After changes by Minnesota DNR, feds release $21 million for state wildlife habitat

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Minnesota will get its share of federal sporting goods tax dollars after the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service accepted changes in how the state plans and documents timber sales in state wildlife management areas.

In an Oct. 3 letter, federal officials notified Minnesota Department of Natural Resources Commissioner Sarah Strommen that they will release $4 million from the past budget cycle and $17.6 million from the current budget cycle to the DNR. The money is aimed at statewide wildlife habitat projects.

The federal agency had earlier withheld the state’s share of money because agency officials were concerned the DNR was offering timber sales on wildlife management areas that didn’t have a documented wildlife purpose filed in advance of the logging.

The U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service is releasing more than $21 million in wildlife habitat grants to the Minnesota Department of Natural Resources after reaching an agreement with the state agency over logging on wildlife management areas. (Amanda Odeski / Forum News Service)

The federal grants used to acquire, expand and manage wildlife areas come from excise taxes on hunting and fishing gear, and by law must be used to benefit wildlife habitat. Any management on those lands, including logging, must be done to benefit wildlife.

But now Charles Traxler, acting regional director of the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, says the DNR has moved to better document how and why the timber sales are done in wildlife areas.

“I am confident that future actions will comply with the grant and that there is a shared commitment to continue working together to improve grant management,” Traxler noted in the letter to the DNR.

The issue has been festering for more than four years as conservationists, including several current and retired DNR wildlife biologists, argue the DNR is planning to log too much and in the wrong places on some wildlife areas to benefit the timber industry, often to the detriment of wildlife habitat.

Pressured by those critics, the Fish and Wildlife Service stepped in and issued orders to the state, including a lengthy letter of agreement signed by both sides in March scolding the DNR for dragging its feet on the issue.

The March agreement stated that “desired future conditions (of the forest within management areas) will be based on sound wildlife biology and ecology principles” and that management plans for the wildlife and aquatic management areas will be consistent with federal legal requirements on how the lands are used.

In late June, three DNR timber sales on state wildlife management areas near Warroad were canceled just before they went up for auction. DNR officials later agreed to temporarily stop all such timber sales as requested by the Fish and Wildlife Service.

Craig Sterle, a former DNR forester who has helped lead the charge to call out the agency on wildlife area logging, said the agreement may mean the DNR is on the right track for managing areas for wildlife as they are intended.

“But we’ve been kept in the dark on any details agreed to behind the scenes, so we really don’t know,” Sterle said. “I’m hopeful that this will lead to real changes on the ground. But I think there are still concerns that these are just changes on paper that may not make any real difference in the woods.”

The dispute, first reported in the News Tribune in August 2019, began when top DNR officials began implementing a timber availability report that called for more trees to be cut on state lands to feed the state’s timber industry, including more timber from wildlife management areas.

The effort began under then Gov. Mark Dayton, and top DNR officials have continued to press for more logging under Gov. Tim Walz. The effort called for increasing the state’s share of wood for the industry from 800,000 cords annually to 870,000 cords, and asked for part of the increase to come from wildlife management areas.

In a 2019 letter to Strommen, 28 DNR wildlife managers described any industry-aimed increase in logging on wildlife areas as scientifically dishonest. They said concerns raised by wildlife staff were being ignored by DNR forestry staff and top DNR officials.

But Strommen said that, while wildlife area logging will be included as part of the total state timber sold to the timber industry, the agency has no quotas on how much timber must come from wildlife management areas. She continues to call critics’ complaints unwarranted and misguided, saying they have misunderstood the timber availability analysis from the start.

Minnesota has 1,440 public wildlife management areas totaling nearly 1.3 million acres, although only some of them are forested. The state has another 700 aquatic management areas covering some 700 miles of shoreline on lakes and rivers — much of it forested. Most of the state’s DNR-managed timber comes from state forests and is not subject to the issues over wildlife management areas.

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Patriots-Bills preview: How Bill Belichick can upset Josh Allen and Buffalo

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For the third time in 30 years, the Patriots are two-score underdogs at home.

The Bills (4-2) enter Foxboro as one of the NFL’s best teams, while the Pats (1-5) continue to flounder in a way few expected. Offensively, the Patriots snapped their games-long touchdown drought last week at Las Vegas, but again fell into an early hole. Staying competitive through the first half will be non-negotiable versus Buffalo, which has averaged more than 30 points per game against Bill Belichick’s defense the last three seasons.

If the Pats fall behind by two scores, they’re done. But if they can create a couple turnovers, and win on the margins, they could find life at an unexpected time in an unforeseen season.

Here’s what else to watch for Sunday:

When the Patriots run

Feed Zeke?

Ezekiel Elliott ended the aforementioned touchdown drought by punching in a 2-yard score at Las Vegas last weekend. On that drive, the Patriots powered their way downfield with four first-down runs that picked up 36 yards. It seems unlikely the Pats will find similar success versus an above-average Buffalo run defense, but Elliott and Rhamondre Stevenson must kill clock for them to have a chance.

New England Patriots running back Ezekiel Elliott (15) runs with the ball as Las Vegas Raiders cornerback Amik Robertson defends during the second half of an NFL football game Sunday, Oct. 15, 2023, in Las Vegas. (AP Photo/David Becker)

And there is one weak spot in Buffalo’s front: the middle. The Bills are allowing a league-worst 5.7 yards per carry inside the tackles, per Sports Info. Solutions. Look for the Pats to pound away at the middle, especially with the return of right guard Mike Onwenu, who’s been recovering from an ankle injury.

If Onwenu can move well enough, the Patriots might also return to the one run scheme — counter — that’s yielded consistent gains. On just six carries, the offense has averaged 5.7 yards per counter run, more than any other base run in the playbook. If the Pats call counter, watch for Onwenu or the starting left guard to pull in the direction of the play and block an unblocked defender at the end of the line of scrimmage.

When the Patriots pass

Step one: block. Step two: pray.

The Bills boast the NFL’s best pass rush, according to both Mac Jones and Bill Belichick. They’re deep on the edge and the interior, where defensive tackle Ed Oliver is “as good as anybody we’ll play,” per Belichick. Last week, Jones averaged 2.2 seconds from snap to throw at Las Vegas, the fastest-time for any quarterback in the NFL.

Bill Belichick isn’t telling Bills how Patriots plan to use Malik Cunningham

It reasons the Patriots will draw up another game plan that emphasizes their quick passing game and forces Buffalo to tackle in space (the Bills’ tackling ranks 29th, per Pro Football Focus). Returning rookie receiver Demario Douglas should help there, as would a few downfield run-pass-options (RPOs). Buffalo is highly inexperienced at linebacker, where they should be vulnerable to those plays that force a defender to pick between defending a run or pass.

Their inconsistent linebacker play should also invite targets for tight ends Hunter Henry and Mike Gesicki. Then again, the same could be said of the Raiders last week, and Henry and Gesicki combined for just four catches.

Meanwhile, Kendrick Bourne is coming off his best game of the season (10 catches for 89 yards), and figures to be a focal point so long as fellow receivers JuJu Smith-Schuster and DeVante Parker continue to underwhelm.

When the Bills run

In the offseason, Buffalo’s front office emphasized building out its running game to better prepare themselves for playoff football. Among other moves, the Bills signed ex-Patriots running back Damien Harris and bolstered their offensive line.

Patriots QB Mac Jones sticking with routine despite early-season struggles

While Harris will miss Sunday’s game with a neck sprain, Buffalo shouldn’t lose too much steam on the ground. The Bills rank among the NFL’s 10 best rushing offenses by most metrics, thanks to second-year back James Cook making a leap and quarterback Josh Allen powering through defenders at 6-foot-5 and 240 pounds. Cook leads the team with 363 rushing yards at a 4.8 yards per carry average.

Defensively, the Patriots will need linebackers Ja’Whaun Bentley and Jahlani Tavai to reinforce a banged-up front. Last week, Tavai replaced rookie defensive lineman Keion White (concussion) on one edge, while Bentley manned the middle with defensive tackles Davon Godchaux and Lawrence Guy. Winning the line of scrimmage is a must for a Patriots defense down several defensive backs.

When the Bills pass

J.C. Jackson’s return has helped stabilize a secondary that briefly lost its top four cornerbacks this season. Last week, Jackson made his first start for the Patriots since being traded and played 96% of the team’s snaps.

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But Jackson will need to do more than take the field against Buffalo. He must overcome the most difficult matchup of his career.

Bills All-Pro receiver Stefon Diggs has roasted Jackson in all their recent matchups. Diggs is averaging more than six catches and 88 yards per game versus New England. He’s also scored six touchdowns in those seven meetings.

On the season, Diggs has more than double the catches (49) of any other Bills player, including second-leading receiver Gabriel Davis. The 6-foot-2, 225-pound Davis represents a size mismatch for any Pats defensive back, sans their safeties. Thus, expect the Patriots to again execute a zone-heavy game plan with a strong dose of Cover 2 to protect against Allen’s deep ball.

Up front, they’ll also need to generate more pressure on Allen than they have against any quarterback in almost a month. Ever since Matt Judon was lost to a torn bicep tendon, the Patriots have collected two sacks and failed to crack a 25% pressure rate in a single game.

NFL notes: How the Patriots and Bills switched places in the AFC East

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Once upon a time, during a dynasty far, far away, the Buffalo Bills were an afterthought.

A laughingstock.

A doormat the Patriots, Dolphins and even Jets wiped their feet on during the season. No team failed quite like the Bills, a little brother’s little brother with a long history of bad quarterbacks, fumbled coaching searches and lost drafts.

From 2001 to 2019, whenever Tom Brady started and finished a game against Buffalo, the Patriotss won. During one stretch spanning the late 2000s and early 2010s, the Pats beat the Bills 15 straight times. In all, the Patriotss went 34-4 in the division series during the Brady era.

But at the end, Buffalo quietly began to gain significant ground. Head coach Sean McDermott arrived in 2017, and Brady threw more interceptions than touchdowns against McDermott’s defense over his last three seasons.

Then Brady left, and Josh Allen, after struggling in his initial battles with Bill Belichick, took over. Over the past three years, Allen has tossed 18 touchdowns to two interceptions against the Patriots. The Bills have gone 6-1, averaging more than 30 points per game.

Like Brady, there is no solution for Allen, a modern master of the quarterback position. Aside from Allen’s unprecedented development, Buffalo has steadily built one of the league’s best rosters around him. Belichick was asked about that process Wednesday.

“You’re talking about a period of years here, but right now, they’re really a well-balanced team,” Belichick began Wednesday.

FOXBORO MA. – DECEMBER 26: New England Patriots head coach Bill Belichick walks the sidelines during the 2nd quarter of the game against the Buffalo Bills at Gillette Stadium on December 26, 2021 in Foxboro, MA. (Staff Photo By Nancy Lane/MediaNews Group/Boston Herald)

Then he hit on the Bills’ highly rated special teams, their defense that generates turnovers and an offense stocked with weapons. Finally, Belichick nailed the dismount.

“I mean, they brought basically the same team back two years in a row,” he said. “They haven’t made a lot of changes in the last two years.”

Bingo. Continuity.

In the same way the Patriots could run it back around Brady and Belichick and remain competitive year after year, Buffalo now enjoys the fruits of nailing any franchise’s two most important decisions and years of roster-building around them. Allen was a risk, a developmental prospect refined over three years by former offensive coordinator Brian Daboll, now the Giants head coach.

Once Allen proved worthy of further investment, the Bills traded for ex-Vikings receiver Stefon Diggs in March 2020. He was the missing piece for an offense that had grown into a steady, if unspectacular, unit in 2019. Diggs elevated Buffalo in a way only a true No. 1 wide receiver can.

“They’re a very explosive team,” Pats linebacker Jahlani Tavai said. “They have (Stefon) Diggs on the outside, and they have a really strong running game.”

Diggs made the All-Pro Team in his debut season and has earned a Pro Bowl nod every year since. His acquisition represents the starkest difference between the Patriots’ building strategy around Mac Jones and how the Bills invest in Allen’s supporting cast. Though, there are similarities, including mid-level veteran signings in free agency.

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Offensively, Buffalo also ran a game-plan operation under Daboll, an ex-Patriots assistant, meaning they adapted their schemes each week to attack specific weaknesses in their next opponent. Under Daboll and his successor, Ken Dorsey, the Bills have gashed Belichick’s defense more deeply and more consistently than any other opponent to face him as a head coach. The Pats felt this shift in 2019, the beginning of their end and the dawn of Buffalo’s current era.

From ex-Patriots linebacker Dont’a Hightower in December of that season: “I think constantly whenever we play Buffalo — especially defensively — they always have a new wrinkle. And I mean, the skill players that they have and the offensive line that they have, the way that they’re built, it’s built to be in this division. It’s built to play us.”

In the draft, the Bills separated themselves by hitting on virtually every top pick under McDermott and general manager Brandon Beane. Before Allen, Buffalo selected cornerback Tre’Davious White, a two-time Pro Bowler, in 2017. Then came Allen, and in 2019, they selected defensive tackle Ed Oliver, whom Belichick described this week as “as good as anybody we’ll play.”

In consecutive years, the Bills added defensive linemen A.J. Epenesa and Gregory Rousseau with their top picks, now cornerstones of the NFL’s best pass rush. While 2022 first-round cornerback Kaiir Elam is trending toward bust territory, Buffalo unequivocally hit on 2022 second-round running back James Cook, one of the league’s most impressive young rushers. Another mid-round pick from that draft, linebacker Terrel Bernard, is currently the Bills’ leading tackler, while rookie first-round tight end Dalton Kincaid ranks third in receptions, behind Diggs and another one-time mid-round pick, Gabriel Davis.

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By contrast, the Patriots roster one player from their 2016 and 2017 draft classes combined. They whiffed on 2018 first-rounders Sony Michel and Isaiah Wynn, cut ties with every draft pick from 2019 and almost half of their 2020 class is now out of the league. Things began to turn in 2021, when the Pats landed Mac Jones, Christian Barmore and Rhamondre Stevenson, but early returns on their 2022 haul are discouraging.

Without a young core and question marks at quarterback and on their coaching staff, the Patriots are the team they used to beat like a punching bag for all those years. And the results bear it out.

As of Friday night, the Bills were 8.5-point favorites, and if that holds, they will be heaviest favorites to ever walk into Gillette Stadium.   How soon the Pats can reverse roles with Buffalo will depend on the answers to the aforementioned questions, and perhaps a little bit more free-agent spending.

Buffalo is scheduled to rank in the top 10 for cash spending every season through 2026, while the Patriots sit 30th, 31st and 32nd and 29th over the next four years.

Scarnecchia thankful for the memories

On Friday afternoon, the eve of his induction into the Patriots Hall of Fame, former offensive line coach Dante Scarnecchia reflected on his 34-year career in New England.

“(I) never thought anything like this would ever happen to me,” he told reporters.

Scarnecchia’s tenure pre-dated Bill Belichick’s hiring as head coach and included five Super Bowl wins. Before becoming Belichick’s top assistant and O-line coach in 2000, Scarnecchia coached in New England from 1982-1988, then returned to work under former Patriots head coaches Dick MacPherson, Bill Parcells and Pete Carroll.

Bill Belichick honors Dante Scarnecchia, Mike Vrabel ahead of Patriots Hall of Fame ceremony

Scarnecchia counted the Patriots’ introduction as a team at Super Bowl XXXVI in Feb. 2002 among his favorite memories.Of all the challenges Scarnecchia helped the Patriots’ offensive line overcome, he highlighted their victory in Super Bowl XXXVIII over the Panthers in Feb. 2004. He remembered Carolina’s defensive line being loaded with first-round picks, and his offensive line, specifically left guard Russ Hochstein, receiving outside criticism before kickoff.

“That was one of those games against Carolina where we had to really be at our best,” he said. “I remember specifically, Russ Hochstein started that game for us. And Warren Sapp went on TV and beat (Hochstein) up really bad because he had been in Tampa, and they cut him and we claimed because I really liked the way Russ played football in Nebraska. And (Hochstein) started that game.

“And Sapp beat him up on Wednesday night, all the players were concerned about it. Shoot, he went out there and played a great game. That was special. That was really special.”

As for the team’s current offensive line, one of the NFL’s worst, Scarnecchia told 98.5 The Sports Hub on Friday morning: “It’s just a lack of continuity, and that’s very important. And I think that’s the biggest problem, and hopefully, hopefully, they can get that resolved. Hopefully they can get Mac (Jones) into a comfort level and a confidence level that he’s had in his three years here, at times.”

Pats’ practice change

Foxboro, MA – September 20: Patriots Mac Jones stretches during practice at Gillette Stadium. (Matt Stone/Boston Herald)

For a second straight week, the Patriots shifted their practice scheduled to include a walkthrough on Tuesday.

Bill Belichick explained the change as an adjustment to the team’s travel schedule returning from Las Vegas last weekend. The week before that, Belichick opted to give players the day off following their 34-0 beatdown at the hands of the Saints.

Regardless of the reason, Pats wide receiver Kendrick Bourne said this week he appreciated the change.

“Practicing on Tuesdays has been new for us, but for me personally, but I think it’s good for us,” Bourne said. “Everybody’s coming out there with the right mentality, and it’s been two days of some good work. You can just feel the energy, guys are going hard. Shout-out to our O-line today, it was kind of like their damn pads, and I feel like they were intense today, and I like that energy from them because I feel like we feed off them. So to see them start good and have a good day, I feel like the energy is right out there.”

Quote of the Week

“Football is a big part of my life, but I also have other parts of my life, you know? I think I’m definitely sometimes misconstrued, or whatever, but I just try to be Mac.” — Mac Jones on how he believes he’s related to Patriots fans.

Ukraine skeptics not ready to buy Biden’s ‘made in America’ pitch

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President Joe Biden is making a new case to the American public for shipping arms, ammunition and other military supplies to the wars in Ukraine and Israel.

His argument: many of those supplies are made in America — and that’s good for American jobs.

In an Oval Office address Thursday seeking more than $106 billion in aid for Israel, Ukraine and other priorities, Biden linked the fight against Russia’s invasion to the attacks by Hamas. But he also underscored that much of the Ukraine funding he’s seeking would never leave the United States.

That argument — which namechecked 2024 battleground states Pennsylvania and Arizona — comes as Biden makes a reelection pitch centered on his efforts to create jobs and revitalize domestic manufacturing in sectors such as clean energy and semiconductor fabrication. The agenda, known as Bidenomics, has been met with skepticism from voters, according to polls, but the president appears set on putting it at the core of his reelection campaign.

And now that message includes arms manufacturing. The administration is pushing to ramp up the defense industrial base to pump out more artillery shells, missiles and other weapons for the U.S. and allies. The newest aid proposal, released Friday, includes $61.4 billion for Ukraine, of which $30 billion is for direct Ukrainian military aid.

“Let me be clear about something,” Biden said. “We send Ukraine equipment sitting in our stockpiles. And when we use the money allocated by Congress, we use it to replenish our own stores, our own stockpiles with new equipment.”

“Equipment that defends America and is made in America. Patriot missiles for air defense batteries, made in Arizona. Artillery shells manufactured in 12 states across the country, in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Texas. And so much more,” he said. “You know, just as in World War II, today patriotic American workers are building the arsenal of democracy and serving the cause of freedom.”

For Democrats who have been eager to see Biden more actively selling the war supply effort to weary voters, the made-in-America angle is a welcome sign of political vigor. They acknowledge, though, that it is not a sure-thing political wager.

“To anybody that actually wants to, in good faith, make the decision, it’s certainly a really important and, I think, persuasive argument that this is about American jobs. It’s about helping actually bolster our entire defense manufacturing enterprise,” said Rep. Pat Ryan (D-N.Y.). “But I fear, and past behavior has shown, the MAGA extremists aren’t actually making this decision in good faith. They’re making it based on Russian propaganda that’s been propagated by Trump and everybody else.”

“So I don’t know that it sways, unfortunately, the people who you’d want to sway,” he lamented.

While Biden’s message might resonate with some voters, it’s not getting much traction with House Republicans who oppose more aid, at least not yet. Interviews with House GOP lawmakers on Friday showed that even those who feel Ukraine aid is justified aren’t buying Biden’s argument.

“Obviously the supply chain is important, but the president and people in his Cabinet need to sit down with members and lay down the strategy in Ukraine — and that’s the problem,” said House Defense Appropriations Chair Ken Calvert (D-Calif.), an ally of Ukraine aid. “One thing I’ve learned here is going to war, once it starts, it’s hard to end. We learned that in Iraq, we learned that in Afghanistan, and so what’s the strategy? How does this end?”

Bipartisan majorities in both chambers still support arming Ukraine, but a smaller $24 billion package Biden proposed has languished on Capitol Hill since August. House Republicans are increasingly opposed to new funding, and many GOP lawmakers argue Biden hasn’t properly justified the funding and laid out an endgame for the war.

“I’m glad somebody finally told Biden to talk about what the hell Ukraine aid is doing,” Rep. Dan Crenshaw (R-Texas), a Ukraine aid supporter, said of noting that much of the funding is spent in the U.S. “That’s helpful and it’s absolutely a requirement for some people. It’s also not true of some kinds of aid, especially humanitarian aid.”

Ukraine funding remains a politically toxic issue for House Republicans. Further aid is unpopular with the GOP base and opposed by figures such as former President Donald Trump, making it difficult for many lawmakers to support.

Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.), a Ukraine aid supporter, said Biden’s argument might reach some voters, but there are Republican lawmakers who he’ll never reach on Ukraine.

“Two months after the invasion when Biden [said] we’ve got to go all in and help — we have a certain group of people that whatever Biden says they’ve got to do the opposite,” Bacon said. “You could tell that was the turning point. Biden came out and said we want to do this and they were like, not any more.”

Ohio Republican Rep. Warren Davidson sponsored legislation that failed in July, which would have required the administration to define its mission in Ukraine. Wherever the aid is manufactured, he said, the administration needs to be more transparent about where the aid is going and the strategy in supporting Ukraine’s fight.

“What’s the objective? You don’t have to commit to achieving it, you just have to tell me what you’re trying to achieve?” Davidson said. “And then I think we do need some more accountability. The American people are very suspect of where it’s going. They want a little more accountability.”

Ukraine has been striking Russian logistics hubs using Lockheed Martin’s Guided Multiple Launch Rocket System, or GMLRS, that are partially made in Lufkin, Texas — a city of 34,000 people that saw its paper mill and foundry close over the last two decades.

It’s represented by Republican Rep. Pete Sessions, a Ukraine aid supporter, who said Friday that the U.S. has an obligation to protect Ukraine under its post-Cold War security commitments. He was turned off by Biden’s economic appeal.

“That’s the politics, but the reality is we need to do it because it’s the right thing,” Sessions said. “He’s stuck, and I don’t fault him for trying to take a middle road.”

The U.S. has awarded hundreds of millions of dollars in contracts for the High Mobility Artillery Rocket System launchers that fire GMLRS and are made in Camden, Ark., a town of about 10,000 people that’s 100 miles south of Little Rock.

Republican Rep. Bruce Westerman, who represents Camden, said critics of government spending can be surprised to know some of that spending is going back to communities like his.

“I actually had some constituents text me last night and say $100 billion is a lot of money to give away, and I made the point that a lot of that equipment is made in my district,” Westerman said. “Something that even gets missed on foreign food aid is that it’s a lot of money coming back to American producers and manufacturers.

“You can’t divorce it from the fact that it’s government spending that wouldn’t otherwise be happening, but it is government spending going back into local communities that are making this equipment.”

A bigger driver for House Republicans to back Ukraine aid may ultimately be whether they can extract border security concessions from Biden and Senate Democrats. Biden’s supplemental request includes $13.6 billion for security efforts at the U.S.-Mexico border.

Republicans are also seeking border policy changes from the administration, and see a Ukraine funding request as an opportunity for leverage.

“I’d be really surprised if Republicans wanted to let Russia win more than they wanted our own border secure,” Crenshaw said. “So I think that is the grand bargain that needs to happen.”