-Jones opted for another trial to decide compensatory damages, which was held in January. That jury decided on $3.25 million in compensatory damages.

Both officers left the St. Paul Police Department — Norman in 2021 and Younce in summer 2024.