Abby McCloskey: The gender wars are heating up — on the right

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More than half a million women left the labor force this year. Many are mothers with young children. It’s being called the next she-cession.

This may be a good thing to the extent that it reflects women’s preferences, such as wanting to spend more time with their families, or that it represents the improved ability of a partner to support a family on a single income.

It may be a bad thing to the extent that workplace policies (specifically the rollback of pandemic-era accommodations such as flexible work) make it harder for women to have a family alongside the career they trained for and desire to have.

But there’s a new theory in town: The fewer women in the workforce, the better. That argument — that working women are woke and will be the downfall of corporate America — is the subject of conservative commentator Helen Andrews’ viral essay, “The Great Feminization,” which is reverberating in conservative circles.

It seems that in response to the progressive left’s obsession with genders and sexual identities, the political right is toying with its own gender extremism. And it’s not just Andrews.

From the growing Republican ‘‘manosphere” to prominent Christian leaders such as Doug Wilson questioning women’s right to vote, the gender wars have seemingly moved to the right. For now, these ideas mostly live in the political intelligentsia and online far-right hubs. But poignant diagnoses have a way of trickling out, especially in times as uncertain as our own.

In her essay, Andrews asserts that as women have entered the workforce in larger numbers, there has been little benefit, only the introduction of so-called female vices, which she calls wokeness. “Everything you think of as wokeness involves prioritizing the feminine over the masculine: empathy over rationality, safety over risk, cohesion over competition,” Andrews argues.

Goodbye to the allegedly unbiased pursuit of truth and productivity of the “Mad Men” era. These virtues have fallen prey to the working women who are increasingly taking over male-dominated professions such as medicine, law, and academia. The result, she predicts, will be disastrous: “To be blunt, the rule of law will not survive the legal profession becoming majority female.”

I get why simple explanations are appealing in our complex and changing world. No one’s job seems safe from AI. It’s hard to support a family, even with two earners, let alone one. Cultural tripwires and division are everywhere, including in corporate America.

Tariffs aren’t rebuilding domestic manufacturing — quite the opposite — and healthy able-bodied men remain out of the labor force in historic numbers. Meanwhile, women are surpassing men in educational attainment and excelling in the service sector, although there is a consistent wage gap and leadership positions are held mostly by men.

A scapegoat to blame for our workplace and cultural woes would be convenient. It would suggest that our problems can easily be “fixed” by removing the already limited supports for working women and mothers in particular. Easy enough.

Andrews’ argument sparked an extensive and thoughtful conversation among many conservative thinkers and writers, including one between Andrews, New York Times columnist Ross Douthat and my friend Leah Sargeant from the Ethics and Public Policy Center, who wrote a compelling book arguing the opposite: how the workplace doesn’t yet accommodate women (or humans) enough, called “The Dignity of Dependence.”

They raised points including that professional settings dominated by women, such as pharmacies or veterinary clinics, are hardly more woke than industries dominated by men, such as management consulting and media. Or that men come with public vices, too; see the wars and bloodshed of masculine-dominated politics.

I, too, am unconvinced of Andrews’ conclusion, which the recent flight of women from the labor force itself contradicts. (Perhaps the labor force isn’t built by and for women after all!) But even more so because I believe in a different vision of what good looks like, and I’m suspicious when anyone elevates the virtues of one gender at the expense of the other.

Men and women can work together without attempting to either erase gender differences or over-emphasize them. We don’t need to exaggerate the virtues of one gender or the vices of another, or rail against “toxic masculinity” on the left or “female wokeness” on the right. We can recognize the power of men and women together instead of blaming one or the other for our cultural downfall.

Practically, we should be seeking a multitude of paths for both men and women to have fulfilling public and private lives. This may include keeping or introducing accommodations such as paid parental leave or flexible work and predictable scheduling that enable more parents, and especially mothers, to establish meaningful career paths while being with their children. Or finding ways for men to be more emotionally and financially attached to their families, instead of nearly a quarter of American mothers single-parenting — the largest share in the developed world, as Richard Reeves and others have written about.

And yes, we should wonder why women are leaving work — and not assume it’s for the best.

Abby McCloskey is a columnist, podcast host, and consultant. She directed domestic policy on two presidential campaigns and was director of economic policy at the American Enterprise Institute.

DC Mayor Bowser announces she won’t seek fourth term, as Trump’s federal intervention continues

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By GARY FIELDS, Associated Press

WASHINGTON (AP) — Muriel Bowser, the mayor of Washington D.C., announced on Tuesday that she will not be seeking re-election next year, a decision that came as she has had to confront a federal law enforcement intervention into her city launched by President Donald Trump.

Bowser announced her decision in a video posted to social media, where she did not mention Trump or directly address his steps against the city. She applauded the cooperation with residents to make the city a better place to live and called on them to “summon our collective strength to stand tall against bullies who threaten our very autonomy while preserving Home Rule. That is our North Star.”

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Bowser has served three terms since being first elected in 2015, none more tumultuous than the last year, when she found herself walking a fine line between staying in Trump’s good graces and responding to the concerns of constituents who said she should have pushed back more on actions taken by the president.

She was at the helm of a city that has long been reliant on the federal government. The district is granted autonomy through a limited home rule agreement passed in 1973, but federal political leaders retain significant control over local affairs, including the approval of the budget and laws passed by the D.C council.

The federal government involvement in local affairs hit another level in August when, after Trump issued an emergency order on Washington, D.C. that federalized the city’s police force and sent hundreds of National Guard troops there for what the administration called a crime-fighting mission. Although the emergency period has lapsed, the federal law enforcement presence is still in the city, along with National Guard members from the district and several states, despite legal action against the military deployment.

Bowser in many ways cooperated with the administration’s efforts, including having city workers clear homeless encampments and work more closely with federal immigration agents. She acknowledged that the intervention had helped reduce crime in the city, which was already on the decline, but also criticized the deployment of the National Guard, saying those resources would be better spent on other matters. She also said the city would not cooperate with immigration enforcement operations in the city.

She faced criticism from constituents and some in her council for not standing up stronger to the Trump, who has lauded the D.C. mission as a resounding success. The White House did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

The district, led by its attorney general, currently has a lawsuit against the administration, charging that the deployment of the National Guard is illegal. A federal judge sided with the city Nov. 20 and ordered that the deployment end. That decision is expected to be appealed. Another set of plaintiffs is challenging the federal surge and the roundups being conducted by the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

The mayor, a former city council member, also spent a large part of the year trying to get the House to release about $1 billion of the city’s funding that was frozen during battles over the federal budget. In addition, the city also bore the brunt of significant cuts to the federal workforce by the Department of Government Efficiency.

“For ten years, you and I have worked together on an ambitious agenda to restore faith in our government and ensure that every D.C. resident gets the fair shot they deserve,” she said in her announcement.

Bowser came under fire early this year when she announced that the “Black Lives Matter” plaza painted on the street one block from the White House would be removed in response to pressure from Republicans in Congress.

Bowser’s decision opens the door for a number of possible candidates, although at least two of them, D.C. Council members Robert White Jr. and Brooke Pinto, have already announced they are running for the district’s U.S. House delegate seat. Fellow council member Janesse Lewis George remains a potential candidate.

Matthew Dallek, a historian and professor of political management at George Washington University, said this past year has been one of the most intrusive and “heavy handed” in terms of the federal government’s involvement “in the day to day of the city’s politics and the city’s life. None of it is to make an excuse for Bowser” but the city’s lack of control over its own affairs has been clearly evident. Dallek called the moment “a pretty precarious time for the city.”

Wisconsin Supreme Court says 3-judge panels must decide congressional redistricting cases

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By SCOTT BAUER, Associated Press

MADISON, Wis. (AP) — The Wisconsin Supreme Court on Tuesday ordered a pair of three-judge panels to hear two lawsuits that argue the battleground state’s congressional maps must be redrawn because they unconstitutionally favor Republicans.

The court’s minority conservative justices blasted the creation of the three-judge panels as unimaginable political maneuvering designed to benefit Democrats. It’s unclear whether new districts could be ordered in time for the 2026 midterms as some Democrats want.

The court battle in Wisconsin is playing out amid a national redistricting battle as President Donald Trump is trying to preserve a slim Republican majority in the House in next year’s elections.

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Both of the pending redistricting cases in Wisconsin argue that the state’s congressional maps, first adopted in 2011, are an unconstitutional gerrymander favoring Republicans. Six of the state’s eight districts are currently held by Republicans.

Law firms that brought the pending cases in Wisconsin had argued over objections from Republicans that the cases should be heard by three-judge panels as required under a 2011 law passed by the GOP-controlled Legislature and signed by then-Gov. Scott Walker, a Republican. Any decisions of those panels can be appealed to the Wisconsin Supreme Court, which is controlled 4-3 by liberal justices.

The court’s rulings to proceed with the three-judge panels were 5-2, with conservative Justice Brian Hagedorn agreeing with liberal justices that the panels were appropriate. But Hagedorn objected to the court assigning the judges to hear the cases, saying a more neutral process should have been used.

“I am not suggesting the judicial panel will fail to do its job with integrity and impartiality,” Hagedorn wrote. “But this approach is an odd choice in the face of a statute so clearly designed to deter litigants from selecting their preferred venue and judge.”

One case will be heard by judges from Dane, Portage and Marathon counties. All three of the judges endorsed Justice Susan Crawford, the liberal candidate in this year’s Wisconsin Supreme Court race, and two of them were appointed by Democratic Gov. Tony Evers.

The other case will be heard by judges from Dane, Milwaukee and Outagamie counties. Two of the judges endorsed the liberal Crawford this year and the third was appointed by Evers.

The two dissenting conservative justices blasted the court’s ruling creating the panels.

“Hand picking circuit court judges to perform political maneuvering is unimaginable,” Justice Annette Ziegler wrote. “Yet, my colleagues persist and appear to do this, all in furtherance of delivering partisan, political advantage to the Democratic Party.”

The Supreme Court did not address the underlying arguments of the lawsuit, only the procedural question of whether the cases should first be heard by three-judge panels.

The lawsuits argue that the state’s current congressional district boundary lines are unconstitutional and need to be redrawn. One case was brought by a bipartisan coalition of business leaders and the other was filed on behalf of voters by the liberal Elias Law Group.

Abha Khanna, a partner with Elias Law Group, said the ruling was a “positive development” in the fight for new maps before the 2026 midterms.

Doug Poland, an attorney with Law Forward which represents the business group, said he looked forward to “delivering competitive congressional maps for the voters of Wisconsin,” but didn’t give a timeframe.

Wisconsin’s six Republican members of Congress also argued that two of the four liberal Wisconsin Supreme Court justices who accepted millions of dollars in campaign donations from the state Democratic Party should not participate in the cases. But both Crawford and Justice Janet Protasiewicz declined to step aside.

Republicans hold six of the state’s eight U.S. House seats, but only two of those districts are considered competitive. In 2010, the year before Republicans redrew the congressional maps, Democrats held five seats compared with three for Republicans.

The current congressional maps, which were based on the previous ones, were approved by the state Supreme Court when it was controlled by conservative judges. The U.S. Supreme Court in March 2022 declined to block them from taking effect.

Democrats are pushing to have the current maps redrawn in ways that would put two of the six seats currently held by Republicans into play. One they hope to flip is the western Wisconsin seat of Republican Rep. Derrick Van Orden, who won in 2022 after longtime Democratic Rep. Ron Kind retired. Van Orden won reelection in the 3rd District in 2024.

The other seat they are eyeing is southeastern Wisconsin’s 1st District, held by Republican Rep. Bryan Steil since 2019. The latest maps made that district more competitive while still favoring Republicans.

The cases are pending after the Wisconsin Supreme Court earlier this year refused to hear other congressional redistricting challenges.

Federal agency boosts size of most single-family loans the government can guarantee to $832,750

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By ALEX VEIGA, Associated Press

The Federal Housing Finance Agency is increasing the size of home loans that the government can guarantee against default as it takes into account rising housing prices.

Beginning next year, mortgage buyers Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac will be able to acquire loans of up to $832,750 on single-family homes in most of the country, the agency said Tuesday.

The new conforming loan limit is a 3.3% increase from its 2025 level.

FHFA oversees Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, which buy home loans from banks and other lenders, guaranteeing them against default. The loans are then bundled into securities sold to investors.

But FHFA sets limits to the size of the loans that Fannie and Freddie can buy. Such loans are known as conforming loans, while mortgages above the conforming loan limit are known as jumbo loans.

FHFA adjusts the limits of a confirming loan annually to reflect changes in U.S. home values, which have been rising this year, albeit more slowly.

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The U.S. housing market has been in a slump since 2022, when mortgage rates began climbing from historic lows. Sales of previously occupied U.S. homes sank last year to their lowest level in nearly 30 years.

Sales have remained sluggish this year, running essentially flat compared to last year through the first 10 months of 2025, even after getting a boost this fall as the average rate on a 30-year mortgage declined to its lowest level in more than a year.

The FHFA’s House Price Index showed that, on average, U.S. home prices climbed 3.3% in the July-September quarter compared to a year earlier.

The 2026 single-family home conforming loan limit will apply to most of the country, though the FHFA allows higher loan limits for certain states, such as Alaska and Hawaii, and in counties where the local median home value is more than double the conforming loan limit.

For example, the conforming loan limit for single-family homes in Los Angeles and New York counties will be $1,249,125 starting next year.