James Stavridis: Ukraine just got $61 billion. Here’s what it should buy

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Now that the House of Representatives, acting in an unusually bipartisan way, finally passed a $61 billion aid package for Ukraine, the big question is what the Ukrainians should spend it on.

This aid comes not a minute too soon. Russia has been gathering momentum both on the ground and in the air, threatening a summer offensive that could crack the Ukrainians’ lines and threaten their major cities. These include Kharkiv — the major city nearest to the Russian border — and possibly Kyiv itself, forcing the government of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy out of the capital.

Central Intelligence Agency Director William Burns, a former ambassador to Russia, understands Russian President Vladimir Putin well. Burns said last week that unless the new tranche of U.S. aid was forthcoming, Ukraine was in danger of losing the war within the year. But he also said, “with the boost that would come from military assistance, both practically and psychologically, the Ukrainians are entirely capable of holding their own through 2024 and puncture Putin’s arrogant view that time is on his side.”

So, with the $61 billion of “forgivable loans” approved this week by the Senate and White House, what are Ukraine’s most crucial needs? How fast can the pipeline move more weapons and ammunition into the hands of Kyiv’s brave, overachieving military?

The good news is that both the U.S. and European defense establishments have been primed for this moment over the past months. My successor as supreme allied commander at the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, General Chris Cavoli, has said that it is largely a matter of turning on the spigot once President Joe Biden signs the aid bill. Cavoli’s vast command — eight full battlegroups in Eastern Europe alone — is poised to swing fully into action to deliver assistance.

Fortunately, nearly 90% of money for Ukraine will be spent on purchases from the U.S. defense industrial base. This means that procurement and logistics should run relatively smoothly down well-trodden paths. Storehouses in Europe — run by U.S. European Command and our NATO partners in Germany, Poland and other sites in Eastern Europe — are already full of weapons, particularly artillery shells, that could move quickly into Ukrainian hands.

At the top of the list will be replenishing Ukraine’s air defenses.

This means more surface-to-air missiles, ranging from the smaller systems like the National Advanced Surface-to-Air System (NASAMS) and the MIM-23 HAWK systems, to the big Patriot batteries that proved so effective in defending Israel during the Iranian air attack earlier this month. The Patriots and even larger Terminal High Altitude Defense systems (THAAD) can defend against Russian cruise and ballistic missiles over broader areas. These systems will protect not only civilians and critical infrastructure like the electric grid, but will be useful against Russian aircraft.

Next on the shopping list will be artillery ammunition.

All along the hundreds of miles of battlefront separating the combatants, daily artillery duels are being fought. Russia is getting the better of the Ukrainians through sheer volume of fire. As in World War I, defensive trenches can help hold off the waves of cannon-fodder foot soldiers the Russians use (including many conscripts and convicts), but their artillery can pin down and ultimately overcome the dug-in Ukrainians. The most pressing need for the Ukrainian artillery is millions of traditional 155 millimeter howitzer rounds, alongside ammo for smaller-caliber guns.

Ukraine will also want to use the funds to help finally get the 45 or so F-16 fighters previously promised by the West into the skies.

These versatile combat aircraft are capable of solid air-to-air defense against Russian fighters and bombers; pinpoint air-to-ground attacks against Russian troops in the field and in their trenches; and electronic warfare and jamming that can deceive and defeat Russian cruise missiles. Ukrainian pilots have been training for months to fly them.

Another high priority will be long-range surface-to-surface missiles.

The U.S. Army’s High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS) is mobile and lethal. It can use precise targeting data at ranges of 50-plus miles, and has been deployed with great effect on the Ukrainian battlefield. Even better is the Army Tactical Missile System (ATACMS), a ballistic weapon with ranges of 150-plus miles. Both can strike behind Russian front lines and destroy logistics centers and command-and-control hubs, notably in Crimea.

The war in Ukraine has also become the first lengthy conflict in which drones are playing a major role.

Unmanned aerial vehicles have been crucial for the Ukrainians in stopping Russian advances. These drones rely on exquisite command and control — much of it provided over the internet and connected to constellations of satellites. This may be less glamorous than ballistic missiles flying toward Crimea and fighters swooping down on Russian forces, but it is just as critical. The U.S. loan package could allow the Ukrainians to field a stronger offensive drone force with commensurate cybersecurity abilities.

Given that this $61 billion is under 7% of the massive U.S. defense budget, it represents excellent return on investment for U.S. taxpayers. Nearly all of the money will be spent back in the U.S., providing jobs and helping the economy, and it will help decimate the military capability of an aggressive dictator without putting a single U.S. service member at risk. These funds, along with the billions of dollars the European allies have already provided and pledged (in total military and economic assistance, the Europeans have given far more aid to Ukraine than the U.S.), give Ukraine a fighting chance.

In 1941, UK Prime Minister Winston Churchill said to the U.S., “Give us the tools and we will finish the job,” referring to defeating Nazi Germany. Today, another rapacious foe is attacking a sovereign European state and seeking to undermine Western values globally. Putin must be stopped, and with the right set of tools provided by the U.S. and Europe together, Ukraine too can do the job.

James Stavridis is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist, a retired U.S. Navy admiral, former supreme allied commander of NATO, and dean emeritus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University. Stavridis is also vice chairman of global affairs at the Carlyle Group. He is on the boards of Fortinet, NFP, Ankura Consulting Group and Neuberger Berman, and has advised Shield Capital, a firm that invests in the cybersecurity sector.

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Unlocking the perfect wine: Experts share tips to bringing the right wine for any occasion

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Choosing a bottle of wine can be a stressful task. Especially when that wine is meant for someone else.

If you’re daunted by trying to decide what wine to bring to a party, the perfect bottle for a hard-to-please mother-in-law or something to entice a prospective paramour, consider some tried-and-tested tips from Chicago wine experts.

Surefire party hits

When selecting a wine to bring to a party, Chasity Cooper, a communications strategist and wine and culture writer, turns to trusted favorites.

“Pinot noir from Oregon always delivers,” says Cooper, who recently published the “Wine Convo Generator,” a mix-and-match guide to describing wines like a sommelier. You’ll find pinot noir with this “twist of brightness” from cool-climate regions such as the Willamette Valley, she says. It’s an effortless, juicy choice that appeals to both novice wine drinkers as well as connoisseurs, whether you’re at a dinner party or a summer cookout, Cooper explains.

For a go-to white wine, “it’s fine to keep hanging out in sauvignon blanc or pinot grigio-land,” Cooper says. But if you’re looking for something “a bit more next level” Cooper likes to nudge friends out of their comfort zone with less ubiquitous varieties such as albariño, chenin blanc or torrontes. They’re friendly, unpretentious wines that are dry in style and refreshingly fruity, but with an added boost of texture, aroma and flavors.

Jonas Bittencourt, general manager and wine director of John’s Food and Wine in Lincoln Park, says “a magnum of wine should be the default move for anyone showing up at a party.”

Magnums, equivalent to two standard 750-millimeter bottles, instantly electrify the vibe of a party. “The bigger the bottle, the cooler you’ll look,” Bittencourt says with a laugh. And while large-format bottles might look grandiose, many offer surprising bang for your buck.

Bittencourt often turns to magnums of Muscadet, the dry, mineral whites made from melon de Bourgogne in the Loire Valley. Compared with a similarly well-made Sancerre or white Burgundy, “a magnum of Muscadet seems dirt cheap,” Bittencourt explains. “Muscadet is so bright and fresh, it matches the acidity and fruit that people look for in pinot grigio, sauvignon blanc or chardonnay,” he says, but with a liveliness of character that’s distinct.

For reds, Bittencourt suggests Beaujolais. Produced just south of Burgundy in France, gamay from Beaujolais “is such a fleshy red, it’s so versatile and fun,” Bittencourt says. As a bonus, even a magnum-sized Beaujolais is likely cheaper than a standard bottle of similar quality wine from Burgundy.

What to bring when the pressure’s on

Choosing wine can be especially intimidating when there’s someone specific to impress. After all, what will charm the sister-in-law who stubbornly drinks only one specific wine? What will dazzle an oenophile who has a cellar full of wine and a whole lot more money than you?

For the hard-to-please wine drinkers in your life, don’t fight their resistance, Bittencourt says. “Always give people what they want,” he says. Still, that doesn’t mean you can’t bring a second bottle to tempt someone out of a rut. The key is to approach the resistance with openness, he says. For the Anything-But-Chardonnay diehard, Bittencourt will oblige, but he’s also likely to offer a sneaky sip of Chablis. Yes, it’s also a chard, but a striking contrast to the sappy oak bombs that most ABC’ers fear. “Just don’t tell them what they’re drinking because the barrier of preconceived notions is really strong,” he says.

When you’re buying wine for a wine snob who already owns all the wines they love, forget about trying to compete, both Cooper and Bittencourt suggest. Instead, “I’m going funky, I’m going fun,” Cooper says, introducing a wine she’s sure the recipient would never encounter on their own. Even veteran wine drinkers appreciate discovering new wines or hearing unique stories about the people and places that produce unusual or lesser-known bottlings. For someone who drinks only big-name, Bordeaux-style wines, Cooper might suggest similar wines from a small, family-owned producer in Washington or California, or wines focused on an underdog grape of Bordeaux, such as cabernet franc.

For an established Barolo collector, for example, focus away from cost-prohibitive icons such as Bruno Giacosa, Bittencourt says. Instead, introduce them to a Barolo producer that’s out of the mainstream. “Small producers like Cascina Fontana are really important in the region, but not everyone knows about them still.”

Wines to woo

If selecting a wine to reel in a new flame, Bittencourt suggests leading with emotions. Sharing wines that are close to your own heart, in Bittencourt’s case, Champagne or Burgundy, can communicate volumes. “Plus, they’re wines that make me the happiest,” he says, and they make it easier to navigate those intimate, vulnerable moments.

With a new date, “I like to showcase a bit of my personality and playfulness,” says Cooper, who suggests seduction via a progression of wines. Cooper starts with something unexpected and unusual, “like a really beautiful orange wine,” she says, referring to the amber-hued, aromatic whites made with extended skin contact like red wines.

“I might follow that with something bold and charismatic, like me” she says, “an aglianico (the powerful red wines of southern Italy) instead of a more expected choice like cabernet sauvignon.”

“Then, I’d seal the deal with a really great dessert wine, maybe a vintage fortified wine like Port,” Cooper suggests.

Above all, spending more than you can afford is never the answer to these conundrums, both Cooper and Bittencourt advise. This is why developing relationships with trusty salespeople, usually from small, independent wine retailers can be such an asset. “Be honest about your budget,” Bittencourt says, and take time to tell them about who you’re buying wine for, their sense of humor, their routine and quirks, he says.

After all, wine isn’t just about filling glasses, you might get a chance to fill hearts too.

Party pleasers

Brooks Willamette Valley Pinot Noir

Oregon pinot noir highlights fresh, juicy raspberry and red-cherry flavors offset by spice and thirst-quenching acidity. Cooper recommends this easy-drinking but elegant pinot from Brooks, a family winery in the Willamette Valley known for its commitment to biodynamic and sustainable wine growing.

$29 at Binny’s, multiple locations, binnys.com

Wade Cellars Chenin Blanc

For those who love the richness of chardonnay but also the verve and tropical fruit of sauvignon blanc, chenin blanc is a clever alternative. Chenin blanc originates from the Loire Valley in France, but versions from California or South Africa have a sun-kissed brightness ideal for parties. This collaboration between NBA Hall of Famer Dwyane Wade and Napa’s Jayson Pahlmeyer is one of Cooper’s favorites.

$20 at Binny’s, multiple locations, binnys.com

California Carboniste Modern Sparkling Wine Extra Brut Albarino

Spanish albariño, a blossomy dry white with mouthwatering grapefruit acidity, is an invigorating choice for parties. Cooper likes this all-American innovation, an organically grown California sparkling albariño bottled with a party-ready crown-cap closure.

$30 at Binny’s, multiple locations, binnys.com

Jo Landron Muscadet Le Fief du Breil (1.5 liter)

Muscadet is such a zingy, thirst-quenching wine, even a magnum may not last long at a party. “It just has this unbelievable energy, who wouldn’t want that?” says Bittencourt of this biodynamically grown wine from one of Muscadet’s pioneering natural wine producers.

$88 (plus shipping) from Wine Chateau, winechateau.com

Alex Foillard Beaujolais 2020 Côte de Brouilly (1.5 liter)

Bright-fruited and versatile whether chilled in ice at a picnic or passed around at a BYOB dim sum affair, Beaujolais fits in with nearly any crowd. Magnums from top producers such as M. & C. Lapierre, Clos de la Roilette or Chateau Thivin are widely distributed to retail stores at affordable prices, but Bittencourt is particularly fond of this powerful gamay from Alex Foillard, son of the famed Gang of Four producer, Jean Foillard.

$93 at Verve Wine, 2349 N. Lincoln Ave., 773-904-8536, chi.vervewine.com

Wines to impress:

Cascina Fontana Barolo

Cascina Fontana Barolo (E. Jason Wambsgans/Chicago Tribune)

If it’s within your price range, Bittencourt recommends Cascina Fontana’s Barolo as an outperforming wine priced at a fraction of the better-known Barolo. The producer’s bottlings of the same grape, nebbiolo, from neighboring appellations to Barolo like Langhe, or other Piedmontese varieties such as Barbera d’Alba or Dolcetto d’Alba, can be even more wallet-friendly options.

$90 at Eataly, 43 E. Ohio St., 312-521-8700, chicago.eatalyvino.com

Lang & Reed North Coast Cabernet Franc

The Napa Valley isn’t known for small production, mom-and-pop wineries these days, or underdog varieties like cabernet franc. This is why Cooper recommends this fruity but spry, subtly smoky red made by two former sommeliers who named their winery after their sons, Lang and Reed.

$28 at Binny’s, multiple locations, binnys.com

Wines to woo:

Famille Moussé L’Anecdote Brut Nature Champagne

“I’m obsessed with these wines,” Bittencourt says of this 100% chardonnay, or blanc de blancs sparkling, made by a family that has been growing grapes in Champagne since 1750. While Champagne can be admittedly a splurge, it’s the kind of wine that expresses Bittencourt’s enthusiasm and passion, he says.

$90 at Schaefer’s, 9965 Gross Point Road, Skokie, schaefers.com

The Vice Wine Brooklynite Orange

The Vice Wine Brooklynite Orange (E. Jason Wambsgans/Chicago Tribune)

Cooper discovered this intensely floral orange wine made from gewürztraminer during a visit to The Vice, the Napa Valley winery owned by Malek Amrani, a Moroccan-born triathlete. It’s the kind of wine that’s seductive, spicy and “tells such a cool story” too, she says.

$29 at Fresh Market, 2134 N. Western Ave., 773-904-3000

Taylor Fladgate 2004 Quinta de Vargellas Vintage Port

Vintage ports aren’t made every year, instead, they’re a time capsule of a single vintage deemed outstanding enough to be a “declared” vintage. Fortified wines can be a spry alternative to a heavy dessert and Cooper says this bottling from one of Taylor Fladgate’s flagship vineyards is sure to “knock some socks off.”

$46 at Chevalier Fine Wines, 474 W. Wrightwood Ave., Elmhurst, 847-975-4300, chevalierwines.com

Anna Lee Iijima is a freelance writer.

Trump is having a bad week. Will it matter in the election?

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By Noah Bierman, Los Angeles Times

WASHINGTON — Former President Donald Trump’s tough week showed as well as any to date why he is facing a new and unprecedented reality as a presidential candidate — as he ping-ponged among a dizzying array of court appearances, judicial rulings, competing allegations and subsequent grievances.

By Thursday, he was complaining about the overlap in his busy legal schedule, railing that Judge Juan M. Merchan, who is presiding over his hush-money case in New York, wouldn’t let him leave that trial to attend a Supreme Court hearing in Washington, D.C., over whether he can face criminal prosecution for trying to overturn the 2020 election. That decision also could affect Trump’s classified-documents case in Florida.

“I should be there!” Trump fumed about the Supreme Court. “He wouldn’t allow it to happen. He puts himself above the Supreme Court.”

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Most of the week, Trump sat in Merchan’s Manhattan courtroom as former National Enquirer Publisher David Pecker testified. Pecker, a key witness in the 34 felony counts of falsifying business records, helped prosecutors outline the alleged conspiracy that involved using the tabloid to kill negative stories about Trump and covering up payments during the 2016 campaign.

A trial break Wednesday might have offered a reprieve for Trump. Instead, it was full of more action against the former president. Trump was identified as a co-conspirator in two states: Michigan, during a pretrial hearing involving a group of “fake electors” who were charged as part of an election subversion scheme; and Arizona, where some of Trump’s closest allies were charged in yet another plot to overturn the election using fake electors.

That indictment hit close to Trump because it included Mark Meadows, his former chief of staff, and Rudy Giuliani, the former New York mayor who became Trump’s political fixer and confidant.

It didn’t end there. By the time Trump got back to court on Thursday, prosecutors alleged that his attempts to spin perceptions about his Manhattan case — including calling Pecker “a nice guy” — violated the gag order because he was trying to sway a potentially harmful witness.

To cap it off, a federal judge in New York rejected Trump’s attempt to throw out an $83.3-million civil defamation judgment for E. Jean Carroll, a former magazine columnist who accused Trump of raping her in a department store in the 1990s. A jury ruled Trump defamed Carroll by denying her sexual-abuse allegations.

Will it matter in the election? Trump appeared unharmed during the presidential primary, with many Republican voters either dismissing the charges as a distraction or agreeing with Trump that he was being persecuted for upending the establishment.

In interviews last week with voters in Arizona, a key swing state, one supporter dismissed the fury around Trump’s actions on Jan. 6, 2021, as overblown. Other supporters and potential supporters said their concerns about the economy and immigration and frustration with President Biden were more important than anything else.

But a poll released Wednesday had some data that might concern Trump’s campaign. Six in 10 voters said the charges in the Manhattan case — considered the weakest of the four indictments against the former president — were either very serious or somewhat serious, according to a Quinnipiac University poll of registered voters.

Just under half of those polled said Trump did something illegal, while more than a quarter said it was unethical but not illegal.

Most voters said a conviction would not influence their vote. But a sizable minority — including 5% of Trump voters — said they would be less likely to vote for Trump if he is found guilty.

That may not seem like much, and some of those voters could change their minds. But in an election that both sides expect to be close, even a relatively small number of lost votes could matter.

“Any slice of 2% to 3% of people who will be persuaded matters,” said David Paleologos, a pollster and director of the Suffolk University Political Research Center in Boston.

There’s also an opportunity cost, as Trump is losing time to get out in front of swing-state voters.

“The only way a week like this is reversed is if he has a positive outcome in one of his trials,” Paleologos said.

For Trump, a positive result could include not only an outright win but also a ruling by the Supreme Court that delays one or more of his trials until after the election, allowing him to further scuttle or quash the proceedings if he becomes president again.

“It’s one thing to be tied up in court a week and then win,” Paleologos said. “And it’s another to have lost all of that time and lose.”

©2024 Los Angeles Times. Visit at latimes.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

Holdout states consider expanding Medicaid — with work requirements

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By Shalina Chatlani, Stateline.org

In Humphreys County, Mississippi — about 70 miles north of the state capital, in the heart of the fertile Delta region — a third of the residents live in poverty. In Belzoni, the county seat, there are just a handful of health care clinics. The town’s only major hospital closed more than a decade ago, around the same time its catfish industry collapsed.

Jobs in the area are scarce, said Wardell Walton, who was mayor of Belzoni from 2005 to 2013. But even if there were jobs, he said, a lot of Belzoni residents wouldn’t be able to get to them — they don’t own cars, and there is no public transportation.

Many people in Belzoni, and Humphreys County, would get free health care coverage if the state expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act. But for a decade, Mississippi and nine other states have declined to do so. Republican opponents have long derided expansion as a government handout. They also have warned that the federal government would someday renege on its promise to cover nearly all of it.

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Now there is growing momentum in deep-red Mississippi and several other holdout states to shift course, with many GOP lawmakers swayed by the prospect of giving a financial infusion to struggling rural hospitals.

But they support expanding Medicaid on one condition: that enrollees get a job.

Medicaid is a joint program run by states and the U.S. government, and the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services has to sign off on specific rules. That includes requiring recipients to work.

The Biden administration has repeatedly refused to give states permission to impose work requirements, and it has rescinded approvals granted by its predecessor. However, the prospect of a second Trump administration, which almost certainly would allow work rules, has sparked renewed GOP interest in Medicaid expansion.

“We all feel like politically and as an incentive to get Mississippians back to work, that it’s important to be in the bill,” said Mississippi Republican state Rep. Sam Creekmore, who chairs the House’s public health committee. Creekmore noted that Gov. Tate Reeves, a Republican, is still opposed to expansion. “If we’re going to have a veto-proof bill or a bill that can override a veto, the work requirement is going to have to be in there.”

Some states that already have expanded Medicaid, including Arkansas, Idaho and Louisiana, also are considering adding work requirements.

Meanwhile, some Democrats in holdout states see work rules as way to finally get expansion over the finish line. And if a second Biden administration strips them out later on, all the better.

But Walton cautions that in places like Humphreys County, a work requirement might prevent Medicaid expansion from being much help at all.

“I know it would not be effective for this community if it’s a requirement,” Walton said. “Here, if you don’t have a job, you cannot even afford the gas — even if you have a vehicle to travel.”

Coverage gap

The Affordable Care Act, enacted in 2010 and also known as Obamacare, included a requirement that states expand Medicaid to cover all adults with low incomes up to 138% of the federal poverty level (about $20,780 for an individual) instead of limiting it to parents of young children and people with disabilities.

But in 2012, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that Medicaid expansion was optional for states. Since then, the District of Columbia and 40 states have expanded the program; other states have not.

Mississippi and the other nine holdouts have resisted substantial financial incentives. The federal government covers from 50% to nearly 78% of the cost for people enrolled in traditional Medicaid, depending on a state’s per capita income. The federal share for the expansion population is 90%.

If every holdout state fully expanded Medicaid under the ACA, nearly 3 million uninsured adults would get coverage.

In Kansas, Mississippi and Wyoming, some lawmakers are pushing for work requirements as part of a full-fledged expansion, triggering the 90% match. Other non-expansion states, including Georgia and South Carolina, have asked the federal government to allow them to include work requirements in something less than a full expansion under the ACA. (States can make more people eligible for Medicaid, but if they don’t expand it to everyone making 138% of the poverty level, they don’t get the full 90% match.)

The idea of imposing a work requirement on Medicaid enrollees is not new: The Trump administration approved 13 states’ requests to do so. But the Biden administration and the courts rescinded those approvals, and now only Georgia, which is fighting the administration in court, has a strict work rule for any of its Medicaid enrollees.

Even without actual requirements, 60% of non-disabled, non-elderly Medicaid recipients work either full or part time, according to KFF, a health care research organization.

Joan Alker, executive director of Georgetown University’s Center for Children and Families, said the problem with work requirements largely is one of paperwork: Many Medicaid recipients who work struggle with the administrative burden of proving it, causing them to lose their coverage.

“Work requirements don’t work,” Alker told Stateline. “If you want to support people working, you are much better off helping them address their health problems that may be preventing them from working.”

Mississippi middle ground?

In Mississippi, Rep. Creekmore laments that his state’s failure to expand Medicaid means it is leaving billions of federal dollars on the table — money that would help support struggling rural hospitals by providing health insurance to about 123,000 people. Creekmore represents several rural counties with small hospitals.

For many conservatives, however, opposition to Medicaid expansion is fundamental, a function of their antipathy toward former President Barack Obama and welfare in general.

Gov. Reeves is one of them. He has pledged to veto any expansion bill, and last month he reiterated his opposition on X, formerly known as Twitter. “Our country is going broke, and he wants to add millions more to the welfare rolls,” Reeves wrote after President Joe Biden’s State of the Union speech. “We have to stand strong in Mississippi! NO Obamacare Medicaid expansion!”

In February, the Mississippi House approved bipartisan legislation that would fully expand Medicaid under the ACA, with a work requirement of 20 hours a week. However, the bill states that expansion would happen even if federal officials rejected the work rule. And Medicaid recipients would be allowed to meet the work rule by being full-time students or participating in workforce training.

Alker said the Mississippi House bill “builds in different pathways to get to the end result.”

“There’s lots of ways to think about the intersection of Medicaid and work,” she said. “So, they just built in flexibility to the bill, so that they can negotiate and get at the end of the day access to that extra federal funding and give people health care.”

Mississippi Democratic state Rep. Zakiya Summers, who co-authored the bill with Republican colleagues, said “the goal would be that we could get people better so that they actually can work.” Summers noted that even if the Biden administration rejected the work requirement, Mississippi could seek approval from a GOP administration later on.

But last month, the state Senate approved an amended version with expansion only up to 100% of the federal poverty level, and a provision that Mississippi would only implement the limited expansion following federal approval of a work requirement.

Now Mississippi lawmakers are trying to find middle ground, knowing that they need a bill that can garner a veto-proof majority.

In Belzoni, Walton, who is a Democrat, wants the state to expand Medicaid to its fullest without any work requirements. But he said people in Humphreys County could live with the flexible requirements in the House expansion bill.

“I could go along with that,” he said. “And I think that will be more acceptable in these rural areas.”

Resistance in Kansas

In Kansas, another holdout state, Democratic Gov. Laura Kelly is pushing a full-fledged Medicaid expansion bill that includes work requirements, designed to win the approval of the Republican-dominated legislature. It would cover an estimated 152,000 Kansans.

At a news conference last month, Kelly emphasized that expansion would help Kansas hospitals in danger of closing.

“At this point, any legislator standing in the way of Medicaid expansion is going against a commonsense, fiscally responsible proposal that benefits their constituents, their hospitals, their businesses, their community and our entire state,” Kelly said.

“I don’t know how many more hospitals, health clinics and emergency rooms must close before we expand Medicaid in Kansas,” she added. “The answer should be zero.”

But Kansas House Speaker Dan Hawkins, a Republican, remains fiercely opposed. At a town hall meeting last week, Hawkins called Kelly’s plan “smoke and mirrors,” according to the Kansas Reflector.

“We don’t want to make a huge mistake,” Hawkins said. “Medicaid expansion is a huge mistake.”

And in Wyoming, Republican state Sen. Cale Case, who supports expansion, said in an interview that he doesn’t think work requirements are enough to win approval — even with the possibility of another Trump administration. Case represents Fremont County, which is about to get a new hospital. He also represents much of the Wind River Indian Reservation, which has a poverty rate of 22.6%, twice the statewide rate.

“My colleagues refuse to accept the basic proposition that this would benefit our rural health care system,” Case said. “They actually think it would hurt our rural health care system and they are wrong. They’re blatantly wrong.”

Stateline is part of States Newsroom, a national nonprofit news organization focused on state policy.

©2024 States Newsroom. Visit at stateline.org. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.