Rafael Salamanca, currently a councilman and chair of the Council’s powerful Land Use Committee, is challenging the incumbent borough president, Vanessa Gibson. Several dynamics make this a race worth watching.

Current Borough President Vanessa Gibson, right. Her challenger, City Councilmember Rafael Salamanca, right. (Flickr/Office of the Bronx Borough President, William Alatriste/NYC Council Media Unit)

This analysis is part of a series exploring the role of the Latino vote in the city’s 2025 municipal elections. Read more about it here.

With all eyes on the race for the mayoralty, fewer New York City voters have yet glanced north to the Bronx, where a rumble of its own is shaping up. Rafael Salamanca, currently a councilman and chair of the Council’s powerful Land Use Committee, is challenging the incumbent borough president, Vanessa Gibson. Several dynamics make this a race worth watching.

Having won office four years ago, Gibson has one term left. Taking on an incumbent, who in this case is fairly well liked across the Bronx, does not happen often. But Salamanca has made the bold move, and might actually give Gibson a run for her money.

As a councilman with years of experience under his belt, Salamanca is no ordinary insurgent. Not only does he bring to the race the claim of city legislative experience (which Gibson has as well, from her previous Council experience and her current borough presidential role), he also comes to the race having raised a whopping $653,987, double the amount the incumbent Gibson has. At least in terms of fundraising, Salamanca clearly has not been hampered by the typical insurgent woes.

The chart above shows that Gibson has received over $184,557 more than Salamanca in public matching money. Yet Salamanca’s massive fundraising haul in private donations, and a lower spend up to this point in the campaign, has left him with a $300,000-plus spending advantage heading into the last six weeks of the race. At least when it comes to money, Salamanca has an edge.

But money isn’t everything, at least not in this race. Salamanca is taking on a well-liked incumbent in Gibson. She has the backing of the Bronx Democratic Party, the powerful union 1199, the Working Families Party, and numerous elected officials (many of whom are Latino) across the Bronx. For most insurgents, taking on an incumbent with this level of support usually spells trouble. Can Salamanca defy the odds?

He has certainly removed the usual fundraising advantage that most incumbents enjoy. But what about other factors? Does Salamanca have a path given that the Bronx is the only Latino-majority borough? According to the most recent voter file, Latinos comprise 46 percent of all registered Bronx Democrats. The next largest group, based on excellent data from the firm L2,  is Black voters at 35 percent.

This may seem to suggest an advantage for Salamanca. However, things are a bit more complicated in the Bronx for anyone considering the Latino vote as an exclusive path to victory (this is not to say that this is Salamanca’s strategy). For one, the Latino vote alone is not enough to give any candidate the win. Moreover, Latino voting participation in the Bronx, as in other places, lags behind other groups.

Let’s take a look at numbers from the last municipal election in the Bronx in 2021, when Gibson was first elected as borough president.

Several elements are important to understand here. First, only 20 percent of eligible Bronx voters came out to the polls in the 2021 election. In Manhattan, 34 percent of eligible voters went to the polls. In Brooklyn, it was 29 percent. Similar rates applied in Queens and Staten Island. The Bronx is the borough with the lowest voting participation rates in the city—for reasons I won’t address here.

Moreover, not only is voting participation low borough-wide, it’s particularly low among Latinos. Only 15 percent of eligible Latino Democratic voters participated in the 2021 election. By comparison, 24 percent of eligible Black voters went to the polls, as did 29 percent of (the considerably fewer) eligible white voters.

When it comes to Latino voting participation the question remains: What is holding Latinos back from participating in elections? Unfortunately, many Latino elected officials in the borough are neglecting to engage the question.

All this notwithstanding, Salamanca will need to win the lion’s share of the Latino vote to make this a competitive race. If Gibson manages to pull enough Latinos to her column, which is not impossible for her to do, Salamanca will have a very long night on election day.

If this race comes down to voters making choices by fealty to race and ethnicity, my eyes will be glued to results in neighborhoods that are mostly non-Black and Latino. Almost half of these voters are in Riverdale, where a key Gibson supporter, Assemblyman Jeffrey Dinowitz, has his base.

Another 21 percent of these voters reside in Morris Park, City Island, and Pelham Bay, areas represented by another Gibson backer, Assemblyman Michael Benedetto. Both Dinowitz and Benedetto have long been party stalwarts, and their support for Gibson will be critical in this race. In addition to pulling out the Latino vote, Salamanca’s chances will depend on how many of these voters he’ll be able to convince.

Clearly much is at stake for both candidates. Gibson is the only incumbent borough president facing a serious challenge. And Salamanca aspires to be the fifth Latino borough president of the Condado de la Salsa. One thing is for sure: with fewer than six weeks to go, this rumble in the Bronx will become more contentious before it is over.

Eli Valentin is a former Gotham Gazette contributor and currently serves as assistant dean of graduate and leadership studies at Virginia Union University. He lives in New York with his family.

The post A New Rumble in the Bronx: Battle for the Borough Presidency appeared first on City Limits.

By MATTHEW LEE, LORNE COOK and SUZAN FRASER

ANTALYA, Turkey (AP) — NATO foreign ministers on Thursday debated an American demand to massively ramp up defense investment to 5% of gross domestic product over the next seven years, as the U.S. focuses on security challenges outside of Europe.

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At talks in Antalya, Turkey, NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte said that more investment and military equipment are needed to deal with the threat posed by Russia and terrorism, but also by China which has become the focus of U.S. concern.

“When it comes to the core defense spending, we need to do much, much more,” Rutte told reporters. He underlined that once the war in Ukraine is over, Russia could reconstitute its armed forces within three to five years.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio underlined that “the alliance is only as strong as its weakest link.” He insisted that the U.S. investment demand is about “spending money on the capabilities that are needed for the threats of the 21st century.”

The debate on defense spending is heating up ahead of a summit of U.S. President Donald Trump and his NATO counterparts in the Netherlands on June 24-25. It’s a high-level gathering that will set the course for future European security, including that of Ukraine.

In 2023, as Russia’s full-scale war on Ukraine entered its second year, NATO leaders agreed to spend at least 2% of GDP on national defense budgets. So far, 22 of the 32 member countries have done so.

The new spending plan under consideration is for all allies to aim for 3.5% of GDP on their defense budgets by 2032, plus an extra 1.5% on potentially defense-related things like infrastructure — roads, bridges, airports and seaports.

While the two figures add up to 5%, factoring in infrastructure and cybersecurity would change the basis on which NATO traditionally calculates defense spending. The seven-year time frame is also short by the alliance’s usual standards.

NATO foreign ministers pose for a group photo during their informal meeting in Antalya, southern Turkey, Thursday, May 15, 2025. (AP Photo/Khalil Hamra)

Rutte refused to confirm the numbers under consideration, but he acknowledged the importance of including infrastructure in the equation, “for example to make sure that bridges, yes, are there for you and me to drive our cars but also if necessary to make sure that the bridge will hold a tank. So all these expenditures have to be taken into account.”

But he didn’t signal any progress on narrowing the numbers down after the meeting, which came as Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy waited, apparently in vain, in the Turkish capital Ankara for Russian President President Vladimir to hold face-to-face talks on ending their 3-year-old war.

It’s difficult to see how many members would reach a new 3.5% goal. Belgium, Canada, Croatia, Italy, Luxembourg, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovenia and Spain are not even spending 2% yet, although Spain does expect to reach that goal in 2025, a year past the deadline.

The U.S. demand would require investment at an unprecedented scale, but Trump has cast doubt over whether the U.S. would defend allies that spend too little, and this remains an incentive to do more, even as European allies realize that they must match the threat posed by Russia.

Europe-wide, industry leaders and experts have pointed out challenges the continent must overcome to be a truly self-sufficient military power, chiefly its decades-long reliance on the U.S. as well as its fragmented defense industry.

“There is a lot at stake for us,” Lithuanian Foreign Minister Kęstutis Budrys said. He urged his NATO partners to meet the investment goals faster than the 2032 target “because we see the tempo and the speed, how Russia generates its forces now as we speak.”

British Foreign Secretary David Lammy said his country should reach 2.5% by 2027, and then 3% by the next U.K. elections planned for 2029.

Turkey’s Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, center, talks to British Foreign Secretary David Lammy, right, next to Germany’s Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul, left, as they wait for a group photo during a NATO’s informal meeting of foreign ministers in Antalya, southern Turkey, Thursday, May 15, 2025. (AP Photo/Khalil Hamra)

“It’s hugely important that we recommit to Europe’s defense and that we step up alongside our U.S. partners in this challenging geopolitical moment where there are so many precious across the world, and particularly in the Indo-Pacific,” he said.

As an organization, NATO plays no direct security role in Asia, and it remains unclear what demands the Trump administration might make of the allies as it turns its attention to China. The last NATO security operation outside the Euro-Atlantic area, its 18-year stay in Afghanistan, ended in chaos.

Asked after the meeting about whether the next summit communique will underline that still Russia poses the greatest threat to all NATO allies, Rutte refused to be drawn: “We will see what is the best way to play that,” he said.

Question marks also hang over the way the leaders will frame NATO’s commitment to Ukraine. The war there has dominated recent summits, with envoys struggling to find language that would further anchor the country to the alliance without actually allowing it to join.

But this year, the United States has taken Ukraine’s membership off the table. Trump has shown impatience with Zelenskyy and remains unclear whether he will be invited to the meeting in The Hague.

Cook reported from Brussels, and Fraser from Ankara, Turkey.

This year’s Preakness Stakes will be the last time it’s run at Pimlico Race Course before the track undergoes massive renovations. While the race won’t feature the Kentucky Derby winner, it will pay out as large a purse as the course has ever seen.

Here’s everything you need to know about the second jewel of the Triple Crown:

When is the Preakness Stakes?

The first races begin at 10:30 a.m. on Saturday and run well into the evening. The post time for the main event, the Preakness Stakes, which is the penultimate race, is approximately 6:50 p.m. It’s a full day of horse racing broadcast on NBC and streamed on Peacock.

How are Preakness horses chosen?

In most cases, the Kentucky Derby winner will enter the field for a shot at the coveted Triple Crown. That won’t be the case this year, with Sovereignty bowing out of this year’s Preakness for fear of too tight a turnaround time.

The post position draw takes place Monday, so we’ll know that evening what this year’s field looks like. But generally speaking, the Preakness Stakes is limited to 14 horses, all based on performances in recent major prep races, including but not limited to the Derby.

How much money does the winner get?

The total purse this year is $2 million, tying the Pimlico Race Course record set in 2024. Standard protocol is 60% goes to the winner and the rest is divided among second-through-fifth-place finishers. The horse’s owner will take home the biggest chunk, shelling out a portion to trainers and jockeys. (Imagine what a horse would buy with all that cash.)

How did the Preakness start?

In the summer of 1868, a group of horse owners gathered for dinner in Saratoga Springs, New York, after a full day of races. They had such a good time (relatable) that John Hunter proposed they run a commemorative horse race in the fall of 1870. It would be for 3-year-old thoroughbreds and they’d call it the Dinner Party Stakes. Genius. Oden Bowie, Maryland’s post-Civil War governor, encouraged they put $15,000 on the line and have his home state host. He even promised to build a new racetrack, which would become Pimlico. The winner of the inaugural Dinner Party Stakes? A horse named Preakness.

How long is the Preakness?

There are two answers to this. The Preakness runs from about 9 a.m. until shortly after 7 p.m. But the Preakness Stakes, the specific race folks travel in from all over the world to see, takes about two minutes. The race in Baltimore is the shortest of the Triple Crown at 1 3/16 of a mile, a tad shorter than the Kentucky Derby’s 1 1/4-mile race.

Churchill Downs president Matt Winn is credited with coining the phrase, “The Most Exciting Two Minutes in Sports.”

Who are the most recent winners of the Preakness?

Seize the Grey won in 2024. The year before was National Treasure, then Early Voting (2022), Rombauer (2021), Swiss Skydive (2020), War of Will (2019) and Justify (2018). Justify is the last horse to win the Triple Crown, racing for trainer Bob Baffert, a two-time Triple Crown winner and the all-time leader in Preakness Stakes wins (8).

What horse holds the record for the fastest time at the Preakness?

In 1973, Secretariat won the Preakness Stakes in 1:53 (part of a Triple Crown that set course records at all three major races). The timer on that fateful May day clocked Secretariat at 1:55, a second shy of the then-record. It wasn’t until June 19, 2012, when the Maryland Race Commission, having reviewed witness accounts, three-plus hours of personal testimony and 21st-century technology, retroactively awarded Secretariat the record.

https://www.baltimoresun.com/2025/05/12/preakness-2025-redirect/

What is this year’s entertainment?

Event organizers are bypassing the traditional infield concert and instead featuring a redesigned stage viewable from the grandstand. The new setup will be in the open space north of the cupola, beneath the LED board, rather than facing the infield crowd.

The new “Infield Fan Zone,” which includes unlimited beer and wine, will be hosted by Ravens legend Ray Lewis. The design can accommodate approximately 3,000 spectators within a 22,000-square-foot covered tent.

T-Pain and Wyclef Jean will headline the entertainment. The Grammy winners’ trackside performances on Saturday will anchor a slimmed-down version of Preakness’ typical race-day entertainment. T-Pain will take the stage immediately after the final race. It will be the “Buy U A Drank” singer’s third time performing in Baltimore in recent years. Jean will “perform a multi-song live set, including one of his greatest hits” that will also be included in the national NBC broadcast.

Is this the last Preakness at Pimlico?

Sort of. Pimlico is set to receive a massive overhaul soon after the Preakness. Upgrades to the track are expected to cost $400 million, paid by state bonds, and will be ready to host the Preakness in May 2027. The second jewel of the Triple Crown will relocate to nearby Laurel Park in 2026 while the new facility is built.

Demolition of the track and its adjoining structures is expected to begin later this month. The oval track at Pimlico will not be rotated or moved from its current alignment during the renovations.

What’s a Black-Eyed Susan?

A plant, a horse race and a cocktail — the big three.

The Rudbeckia hirta — the plant’s scientific name — resembles a sunflower with its bright-yellow petals. It’s the official state flower of Maryland. The horse race is for 3-year-old fillies on Friday, a prelude to the Preakness. The cocktail — which is consumed in great quantities every third weekend of May — is equal parts bourbon, vodka and peach schnapps. It has orange juice, sour mix, an orange slice and cherry for garnish.

What do people wear to the Preakness?

Generally, something fun. Something that you wouldn’t wear any other day of the year. Something with colors that can be seen from outer space.

Preakness patrons lean into monochromatic pastel tones with bold silhouettes. Horse racing is known for its eccentric hats that look more like a sculpture on your head. Comfortable dress shoes are a worthwhile gamble, accenting the tone of the outfit with the rationale of a day spent walking around (sometimes through mud).

So, wear something crazy then watch it take up space in your closet until next year.

How’s the weather looking for the Preakness?

Saturday’s forecast is mostly sunny with a high near 89 degrees and a 50% chance of showers, according to the National Weather Service. There is a chance of thunderstorms.

Recent Preakness winners

2024: Seize the Grey

2023: National Treasure

2022: Early Voting

2021: Rombauer

2020: Swiss Skydiver

2019: War of Will

2018: Justify

2017: Cloud Computing

2016: Exaggerator

2015: American Pharoah

2014: California Chrome

2013: Oxbow

2012: I’ll Have Another

2011: Shackleford

2010: Lookin At Lucky

2009: Rachel Alexandra

2008: Big Brown

2007: Curlin

2006: Bernardini

2005: Afleet Alex

2004: Smarty Jones

2003: Funny Cide

2002: War Emblem

2001: Point Given

2000: Red Bullet

Have a news tip? Contact Sam Cohn at scohn@baltsun.com, 410-332-6200 and x.com/samdcohn.

By MELISSA GOLDIN

President Donald Trump incorrectly placed the blame for high prescription drug prices in the U.S. on foreign nations, making the comments Monday when signing an executive order intended to lower their cost.

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The order sets a 30-day deadline for drugmakers to electively lower prices in the U.S. or face new limits in the future over what the government will pay. If favorable deals are not reached, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. will be tasked with developing a new rule that ties prices the U.S. pays for medications to lower prices paid by other countries.

Here’s a closer look at the facts.

CLAIM: “We were subsidizing others’ healthcare, the countries where they pay a small fraction of what — for the same drug that what we pay, many, many times more for, and will no longer tolerate profiteering and price gouging from Big Pharma. But again, it was really the countries that forced Big Pharma to do things that frankly, I’m not sure they really felt comfortable doing. But they’ve gotten away with it, these countries. European Union has been brutal, brutal.”

THE FACTS: This is misleading. Prices for most prescription drugs — unbranded generics are the exception — are higher in the U.S. than they are in other high-income countries. But, experts say, it is in large part the way drug prices are negotiated in the U.S. that drives up costs.

“There are structural differences in the way that we price drugs in the United States and in the way that other developed, industrialized countries price drugs,” said Mariana Socal, an associate professor of health policy and management at the Johns Hopkins University who studies the U.S. pharmaceutical market. “And those differences really are the ones that account for these differences in price that we see at the end of the day.”

A 2024 report published by the RAND research organization found, using 2022 data, that prices in the U.S. were 2.78 times higher than those in 33 comparable countries across all drugs. Brand-name drugs represented the largest gap. The U.S. made up 62% of sales out of $989 billion of total drug spending among the countries studied, according to the report, but only 24% of volume.

According to experts, drug companies in the U.S. are generally able to price medications higher in the U.S. because the country’s drug market operates as a fragmented system where companies negotiate with individual insurers or pharmacy benefit managers, commonly known as PBMs. Many countries with lower costs have one regulatory agency that negotiates prices on behalf of the entire population, a significant bargaining chip given that drug companies can’t divide and conquer as they can in the U.S. If a regulator walks away, the company loses out on profits entirely — in other words, something is better than nothing.

“Anything you can do to kind of bring more bargaining power to the table against the drug companies by making a decision for more beneficiaries, or more patients, that’s going to put more downward pressure on drug prices,” said Courtney Yarbrough, an assistant professor of health policy and management at Emory University.

As it stands, drug costs in the U.S. and other countries are not directly linked, though they can affect each other. Trump’s executive order establishes a “most favored nation” pricing model should drugmakers not voluntarily lower costs. This means that the U.S. would peg the cost of prescription drugs to the lowest prices in comparably developed countries. It’s unclear what — if any — impact the order will have on millions of Americans who have private health insurance. The federal government has the most power to shape the price it pays for drugs covered by Medicare and Medicaid.

But the U.S. paying less for prescription drugs doesn’t mean other countries will automatically pay more. For example, Yarbrough explained that instead of agreeing to higher prices, other countries could simply enter into secret arrangements for increased discounts and then hide what they actually pay.

“We’re not in a static global pharmaceutical market,” she said.

Manufacturers, wholesalers, PBMs and other members of the supply chain also have a motivation to maximize profits, not lower costs for consumers. In this spirit, manufacturers often use patents to make it impossible for cheaper versions of drugs to come to market. Although he repeatedly defended pharmaceutical companies at Monday’s news conference, Trump simultaneously threatened the companies with federal investigations into their practices.

“There are no saints in this industry, these are all for-profit companies,” said Geoffrey Joyce, director of health policy at the University of Southern California’s Schaeffer Center. “Their incentives are all wrong. Everybody makes more money off of higher list prices, so they just push list prices up.”

Find AP Fact Checks here: https://apnews.com/APFactCheck.