Vikings legend Randall McDaniel gives his take on rookie Donovan Jackson

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As soon as rookie offensive guard Donovan Jackson was selected by the Vikings in the first round of the 2025 NFL Draft, he started hearing his name in the same sentence as legendary offensive guard Randall McDaniel. It makes sense.

It’s been nearly 40 years since the Vikings have invested such premium draft capital into the interior of the offensive line.

The selection of Jackson marked the first time the Vikings have used a first-round pick on an offensive guard since they selected McDaniel in the first round of the the 1988 NFL Draft.

“I will get out there at some point and make the official greeting,” McDaniel said. “I’m looking forward to that.”

Here’s an excerpt of our chat with McDaniel.

Q: What are your first impressions of Donovan from afar?

A: I definitely like what I’m hearing. The things that he’s been saying are all great. Just a typical offensive lineman. He does all the right things. Just watching him play at Ohio State, loved him moving out to tackle help the team out. That’s what offensive linemen do.

Q: How hard is that to do? It seems like it’s more difficult than people think.

A: It all happens so quickly inside. You can work with the center or the tackle. You’re on an island sliding outside. The technique completely changes up. You have to stop and think. That’s the hard part. You’re used to reacting quickly, so when things change, there’s a hesitation for a brief moment. You’ve got to make sure the technique is sound in order to combat that.

It’s all about the group. That’s how we operate. We’re not worried about ourselves. We’re going to bring our lunch pails to work and get our job done. That’s what I love to see, just that he was willing to step out and get the job done.

Q: What else stands out about his play style watching him on film?

A: They were known for running that ball. I liked that. I like the way he gets after it. He finishes his blocks and initiates it. I’m an old school lineman; anytime I get to see a young kid run blocking, I get excited. I love that he made that switch and stepped up and played some tackle when they had some injuries. He did the job. That’s always good to see. You have to be willing to do things to help the team win.

Q: How much has the game changed since you were playing?

A: It’s a lot different. These guys are a lot bigger. There’s a lot more passing. You would think with the size of these guys that they would be running the ball more (but) it’s all about passing. That’s how it’s supposed to be. When I came out, the guys that played before me would say, “You guys don’t play like we do.” I would be like, “It’s a different game now.” It’s the same thing now. I would be too small. That’s part of the game. It’s exciting. It’s fun to watch the young kids come up and see the things that they can do. It’s their time and I enjoy watching them play.

Q: Would you be willing to be an ear for Donovan? All offensive linemen have to stick together right?

A: “When I first came into the NFL, I had some of the older offensive linemen kind of show me the ropes. It was great being able to pick their brains. I will offer that up to him. If that’s something he’s interested in, I’m more than willing to do that.

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Trump administration invokes state secrets privilege in Kilmar Abrego Garcia’s case

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WASHINGTON (AP) — The Trump administration is invoking the “ state secrets privilege ” in an apparent attempt to avoid answering a judge’s questions about its mistaken deportation of Kilmar Abrego Garcia to El Salvador.

U.S. District Judge Paula Xinis disclosed the government’s position in a two-page order on Wednesday. She set a Monday deadline for attorneys to file briefs on the issue and how it could affect Abrego Garcia’s case. Xinis also scheduled a May 16 hearing in Greenbelt, Maryland, to address the matter.

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The Republican administration previously invoked the same legal authority to cut off a judge’s inquiry into whether it defied an order to turn around planes deporting Venezuelan migrants to El Salvador.

Abrego Garcia, 29, has been imprisoned in his native El Salvador for nearly two months. His mistaken deportation has become a flash point for President Donald Trump’s immigration policies and his increasing friction with the U.S. courts.

Trump has said he could call El Salvador’s president and have Abrego Garcia, who was living in Maryland, returned to the United States. Instead, Trump has doubled down on his claims that Abrego Garcia is a member of the MS-13 gang.

Police in Maryland had identified Abrego Garcia as an MS-13 gang member in 2019 based off his tattoos, Chicago Bulls hoodie and the word of a criminal informant. But Abrego Garcia was never charged. His lawyers say the informant claimed Abrego Garcia was in an MS-13 chapter in New York, where Abrego Garcia has never lived.

The administration has balked at telling Xinis what, if anything, it has done to facilitate Abrego Garcia’s return to the U.S. The judge ruled that his lawyers can question several Trump administration officials under oath about the government’s response to her orders.

In a court filing Wednesday, his lawyers said they already have conducted depositions of three officials and are “still in the dark” about the government’s efforts to free Abrego Garcia. They are asking for permission to depose a more officials, possibly including one from the White House.

Sen. John Fetterman raises alarms with outburst at meeting with union officials, AP sources say

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By MARC LEVY

HARRISBURG, Pa. (AP) — Democratic Sen. John Fetterman of Pennsylvania was meeting last week with representatives from a teachers union in his home state when things quickly devolved.

Before long, Fetterman began repeating himself, shouting and questioning why “everybody is mad at me,” “why does everyone hate me, what did I ever do” and slamming his hands on a desk, according to one person who was briefed on what occurred.

As the meeting deteriorated, a staff member moved to end it and ushered the visitors into the hallway, where she broke down crying. The staffer was comforted by the teachers who were themselves rattled by Fetterman’s behavior, according to a second person who was briefed separately on the meeting.

The interaction at Fetterman’s Washington office, described to The Associated Press by the two people who spoke about it on the condition of anonymity, came the day before New York Magazine published a story in which former staff and political advisers to Fetterman aired concerns about the senator’s mental health.

That story included a 2024 letter, also obtained by the AP, in which Fetterman’s one-time chief of staff Adam Jentleson told a neuropsychiatrist who had treated Fetterman for depression that the senator appeared to be off his recovery plan and was exhibiting alarming behavior, including a tendency toward “long, rambling, repetitive and self-centered monologues.”

Asked about the meeting with teachers union representatives, Fetterman said in a statement through his office that they “had a spirited conversation about our collective frustration with the Trump administration’s cuts to our education system.” He also said he “will always support our teachers, and I will always reject anyone’s attempt to turn Pennsylvania’s public schools into a voucher program.”

Fetterman earlier this week brushed off the New York Magazine story as a “one-source hit piece and some anonymous sources, so there’s nothing new.” Asked by a reporter in a Senate corridor what he would say to people who are concerned about him, Fetterman said: “They’re not. They’re actually not concerned. It’s a hit piece. There’s no news.”

Reached by telephone, Aaron Chapin, the president of the Pennsylvania State Education Association who was in the meeting with Fetterman, said he didn’t want to discuss what was a private conversation.

Surviving a stroke, battling depression

The teachers union encounter adds to the questions being raised about Fetterman’s mental health and behavior barely three years after he survived a stroke on the 2022 campaign trail that he said almost killed him. That was followed by a bout with depression that landed him in Walter Reed National Military Medical Center for six weeks, barely a month after he was sworn into the Senate.

The scrutiny also comes at a time when Fetterman, now serving third year of his term, is being criticized by many rank-and-file Democrats in his home state for being willing to cooperate with President Donald Trump, amid Democrats’ growing alarm over Trump’s actions and agenda.

Fetterman — who has been diagnosed with cardiomyopathy, in which the heart muscle becomes weakened and enlarged, and auditory processing disorder, a complication from the stroke — has talked openly about his struggle with depression and urged people to get help.

In November, he told podcast host Joe Rogan that he had recovered and fended off thoughts of harming himself.

“I was at the point where I was really, you know, in a very dark place. And I stayed in that game and I am staying in front of you right now and having this conversation,” Fetterman said.

But some who have worked closely with Fetterman question whether his recovery is complete.

In the 2024 letter to Dr. David Williamson, Jentleson warned that Fetterman was not seeing his doctors, had pushed out the people who were supposed to help him stay on his recovery plan and might not be taking his prescribed medications. Jentleson also said Fetterman had been driving recklessly and exhibiting paranoia, isolating him from colleagues.

“Overall, over the last nine months or so, John has dismantled the early-warning system we all agreed upon when he was released,” Jentleson wrote. “He has picked fights with each person involved in that system and used those fights as excuses to push them out and cut them off from any knowledge about his health situation.”

Walter Reed National Military Medical Center, where Williamson works, declined to make him available for an interview, citing privacy and confidentiality laws protecting patient medical information.

A lone wolf in the Senate

Fetterman has long been a wild card in the political realm, forging a career largely on his own, independently from the Democratic Party.

As a small-town mayor in Braddock, the plainspoken Fetterman became a minor celebrity for his bare-knuckled progressive politics, his looks — he’s 6-foot-8 and tattooed with a shaved head — and his unconventional efforts to put the depressed former steel town back on the map.

He endorsed the insurgent Democrat Bernie Sanders in 2016’s presidential primary and ran from the left against the party-backed Democrat in 2016’s Senate primary. In 2020, when he was lieutenant governor, he became a top surrogate on cable TV news shows for Joe Biden’s presidential bid and gathered a national political following that made him a strong small-dollar fundraiser.

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Elected to the Senate in 2022, he has made waves with his casual dress — hoodies and gym shorts — at work and at formal events and his willingness to chastise other Democrats.

Fetterman returned to the Senate after his hospitalization in 2023 a much more outgoing lawmaker, frequently joking with his fellow senators and engaging with reporters in the hallways with the assistance of an iPad or iPhone that transcribes conversations in real time.

Yet two years later, Fetterman is still something of a loner in the Senate.

He has separated himself from many of his fellow Democrats on Israel policy and argued at times that his party needs to work with, not against, Trump. He met with Trump and Trump’s nominees — and voted for some — when other Democrats wouldn’t.

He has stood firmly with Democrats in other cases and criticized Trump on some issues, such as trade and food aid.

One particularly head-scratching video of Fetterman emerged earlier this year in which he was on a flight to Pittsburgh apparently arguing with a pilot over his seatbelt.

Despite fallout with progressives over his staunch support of Israel in its war in Gaza, Fetterman was still an in-demand personality last year to campaign in the battleground state of Pennsylvania for Biden and, after Biden dropped his reelection bid, Vice President Kamala Harris.

Since Trump won November’s election — and Pennsylvania — things have changed. Many one-time supporters have turned on Fetterman over his softer approach to Trump and his willingness to criticize fellow Democrats for raising alarm bells.

It nevertheless brought Fetterman plaudits.

Bill Maher, host of the political talk show “Real Time with Bill Maher,” suggested that Fetterman should run for president in 2028. Conservatives — who had long made Fetterman a target for his progressive politics — have sprung to Fetterman’s defense.

Still, Democrats in Pennsylvania say they are hearing from people worried about him.

“People are concerned about his health,” said Sharif Street, the state’s Democratic Party chairman. “They want to make sure he’s OK. People care about him. There’s a lot of love for him out there.”

Associated Press reporter Mary Clare Jalonick in Washington contributed to this report. 

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The Perils of Offshoring Justice

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President Donald Trump’s recent Oval Office photo-op with El Salvador  President Nayib Bukele, who calls himself the “world’s coolest dictator”, was staged to unveil a shiny new “alliance” against crime. Both leaders congratulated each other for achieving something U.S. courts forbid at home: rounding up alleged gang members (including longtime U.S. residents with pending protection orders) and locking them away offshore. When pressed about a Maryland man who had been deported in defiance of a court ruling, Bukele shrugged off the case, implying he couldn’t risk letting a “terrorist” back into the United States—and Trump nodded in approval. The exchange distilled a stark message: human rights are expendable when the political spectacle is good television.

Since March 2022, El Salvador has operated under a rolling “state of exception” that suspends basic constitutional rights. In just three years, more than 110,000 Salvadorans—nearly 2 percent of the country’s population—have been put behind bars. This draconian crackdown gives El Salvador the highest incarceration rate in the world. Official homicide rates have indeed plummeted by over 80 percent under Bukele’s campaign, but that drop has come in tandem with the collapse of due process. Mass arrests are often indiscriminate, mass hearings process hundreds of defendants at once, and detainees meet lawyers only fleetingly, if at all. At least 261 prisoners perished inside Salvadoran prisons during the crackdown, according to the human rights group Cristosal. Reports have emerged of abuse, torture, and medical neglect for those swept up in Bukele’s anti-gang dragnet. 

El Salvador’s flagship “mega-prison,” the Terrorism Confinement Center (CECOT), epitomizes President Bukele’s hardline approach. Built to hold 40,000 inmates in eight fortress-like pavilions, CECOT keeps prisoners in near-total isolation. Inmates receive no family visits and are never allowed outdoors; there are no workshops or educational programs to rehabilitate offenders. Bukele’s own justice minister once remarked that those sent to CECOT will never return to their communities – that the only way out is in a coffin. Harsh images of tattooed prisoners hunched together, shuffling in shackles, are routinely broadcast on government social media. These dystopian visuals have become Bukele’s calling card in the name of “security.”

What began as a Salvadoran experiment in iron-fisted policing has now mutated into a formal bilateral program. The U.S. government is actively funding and facilitating the offshoring of detainees to Bukele’s prison state. U.S. Senator Chris Van Hollen, who recently visited the country,that the Trump administration had quietly offered to wire about $15 million to El Salvador to underwrite the costs of warehousing U.S. deportees (with at least $4 million already spent). News reports have also confirmed an initial $6 million agreement for the first year of this arrangement. Custody of detainees effectively shifts the instant a charter plane lifts off U.S. soil—once airborne, shackled migrants become Bukele’s prisoners, placed beyond the reach of American courts or oversight.

Bukele’s “iron fist” security model is not contained to El Salvador—it’s becoming a regional export. Honduras has announced plans to build a 20,000-bed mega-prison of its own, explicitly citing Bukele’s success as inspiration. In Ecuador, President Daniel Noboa boasts that mirroring Salvadoran tactics (mass detentions and emergency measures) helped shave dozens of percentage points off the murder rate in Guayaquil, and arguably helped him secure reelection. Analysts at the International Institute for Strategic Studies warned of a “due process contagion.” Once mass incarceration and militarized crackdowns become the go-to metric for public safety, governments across the region begin normalizing states of exception, purging high courts, and erasing judicial oversight in the name of fighting crime. In other words, democratic erosion becomes contagious.

Far from acting as a brake on this trend, the United States has become an accelerant. By bankrolling El Salvador’s excesses and broadcasting the dramatic footage for domestic political gain, Washington is sending a signal that rights-free “security” can be not only tolerated but internationally legitimized. Each cash transfer tells regional leaders that outsourcing mass detention is a billable service; each made-for-TV deportation convoy gives authoritarians a propaganda boost. This feedback loop reinforces ever-harsher tactics and sidelines voices (judges, journalists, human rights defenders) that insist on constitutional limits. American credibility on the rule of law erodes when taxpayer dollars subsidize abuses that even the U.S. State Department has condemned. 

This extraordinary deportation-to-CECOT pipeline might sound like a distant foreign affair, but Texas is directly entangled in its operation and stands to bear some of the fallout. The logistics of these renditions run straight through the Lone Star State. In mid-March, immigration officials quietly shuttled hundreds of detainees from across the country to a small airport in Harlingen, Texas, as part of the first mass transfer to El Salvador. Charter flights carrying Venezuelan and Central American migrants departed from Dallas, El Paso, Phoenix, and other cities, all converging on Harlingen as a staging ground. Within 24 hours, multiple jets then took off from the Texas border city to  El Salvador, delivering planeloads of shackled men into Bukele’s custody. Such Saturday deportation flights are highly unusual, as is the covert route through Harlingen, according to a watchdog advocacy group that tracks ICE Air charters.

On the ground, Texas families are feeling the human toll. Many of those swept up have deep roots in U.S. communities, and their sudden removal leaves broken homes behind. Children come home from school to find a parent gone, with no prospect of visitation, given that their loved one is now locked in a foreign prison thousands of miles away. Families and legal advocates are left scrambling, often with scant information—the detainees essentially disappear into CECOT, their fate largely in the hands of Salvadoran guards. 

There are tangible economic stakes for Texas. Our state hosts one of the country’s largest Salvadoran communities—roughly 15 percent of the entire U.S.-Salvadoran diaspora—and their Texas paychecks flow south week after week. In 2023, Salvadorans living abroad sent a record $8.18 billion home—about 24 percent of El Salvador’s GDP—and an estimated $1.1 billion of that originated in Texas alone, largely from the Houston and Dallas–Fort Worth metropolitan areas. Those Texas-earned dollars stock neighborhood tiendas, pay school fees, and keep household budgets afloat from San Salvador to La Unión. When breadwinners in Houston’s Gulfton district or Dallas’s Oak Cliff are yanked from their jobs and diverted to a Salvadoran cell, that lifeline snaps—impoverishing relatives abroad while simultaneously draining spending power and local tax revenue from communities across Harris, Dallas, and Hidalgo counties.

Texans should understand that this isn’t just someone else’s problem. Our state has a stake in this drama. It’s our tax dollars helping pay for secret flights out of our airports, our neighbors and coworkers who are disappearing into overseas prisons, and our nation’s credibility on the line. We know from history that democracies endure by rejecting the false choice between security and freedom. A durable social contract protects both. 

By contrast, outsourcing constitutional constraints for short-term optics is a tempting shortcut – but one whose costs will boomerang. The longer the U.S. bankrolls and applauds this “iron fist” illusion, the faster that illusion will spread across a region already battered by insecurity and disillusionment with democracy. Ultimately, sacrificing the rule of law for a made-for-TV spectacle is a devil’s bargain. It may offer momentary political gain, but it leaves behind broken families, weakened institutions, and a more dangerous hemisphere for everyone, including here in Texas. 

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