The Camden Yards applause rose in a crescendo when the scoreboard screen showed Maryland Gov. Wes Moore pumping his fist and Orioles Chairman and CEO John Angelos clapping to celebrate a stadium deal described as keeping the Orioles in Baltimore “for at least the next 30 years!!”

There hasn’t been so much as a chirp since from leading state Democrats, particularly those who may have to grapple in the next General Assembly session with a proposal to make additional funds available to the team.

Political experts say few in his own party may be ready to publicly question Moore — a dynamic new governor with many powers regarding state spending and decision-making — over the terms of the arrangement with Angelos, although a Republican legislative leader is expressing concerns.

The deal became public during a Sept. 28 game, when a hastily arranged announcement appeared as a scoreboard message and the display cut to a feed from the owner’s box showing the governor and Angelos. The text of the celebratory message failed to convey that there was no lease, only a nonbinding “memorandum of understanding.”

Treasurer Dereck Davis, Comptroller Brooke Lierman and Senate President Bill Ferguson — all Democrats who previously had spoken forcefully about the need to get a new lease before the current one expires Dec. 31 — declined interview requests from The Baltimore Sun about the memorandum. House Speaker Adrienne A. Jones and other legislative leaders also declined to comment.

The highest-profile public responses from Democrats came after Moore’s office solicited canned comments Sept. 28 from members of Maryland’s congressional delegation to distribute to the media the next day.

“The Governor would appreciate statements of support from Members (something along the lines of being encouraged by the MOU, progress being made to keep the Orioles and boost Baltimore),” said an email from Washington-based Moore aide Matthew Verghese to Maryland congressmen and senators. “Please let me know if you think you can provide one by tonight!” said the email, which was obtained by The Sun.

Delegation members received a summary of the memorandum of understanding from the governor’s office. Echoing Moore’s previous statements, the email said the agreement would bring the stadium’s operations in line with best practices from around the country and “boost private sector investment around the stadium and across the city while creating good-paying jobs and diversifying our economy.”

Most of the Democratic federal lawmakers responded with written quotes congratulating Moore on the progress toward a significant agreement.

According to Verghese’s Sept. 28 email, the governor’s “timeline” was to announce the memorandum of understanding the next day.

Instead, it happened between innings at the game that night. Two top officials of the Maryland Stadium Authority, the state entity that oversees Camden Yards, said they did not know about the plan to make the announcement to fans at the stadium until that day. They asked that their names not be used because they were not authorized to speak about the ongoing negotiations.

David Turner, a senior adviser and communications director for Moore, declined to comment Wednesday on why the announcement was moved up.

Moore administration members held a media briefing the next day to provide details of the memorandum of understanding. They also sent out two news releases with the solicited quotes, remarks that the governor’s office sent again Tuesday to The Sun.

The eight-page memorandum contains specific terms covering issues such as stadium rent, advertising signs, parking and ground lease approvals. It is not legally binding but says it outlines “key components” of the plans of the team and the stadium authority, while remaining subject to “additional modification.”

In an Oct. 4 guest commentary in The Sun, former Stadium Authority Chair Thomas Kelso, an appointee of former Republican Gov. Larry Hogan who Moore replaced last winter with his own choice, wrote that there are “numerous issues that need scrutiny” in the memorandum of understanding.

In particular, Kelso is concerned that the Orioles, not the state, would have authority over state-funded improvements to the ballpark.

“These changes will eviscerate the MSA’s role and responsibility at Oriole Park and reverse nearly four decades of success,” he wrote.

Kelso also questioned whether the state would receive adequate compensation for allowing the Orioles to work with private firms to develop state-owned land around Camden Yards, including the former B&O Railroad warehouse and Camden Station, that the state and team have long said are underutilized. Under the plan, the Orioles would pay $94 million in rent over a 99-year term.

The memorandum of understanding also proposes a safety and repair fund for ballpark projects that would cost $3.3 million per year, or about $100 million over a 30-year lease. The General Assembly would need to approve those funds, and the Ravens would seem to be eligible for a matching amount under a parity clause that requires the state to provide the teams “fairly comparable” lease terms.

In the weeks since the Sept. 28 game, The Sun sought interviews with state Democratic leaders about the memorandum.

“The president is looking forward to a lease being signed, and it would be more appropriate to comment when that is complete,” said David Schuhlein, a spokesman for Ferguson.

It’s not known when that will happen. Asked Tuesday about the status of negotiations, Moore spokesperson Carter Elliott called the memorandum of understanding “a strong framework” and said the state and the Orioles “are diligently fleshing out the details around the announced terms to align on final lease terms.”

The Orioles finished their 101-win season with a collapse in the American League Division Series, leaving the looming lease expiration one of the last big events on the team’s horizon for 2023.

“Mark my words, and you can bet on it, the Orioles will be here for 30 years,” Moore said in an impassioned speech during an Oct. 4 meeting of the Maryland Board of Public Works. The state spending board, composed of Moore, Davis and Lierman, ultimately needs to approve a lease.

The memorandum of understanding places state Democratic lawmakers in a sensitive spot, according to political analysts.

Under a 2022 law, the stadium authority can borrow up to $1.2 billion to pay for stadium improvements — $600 million each for the Orioles and Ravens. Ferguson said in August that he didn’t envision the General Assembly making additional resources available.

Now, the memorandum suggests the legislature approve the safety and repair fund of about $3.3 million a year for the Orioles, which could trigger a matching amount for the Ravens.

“We passed this legislation that freed up an unprecedented amount of money. I supported it,” said Republican Del. Jason Buckel of Allegany County, the House minority leader. “I haven’t seen anyone advocate for going beyond the $600 million. I don’t know that there is a huge appetite in the General Assembly across party lines to invest hundreds of [millions] of dollars in more money.”

Moore — who took office in January for a four-year term and is popular within his party — has invested significant political capital in teaming with Angelos on their plans to sign a ballpark agreement and revitalize downtown Baltimore.

“Governors in our state, in particularly in comparison to other states, have a whole lot of power, and a whole lot of budget power,” said Roger E. Hartley, dean of the University of Baltimore’s College of Public Affairs. “So people don’t want to offend the governor. But that doesn’t mean that they don’t have disagreements. They might not make those disagreements public.”

It can be risky to challenge a new governor, said political analyst Flavio Hickel, an assistant political science professor at Washington College.

“It sounds like there are an awful lot of unknowns here,” Hickel said. ”When you don’t how a political leader will react, that’s the most dangerous situation.”

()

Conservatives who spent months worrying that their drive to impeach Joe Biden would go nowhere under Kevin McCarthy hope it’s just a matter of time before Republicans vote to remove the president under Speaker Mike Johnson.

The Louisiana conservative — a longtime member of the committee that’d oversee an impeachment inquiry — has leaned into the right flank’s unproven allegation that Joe Biden took actions as president or vice president to benefit his family’s business deals. But his calculation is more complicated as speaker, since he has to protect members in battleground districts who worry an impeachment vote would hurt them back home.

Many centrist and conservative GOP members are waiting to see more signals from Johnson on how he’ll move forward on impeachment, particularly with the House majority at risk. However, some of the loudest Republican impeachment voices already view him as a natural ally.

“I think Mike Johnson is more than happy to move forward, and will move forward, and the only question is the timeline,” Rep. Andy Ogles of Tennessee, a House Freedom Caucus member, said in an interview.

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greeneof Georgia, who has authored resolutions to oust Biden as well as repeatedly pushed for more action, added: “I definitely think he’ll be supportive.”

The right flank cites two points in Johnson’s favor: he brings conservative credentials to the role — compared with a less ideological McCarthy, who they saw as reluctant to make centrists take an uncomfortable impeachment vote — and his position on the Judiciary Committee, which put him on the front lines of two Donald Trump impeachments. In a speech last month backing the impeachment inquiry, Johnson appeared to signal he believes the bar had been met to vote on removing Biden, though he hasn’t directly said he supports it.

“The mounting evidence … shows that Joseph Biden has engaged in bribery schemes, pay-to-play schemes,” Johnson said, noting that the Constitution says a president “shall be removed from office on impeachment for and conviction of treason, bribery or high crimes and misdemeanors.”

But navigating the House as speaker is more complex than as a member. The first problem is the time crunch: Republicans’ No. 1 priority is funding the government, particularly avoiding a Nov. 17 shutdown deadline, not impeachment. After that date, it’s a slog of more spending bills, sweeping defense policy legislation and other must-pass issues like an expiring surveillance authority and the Federal Aviation Administration Authorization.

Plus, Johnson has to worry about political blowback on battleground members — a concern made more acute by time constraints, since impeachment discussions appear all but guaranteed to drag into 2024. Asked about the perception from some conservatives that he’ll be friendlier toward impeachment, Corinne Day, a spokesperson for Johnson, said in a statement that the new speaker “will continue to follow the facts where they lead. He has full faith in the Committee chairs to continue doing this work.”

Signs of coming tensions have quietly percolated behind the scenes. Some centrist Republicans warned each speaker designate against moving forward with impeachment unless they have a clear smoking gun, according to a Republican with knowledge of those conservations that occurred during the three-week gavel race.

And as speaker candidates fielded questions on impeachment during a closed-door forum this week, one Republican stood up to make the argument that the 2024 election, not ousting Biden, was the best way to hold him accountable, according to a GOP member in the room, granted anonymity to discuss internal meetings.

“I think what Congressman Mike Johnson led is going to be somewhat moderated by the need to lead the conference and ensure that whatever action we take as a body is supported by fact, and law,” said centrist Rep. Marc Molinaro (R-N.Y.). “He recognizes the divergent interests within the conference.”

Other centrists and governing-minded lawmakers are making it clear they support the investigations being led by Judiciary Chair Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) and Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.). They just aren’t ready to bear hug impeachment yet.

“I don’t think anyone wants to move forward with impeachment unless they’ve got a smoking gun or at least some evidence,” said Rep. Mike Garcia (R-Calif.). “If there is not information to substantiate, then we won’t move forward. But the inquiry and the hearings need to move forward, so that’s the key.”

Meanwhile, conservative Rep. Ken Buck (R-Colo.) acknowledged that Johnson can’t kibosh the inquiry altogether, saying “that toothpaste is out of the tube.” But he hopes the Louisianian will take a different tack than McCarthy.

“I think as an attorney he will be more careful in bringing impeachment to the floor,” Buck said.

And it’s not just the Biden impeachment on the table. Greene asked speaker candidates whether they would also go after top administration officials, including Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas and Attorney General Merrick Garland, according to a Republican with direct knowledge. Johnson previously told POLITICO he supports impeaching Mayorkas.

Republicans are deep into a monthslong investigation into the president, his son Hunter Biden and other family members as they search for sufficiently convincing evidence that links decisions Joe Biden made as vice president or president to the business arrangements of his family members.

And while Republicans have unearthed plenty of evidence that Hunter Biden traded on his father’s name, they’ve struggled to show a true connection to Joe Biden’s official actions.

Still, McCarthy opened the impeachment inquiry in mid-September — a decision hard-right Republicans viewed as an ultimately unsuccessful political move to try to save his speakership. Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla) was making early threats of triggering an ouster push at the time.

And while those same members are being careful not to box Johnson in less than 48 hours into his speakership, they view him as a more trustworthy partner. That means they believe that once he takes a position on impeachment, he will stick to it.

Gaetz, who has compared the Biden inquiry to “failure theater,” cautioned that he didn’t “want to pre-judge the speaker” but predicted “Mike Johnson will approach this like a lawyer” and not “like a desperate person trying to cling to power.”

“I don’t believe that the impeachment effort under Kevin McCarthy was intended to convict Joe Biden as much as it was to save Kevin McCarthy,” he added.

Rep. Dan Bishop (R-N.C.), another member of the Judiciary Committee, added that Johnson wouldn’t try to “head fake” the conference on his impeachment strategy.

“Mike Johnson doesn’t scheme and convince, he’s honest, he’s straightforward,” Bishop said. “He believes in what we’re doing.”

WASHINGTON — The nation’s economy expanded at a robust 4.9% annual rate from July through September as Americans defied higher prices, rising interest rates and widespread forecasts of a recession to spend at a brisk pace.

The Commerce Department said the economy expanded last quarter at the fastest pace in nearly two years — and more than twice the 2.1% annual rate of the previous quarter.

Thursday’s report on the nation’s gross domestic product — the economy’s total output of goods and services — showed that consumers drove the acceleration, ramping up their spending on everything from cars to restaurant meals. Even though the painful inflation of the past two years has soured many people’s view of the economy, millions have remained willing to splurge on vacations, concert tickets and sports events.

“This is just a very resilient economy that continues to take hit after hit and keep on,” said Joseph Brusuelas, chief economist at RSM, a tax and consulting firm.

Yet the robust growth may prove to be a high-water mark for the economy before a steady slowdown begins in the current October-December quarter and extends into 2024. The breakneck pace is expected to ease as higher long-term borrowing rates, on top of the Federal Reserve’s short-term rate hikes, cool spending by businesses and consumers. Economists have projected that growth could slow to an annual pace of just 1.5% in the final three months of this year.

One sign of the coming slowdown, Brusuelas said, was a 3.8% drop in business spending on new machinery and other equipment last quarter. That pullback likely reflected the higher cost of borrowing to finance such purchases.

An increase in house and apartment construction also boosted growth in the third quarter. But as mortgage rates near 8% and sales of existing homes continue to fall, analysts expect housing to weaken the overall economy in the coming months.

“We can already see the drag forming in the final three months of the year,” Brusuelas said.

In addition, consumers are spending more of their savings — a drawdown that could eventually weigh on growth. Many, particularly lower- and middle-income Americans, are stepping up their use of credit cards. These cards now carry much higher rates after the Fed boosted its benchmark interest rate to about 5.4%, its highest level in 22 years. Americans, as a whole, saved just 3.8% of their income last quarter, down from 5.2% in the April-June quarter and notably below pre-pandemic levels.

Several Fed officials acknowledged in speeches last week that the most recent economic data showed growth picking up by more than they had expected. Yet most of the policymakers signaled that they will likely keep their key rate, which affects many consumer and business loans, unchanged when they meet next week.

NEW YORK — Kristaps Porzingis always enjoys coming back to Madison Square Garden, even if the fans there aren’t welcoming to him. He was once the Knicks’ promising young star, drafted to be the face of their future before he was suddenly traded in 2019. That makes him an enemy whenever he returns.

Porzingis knows this. He embraces it. On Wednesday night, it fueled him.

With 2:03 remaining in a tight season opener, Knicks fans got mad at him. Porzingis, after corralling a rebound, was fouled and inadvertently hit Isaiah Hartenstein with an elbow, sending him to the floor. The Garden erupted. “(Expletive) Porzingis!” chants filled the arena.

“I did not hear,” Porzingis said with a wry smile afterward.

Of course, he did. It didn’t bother him.

“For me it was fun,” Porzingis said. “I was just enjoying all of that and using it as motivation to make some big plays at the end. It was actually really, really fun tonight to play and be in that environment.”

It was only fitting that Porzingis was the one who willed the Celtics to their season-opening victory. Facing his former team, in the arena he called his first NBA home, Porzingis showcased so many of the ways he can be the difference-maker that propels Boston to a championship this season.

With the extra spacing he provides, he killed the Knicks with his shooting. He was a terror defensively, making fans forget about Robert Williams, as an elite rim protector as he finished with four blocks and several more stops. In crunch time, he showed he might be the piece that the Celtics had been missing in those late, tight moments as he scored nine consecutive points to close the victory.

When Jayson Tatum faced a double team and found Porzingis open for the ultimately decisive 3-pointer with 1:29 to go, Tatum stretched out both of his arms in celebration. Porzingis took the load off his shoulders.

“He just makes us that much more dynamic obviously with his size, ability to shoot, make plays off the dribble,” Tatum said. “When they double me late, make the right play, find an open man. Obviously he can shoot from wherever. I mean, he’s really good. He’s really, really good. We’re lucky to have him.”

The significance of coming through in crunch time wasn’t lost on Porzingis.

“It’s important, I think,” Porzingis said. “It’s important to show what my mindset is in tight games like this and probably showing them that I’ll be there. I’ll be there and do what I can on both ends. I think today was a good step for us to build that trust.”

Defensively, the Celtics flashed their potential on Wednesday. Derrick White and Jrue Holiday created some havoc as they forced some turnovers to get the Celtics in transition. Holiday helped shut down the bigger Julius Randle, who went just 5-for-22. The Celtics’ effort and togetherness on that end showed in crunch time as they consistently limited the Knicks to one shot and held them to just five points over the final four minutes.

Porzingis’ defense almost stood out more than his offense. He was the biggest reason why the Knicks struggled to have success inside, as they were held to 18-for-56 on two-point field goals.

Porzingis gave credit to the coaching staff for putting him in the right situations and positions on defense, an area he seems energized to show what he can do.

“KP is hungry and excited to be here,” Tatum said. “And knows how important he is to this team and what we need him to bring each and every night. It’s a sense of pride that we, everybody has to have on defense, right? We got some All-NBA defensive guys on this team, some guys that are capable of making that team. And essentially, you don’t want to be like the slouch out there, right? And KP is definitely holding his own and everybody individually wants to hold their own defense so we can be better as a unit. And that’s just a pride thing and effort.”

Other takeaways:

– Jaylen Brown struggled. He finished with 11 points and made some bad decisions throughout the night, including a costly sequence in the fourth when he committed two turnovers and a foul on a 3-pointer as the Knicks surged ahead. But he earned some credit for some of the Celtics’ late-game execution.

“It was just one game,” Tatum said. “We know how special he is. Everybody’s going to have not great shooting nights but he still impacted the game in other ways. He got some key rebounds and loose balls at the end to give us some more possessions. I’m not going to shoot the ball great some nights, KP’s not, but it’s all about how you impact the game in other ways. So JB’s going to be fine. He’s probably going to have a great game on Friday.”

– While Holiday looked great – as usual – defensively, he’s clearly still trying to get comfortable with the offense as he continues to build chemistry and learn tendencies with some new teammates after being traded less than a month ago.

“I think he’s still learning,” C’s coach Joe Mazzulla said. “Especially when you’re out there with four guys that can dribble-drive, you gotta just find your opportunities to play and find your opportunities to space and find your opportunities to screen. We just gotta simplify it for him.”

– A big, necessary area of clean-up for the Celtics: They gave up 17 offensive rebounds to the Knicks, resulting in 20 second-chance points.

– Tatum has dealt with his fair share of injuries over the last few seasons, including his wrist and the ankle injury he suffered in Game 7 of the Eastern Conference Finals last season. He said before the season opener that his body feels good after a full summer off, and he looked fresh in the win over the Knicks as he finished with 34 points and 11 rebounds. He did commit four turnovers, though, including one that was nearly costly in the final minute as the C’s were trying to hold on.

“I had too many turnovers,” Tatum said. “It was the first game of the season, cut me some slack.”

– The Celtics reported zero injuries and are fully healthy for Friday’s home opener against the Heat.