Men’s hockey: U.S. edges Canada in OT for first Olympic gold since 1980

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MILAN — No miracle needed. The United States is on top of the hockey world for the first time in nearly a half-century.

Jack Hughes scored in overtime and the U.S. defeated Canada 2-1 in the gold medal final at the Milan Cortina Olympics on Sunday to earn the nation’s third men’s title at the Games and its first since the “Miracle on Ice” on 1980 — 46 years to the day of the semifinals upset over the Soviet Union, too.

Unlike that ragtag group of college kids that pulled off one of the biggest shockers in sports history, the Americans in Milan were a machine that rode goaltender Connor Hellebuyck and a stacked roster full of NHL players through the tournament unbeaten.

Hughes’ goal off the rush off a pass from Zach Werenski 1:41 into 3-on-3 OT sent players into a wild celebration as Canada’s entire team watched from the bench. Werenski and Matthew Tkachuk carried a Johnny Gaudreau No. 13 jersey around the ice as the latest tribute to the beloved player who was killed along with his brother in 2024.

Gaudreau’s parents, Guy and Jay, his widow, Meredith, and their oldest children were in attendance. It was John Jr.’s second birthday.

Hellebuyck was by far the best player on the ice, stopping 41 of the 42 shots he faced as Canada tilted the ice toward him. He made the save of the tournament by getting his stick on the puck on a shot from Devon Toews in the third period, then minutes later denied Macklin Celebrini on a breakaway — something he also did to Connor McDavid earlier.

It was only fitting they needed to go through Canada, their northern neighbor that beat them at the 4 Nations Face-Off a year ago and has claimed hockey supremacy for quite some time, winning every international competition over the past 16 years that featured the world’s best players.

Not anymore.

Winning a fast-paced, riveting game that was full of big hits and plenty of post-whistle altercations, the U.S. got a goal from Wild winger Matt Boldy 6 minutes in and led until Cale Makar tied it late in the second period. Hellebuyck and the penalty kill was a perfect 18 for 18 at the Olympics.

The U.S. finally came through after generations of churning out talent from the grassroots level like a production line. All but two of the 25 players on the team went through USA Hockey’s National Team Development Program.

That group of 23 includes captain Auston Matthews, the top line of Brady and Matthew Tkachuk and Jack Eichel, and the second set of brothers, Jack and Quinn Hughes, the latter a Wild defenseman. Much of the team played together either at the program, under-18s, the world junior championship or some combination of them.

The U.S. winning silenced criticism of general manager Bill Guerin and his management group choosing a roster full of experienced veteran players to fill specific roles and leaving four of the top 10 American goal-scorers in the NHL this season at home. Some decisions were no-doubters, like coach Mike Sullivan giving the net to Hellebuyck, who was the best goalie in the tournament.

Canada, back-to-back Olympic champions in 2010 and ’14 and winners of three of the first five, fell short while playing without injured captain Sidney Crosby. The 38-year-old two-time gold medalist and three-time Stanley Cup champion left the quarterfinal game against Czechia and sat out the semifinal game against Finland.

McDavid, the widely considered best player in the world who wore the “C” in Crosby’s absence, suffered another devastating defeat on the doorstep of a title. He and the Edmonton Oilers have lost to Matthew Tkachuk and the Florida Panthers in the Stanley Cup Final each of the past two years.

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Jack Hughes scores in overtime as United States beats Canada for gold at the Olympics

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MILAN (AP) — No miracle needed. The United States is on top of the hockey world for the first time in nearly a half-century.

Jack Hughes scored 1:41 into overtime and the U.S. defeated Canada 2-1 in the gold medal final at the Milan Cortina Olympics on Sunday, claiming the nation’s third men’s title at the Games and its first since the “Miracle on Ice” on 1980.

Unlike that ragtag group of college kids that pulled off one of the biggest upsets in sports history 46 years ago by knocking off the heavily favored Soviet Union, the Americans in Milan were a machine that rode goaltender Connor Hellebuyck and a stacked roster full of NHL players through the tournament unbeaten.

Hellebuyck was by far the best player on the ice, stopping 41 of the 42 shots he faced as Canada tilted the ice toward him. He made the save of the tournament by getting his stick on the puck on a shot from Devon Toews in the third period, then minutes later denied Macklin Celebrini on a breakaway — something he also did to Connor McDavid earlier.

It was only fitting they needed to go through Canada, their northern neighbor that beat them at the 4 Nations Face-Off a year ago and has claimed hockey supremacy for quite some time, winning every international competition over the past 16 years that featured the world’s best players.

Not anymore.

Jack Hughes (86) of Team United States scores the game winning goal against Connor McDavid (97) and Jordan Binnington of Team Canada in overtime during the Men’s Gold Medal match between Canada and the United States on the final day of the Milano Cortina 2026 Winter Olympic games at Milano Santagiulia Ice Hockey Arena on February 22, 2026 in Milan, Italy. (Photo by Bruce Bennett/Getty Images)

Winning a fast-paced, riveting game that was full of big hits and plenty of post-whistle altercations, the U.S. got a goal from Matt Boldy 6 minutes in and led until Cale Makar tied it late in the second period. Hellebuyck and the penalty kill was a perfect 18 for 18 at the Olympics.

The U.S. finally came through after generations of churning out talent from the grassroots level like a production line. All but two of the 25 players on the team went through USA Hockey’s National Team Development Program.

That group of 23 includes captain Auston Matthews, the top line of Brady and Matthew Tkachuk and Jack Eichel, and the second set of brothers, Jack and Quinn Hughes. Much of the team played together either at the program, under-18s, the world junior championship or some combination of them.

The U.S. winning silenced criticism of general manager Bill Guerin and his management group choosing a roster full of experienced veteran players to fill specific roles and leaving four of the top 10 American goal-scorers in the NHL this season at home. Some decisions were no-doubters, like coach Mike Sullivan giving the net to Hellebuyck, who was the best goalie in the tournament.

Canada, back-to-back Olympic champions in 2010 and ’14 and winners of three of the first five, fell short while playing without injured captain Sidney Crosby. The 38-year-old two-time gold medalist and three-time Stanley Cup champion left the quarterfinal game against Czechia and sat out the semifinal game against Finland.

McDavid, the widely considered best player in the world who wore the “C” in Crosby’s absence, suffered another devastating defeat on the doorstep of a title. He and the Edmonton Oilers have lost to Matthew Tkachuk and the Florida Panthers in the Stanley Cup Final each of the past two years.

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‘American Soul’ author explains how Black history shapes US cuisine

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Anela Malik worked as a diplomat before becoming a storyteller about Black food history — and much more. She hosts the web series, “Our Block,” about Black businesses and local heroes, organizes global travel and is the writer and content creator behind the website formerly called Feed the Malik.

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She’s also the author of “American Soul: The Black History of Food in the United States” (National Geographic, $40), which traces the history of Black foodways in the U.S. from the first documented arrival of African peoples to a North American settlement in 1619 to today. The book, which came out in September, emphasizes just how deeply Black food history is American food history.

During slavery, Africans’ agricultural and culinary work formed the backbone of the colonial economy, and food and water access were used as tools of control, she explains. African foods like millet, rice, yams, black-eyed peas, avocados, eggplant, peanuts and many more were brought across the Atlantic with enslaved people.

The slave trade also transformed sugar from a rare luxury good to an affordable commodity, and enabled the immense wealth that shaped American cuisine, allowing rich enslavers to try out agricultural and culinary experiments, train chefs and staff, and import expensive ingredients.

For example, George Washington’s enslaved workers maintained an ice house that enabled him to serve cold treats even during the summer, and his enslaved chef, Hercules Posey, was one of the country’s first celebrity chefs.

And James Hemings, an enslaved chef at Thomas Jefferson’s plantation in Monticello, trained as a pastry chef in France while Jefferson was there and was probably one of the best-trained chefs in America at the time. He helped to popularize macaroni and cheese, then a well-known dish in Paris.

In the North, many great early American caterers were Black tastemakers and culinary trendsetters. For example, Thomas Downing, the freeborn son of enslaved parents, started the Thomas Downing Oyster House, a fine-dining oyster restaurant that was also a stop on the Underground Railroad.

After the Civil War, many jobs available to Black peoples involved work in agriculture, food service or domestic work — roles with deep ties to food systems. In the West, Black peoples had a major impact in shaping the livestock industry: It’s estimated that Black peoples made up about a quarter of the cowboys working on cattle drives and ranches, Malik writes.

“American Soul: The Black History of Food in the United States” by Anela Malik and Renae Wilson (National Geographic, $40) is available in bookstores and online now. (Courtesy Andrea Pippins)

In the 1920s, the Harlem Renaissance made Harlem a hub for Black food and culture. Black chefs were also a core part of the Civil Rights Movement: In the 1950s, Georgia Gilmore and other Black women created the Club From Nowhere, a group that sold food during the Montgomery bus boycotts to help fund the boycott, supporting the carpool system needed to keep the boycott going and feeding people whose extended commutes left them less time to cook.

In the 1960s and ’70s, the Black Panther Party provided free breakfast to schoolchildren in Oakland, helping address community food insecurity.

But Malik’s book doesn’t end in the past. She identifies many contemporary leaders and influencers in the culinary world who continue to shape Black foodways: people like Bryant Terry, former chef in residence at the Museum of the African Diaspora in San Francisco, whose work focuses on food justice; and Pierre Thiam, a renowned Senegalese chef based in Oakland, who leads efforts to popularize fonio, a drought-resistant West African grain, among many other leaders today.

In “American Soul,” Anela Malik identifies Bryant Terry, former chef in residence at the Museum of the African Diaspora in San Francisco, as an important Black culinary leader. In the photo, Bryant poses with his book, “Black Food,” at his studio in Oakland on Oct. 8, 2021. (Ray Chavez/Bay Area News Group)

Malik took a break from Arabic classes in Oman to chat with The Mercury News. Responses have been edited for length and clarity.

Q: Tell me a little bit about your background and how you got into this work, exploring the Black history of food in America.

A: I was a U.S. diplomat in another life, and my focus was primarily on the Middle East and Arabic. That’s what I studied. That’s why I got a master’s degree in. Then I got the job and did the things. And then I quit.

I had been exploring food in the Middle East primarily as a way to connect with people and get out of the expat bubble. I’d spent tens of thousands of dollars learning Arabic and wanted to actually use it instead of just going to French and Italian restaurants. I had been telling stories about food in that way.

After I left the Foreign Service, I was exploring and documenting food in D.C. and food in America. I thought I would try storytelling on social media and see what happened. If that didn’t work, I planned to get a job in a restaurant, because through high school, undergrad and grad school, I had always worked in restaurants.

And so I started telling stories about food and culture, food and history, food as something more than just food, on social media. Eventually, this book project came about, and then I spent three years in rooms talking to people and reading about and researching Black foodways. Ultimately, where I’ve landed is that food is a universal language in the same way that music is.

Even now, I’m in Oman, and there are a few elements that anyone can relate to, even if they don’t quite understand the ingredients, or maybe the words. That’s my approach now: food as this living memory, a living history as both a cultural and historical item at the same time.

Q: You cover so many different parts of Black American history in your book. How did you go about trying to capture all of that in one space?

A: There’s absolutely no way to capture everything, but I tried to set up the book as a starting point. There are going to be people who are left out, and there are going to be historical moments that are left out. That’s just the nature of a history that’s so long. Black people have been in North America for a very long time. My approach was to take a semi-historical approach, to walk people through major moments and movements.

Of course, we cover enslavement and the deep entwinement of Black peoples in the agricultural space during that period. But then there’s a section in the book on early American and colonial economies, because these imported ingredients and food trends at that time were really Frenchified. We wouldn’t have that if there weren’t immense wealth generated by enslavers to import ingredients and to send their enslaved chefs for training in France.

And then we talk about things like the Great Migration and the movement of peoples. My approach was to give people historical references that they might have heard in other contexts, and then complicate them — because it is a complicated story.

Q: What were some surprising or interesting parts of your research?

A: Some of the best moments for me and the most resonant were the interviews I conducted with chefs, people working in the food space today, or with people working in food media today, because so many of them have parallels to the stories that are told in the historical parts of the book. It’s one thing to research the Great Migration, and then it’s another thing to ask how did most of my favorite Black chefs in New York land with their families in New York?

Take someone like Cheryl Day, who is such a force in Southern baking. She moved back to Savannah after her family had migrated to the West Coast. Today, L.A.’s barbecue scene is so very Black. But why is that? Because of the Great Migration.

Q: Where does the Bay Area fit into this history? You mention the Black Panther Party’s breakfast program.

A: The book definitely talks about food as an integral part of these social justice movements in many ways. The Breakfast Program is one. Another is Georgia Gilmore and the Club From Nowhere and the Montgomery Bus Boycott, and how integral food was to support that boycott.

There are historical movements that are not really food-focused: They’re focused on changing the underlying structure of our society. But over and over again, we see food either used as a tool, or food folks — so chefs, bakers, home cooks, etc. — stepping up to support those movements, which is what we still see today.

In every city, when there’s a crisis, the first people who are either feeding people or raising money, they’re usually people who work in the local professional food space. Hospitality people are hospitable. I think that’s often part of their core being.

Q: You talk in the book about how Black history is so much bigger than just Black History Month. But we’re putting this story together for Black History Month. Is there a particular historical moment you share in the book that you wish more people were aware of?

A: National holidays and Black History Month, I think, are nudges to us as consumers and citizens to pay attention. Black history in the United States right now is so contentious. And not just Black history, but so many marginalized histories are being battled over, in school boards and online and in book clubs.

Instead of pointing readers to a particular historical moment or even a particular story in the book, I would urge them to consider that all of this history in this book continues today, and the exploitation and marginalization and violence committed against Black and Indigenous and all these other peoples continue today.

We’re in a historical moment where it’s very out in the open, and it’s up to us to have the hard conversations to combat that. So rather than point them to like a particular historical moment, I would say that maybe the moment is at the dinner table with your cousin, and maybe the right moment would be not just Black History Month, but forever.

Q: Anything else you’d like to highlight or share?

A: There’s so much of our history that we are not taught or are not aware of for a myriad of reasons. But Black history is American history, undeniably.  At times, it can be uncomfortable, but the discomfort is what we learn from.

I think there is an urge to just look at the Martin Luther Kings of the world, through the framing of his nicest, most polite quotes, when in fact, it’s much more complicated and much broader. “American Soul” is an attempt to look at a sampling of that.

There are so many people throughout the country who are doing this work. Many of them are in the book, which is why I deliberately wanted to include a more forward-looking section. I think it’s very important for people to consciously diversify what they’re consuming, and sometimes to be challenged by what they see or listen to or hear or watch. And so this book stands in a long line of people who have done this work, but they’re not all historical figures. Many of them are alive and doing it today, and many of them are in the book.

Details: “American Soul: The Black History of Food in the United States,” by Anela Malik and Renae Wilson (National Geographic, $40) was published Sept. 9, 2025. Learn more at anelamalik.com or follow her on Instagram at @theanelamalik.

Immigrant surge helped boost GOP states’ population, and they may gain US House seats as a result

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By Tim Henderson, Stateline.org

The millions of immigrants who have crossed the border with Mexico since 2020 could change the balance of political power in Congress — but in a way likely to boost Republican states that emphasize border security, at the expense of more welcoming Democratic states.

That’s because many of the new immigrants joined state-to-state movers gravitating to the fast-growing conservative strongholds of Florida and Texas, boosting those states’ populations. California and New York also had large influxes from the border but ended up losing population anyway.

The vastly different population changes threaten to scramble the Electoral College map.

California and other Democratic states lost immigration-related population gains when residents moved away during the COVID-19 pandemic or while seeking jobs and housing. Where did those state-to-state movers go? Florida and Texas, in large measure.

Republicans have long accused Democrats of encouraging immigration for their electoral benefit.

But the shift is likely to help Republican-leaning states in the next decade: The Constitution allocates congressional representation by population — including noncitizens. Every 10 years, the country counts its people and then shuffles the number of U.S. House seats given to each state.

In presidential elections, each state has the same number of electoral votes as it does congressional representatives.

Several experts contacted by Stateline agreed that after the next decennial census in 2030, California is likely to lose four seats in the U.S. House of Representatives. Texas is likely to gain four.

Adam Kincaid, president and executive director of the GOP-founded American Redistricting Project, said the changes could dramatically alter the Electoral College map, with the Midwest no longer a “blue wall” against Republican presidential victories if the region loses three seats, by his calculation.

On the plus side for Democrats, he said, immigration helped stem population losses in many blue states.

But it’s hard to predict the next five years, Kincaid said. Housing is expensive and hard to get in states such as California and New York, he noted, while also blaming Democratic “policies that drive where people want to live.”

“I don’t think anybody rationally expects Florida and Texas to grow as rapidly through the decade as they did during COVID,” Kincaid said. “We’ll all be wrong. These are only forecasts and things will change.”

House seats

Three forecasts for 2030 — one provided to Stateline by Jonathan Cervas, an assistant teaching professor at Carnegie Mellon University; one from Kincaid’s American Redistricting Project; and one from William Frey, a demographer at The Brookings Institution — all show Democratic states in the Northeast and West losing House seats while fast-growing, mostly Republican states in the South and West gain seats.

In addition to the representation changes in California and Texas, Florida would gain either three or four seats in the U.S. House, depending on the forecast, while Illinois and New York each would lose either one or two seats.

Other possible gains would go to Arizona, Georgia, Idaho, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Tennessee and Utah, depending on the forecast. Minnesota, Oregon, Rhode Island and Wisconsin might lose seats.

The forecasts were developed from new census population estimates that attempt to show where millions of border migrants went since 2020, based on court records showing ZIP codes of residence.

Florida, Texas and California each got around a million immigrants, many from the border surge of 2022-2024. But California’s gain was offset by 1.7 million people moving away to other states, including Texas, while Florida and Texas gained from both immigration and state-to-state movers.

Similarly, New York gained 750,000 people from immigration but lost 1.1 million as New Yorkers moved out of state.

Party leaders are paying close attention to the details.

Republican states could gain more seats in the U.S. House after decennial redistricting in 2030, assuming heavily Republican states like Florida and Texas remain that way. More people are moving to those states, including immigrants and state-to-state movers from Democratic states.

The new census estimates show the lion’s share of new immigration since 2020 going to Florida, Texas, California, New York and New Jersey. Hundreds of thousands of migrants also went to other states, including Illinois, Massachusetts, Georgia, North Carolina and Washington.

It’s likely that many of the migrants who landed in California and New York ended up moving to Texas and Florida, where there were more jobs and affordable housing available.

The largest single state-to-state migration flow between 2022 and 2024 — about 171,000 people — was from California to Texas, according to a Stateline analysis of a separate Census Bureau release. There was another large flow, of about 122,000 people, from New York to Florida.

The February state population estimates, delayed from their usual release in December by the government shutdown in October, also used court records to adjust immigration numbers. The U.S. Census Bureau located millions of asylum-seekers, parolees and other “humanitarian migrants” who entered the country between 2022 and 2024 based on the ZIP codes they provided to immigration courts.

That’s a change from 2024 estimates, when the Census Bureau added humanitarian migrants to the total but assumed they had gone to places with historically high immigration.

“That assumption was convenient but implausible,” said Jed Kolko, an economist and undersecretary for economic affairs at the U.S. Department of Commerce during the Biden administration.

But as it turned out, Kolko added, “The humanitarian migrants were more likely to come over the border and then settle in places anecdotally known for providing services, like New York City and Denver.”

The result of sharpening the picture with court records: Some states got more immigration added for 2020-24 (130,000 for New York, 32,000 for Colorado, 30,000 for Texas), and some had it subtracted (104,000 fewer for Florida, 70,000 for California, 39,000 for Michigan) in comparison with older estimates.

Five years and beyond

With border crossings from Mexico at their lowest level in 50 years in fiscal 2025, it’s hard to chart the next five years and predict 2030 population, which will ultimately decide House representation.

Adding to the uncertainty is the unprecedented nature of the stress on population since 2020: pandemic restrictions and dislocations, followed by large-scale immigration during a labor shortage, a clamping down at the border late in the Biden administration, and then President Donald Trump’s mass deportation plan that was just ramping up in mid-2025.

Frey, the Brookings Institution demographer, agreed that “the second half of the decade could be wildly different from the first half,” noting that state-to-state moves and immigration both dropped off between 2024 and 2025. That diminishes both of the drivers of Southern state population growth.

“My guess is, if this continues, Texas and Florida would benefit less in Electoral College gains,” Frey said. If immigration remains sharply curtailed, Texas could gain only three seats and California could lose only three, he said.

The overall trend would still see fast-growing, mostly Republican states getting more congressional representation, Frey said. But with lower immigration, “the contrast in red-blue state reallocation is still there but not as sharp as before.”

State demographers in Florida and Texas say they’re uncertain about what kind of growth the states might see in the next five years.

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Florida estimates its own population using electricity usage to gauge the number of new residents, which shows more recent growth in the past couple of years than the Census Bureau does, said Richard Doty, a research demographer with the state Bureau of Economic and Business Research at the University of Florida.

In the coming years, Florida growth could stall for various reasons, including higher housing prices and high insurance costs from recent storms.

“Florida is no longer the bargain it once was,” Doty said. “The cost of housing in particular is driving young people and retirees to other states.”

In Texas, the large drop in immigration between 2024 and 2025 — down almost 50% from about 355,000 to 167,000 — will curb future growth, said Texas State Demographer Lloyd Potter.

“If we look at next year, I think we’re going to see immigration to the United States take a very significant decline, and then that’s obviously going to affect Texas because immigration is such a big part of our population change,” Potter said.

That will likely extend to legal immigrants, such as the tech workers on high-skill visas who have moved to Texas cities and suburbs, he said.

“There’s a tendency for potential immigrants, legal immigrants, to perhaps be a little more reticent now, given what seems to be happening in terms of immigration enforcement in the United States,” Potter said.

Stateline reporter Tim Henderson can be reached at thenderson@stateline.org.

©2026 States Newsroom. Visit at stateline.org. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.