One man was a Capitol Police officer. The other rioted on Jan. 6. They’re both running for Congress

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By JOHN RABY (Associated Press)

CHARLESTON, W.Va. (AP) — For Derrick Evans, being part of the mob that stormed the U.S. Capitol wasn’t enough. The former West Virginia lawmaker wants to make his path to the halls of Congress permanent.

On the other side of the metal barricades that day, Police Officer Harry Dunn couldn’t stand what he saw as he defended the Capitol and its inhabitants from rioters on Jan. 6, 2021. Ultimately, the Maryland resident watched lawmakers he had protected vote to acquit former President Donald Trump and deny the violence and trauma that led to the deaths of some of his fellow officers.

On Tuesday, Evans and Dunn will make bids for U.S. House seats in their respective state primaries. They come into the election with dramatically different interpretations about what happened that day, and their performance in Tuesday’s primaries in West Virginia and Maryland could hint at whether voters’ opinions about the attack and its meaning have changed over time.

In terrorizing the Capitol for an entire afternoon, rioters wielded pipes, bats and bear spray. They used flagpoles as weapons, brutally beat police officers, chanted that they wanted to hang Vice President Mike Pence, broke through the glass and busted through doors as lawmakers frantically evacuated. A Georgia man bragged that he “fed” a police officer to the mob. More than 100 police officers were injured, many beaten and bloodied. At least nine people who were there died during and after the rioting, including a female rioter who was shot and killed by police.

More than 1,350 people have been charged with federal crimes related to the Capitol riot. Over 850 of them have been sentenced — roughly two-thirds received prison terms ranging from a few days to 22 years.

The two candidacies “symbolize a shift on the part of the two big parties regarding their commitment to law and order,” said Timothy Naftali, a senior researcher at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs.

It’s remarkable, Naftali said, that on the same day, a former police officer could become a Democratic nominee while Republicans could “select an unrepentant felon” in Evans, who “proudly displays the fact that he violated the law on Jan. 6.”

“That is a split screen that one might not have been able to imagine 15 years ago,” he said.

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While Evans is seen as a longshot to unseat an established incumbent and doesn’t have the fundraising advantage Dunn enjoys in Maryland, their candidacies at least raise the possibility that they could serve together while holding starkly different views of the violence and destruction of Jan. 6. But even if Dunn wins and Evans loses, he’d be serving alongside dozens of Republicans who have come to view the defendants as “hostages.”

Dunn, a 40-year-old Democrat, resigned last December from the Capitol Police after more than 15 years of service. He was four years short of pension eligibility.

“I’m running for Congress because the forces that spurred that violent attack on January 6th are still at work in our country today, and as a patriotic American, I believe it is my duty to step up and defend our democracy,” Dunn said.

Dunn leads all candidates in fundraising by wide margins in Maryland’s 3rd District race, with $4.6 million raised and $714,000 cash on hand, according to his latest campaign finance report with the Federal Election Commission.

Evans, a 39-year-old Republican and avid Trump supporter, calls himself the only elected official who “had the courage” to stand behind efforts to temporarily halt certification of President Joe Biden’s 2020 election victory. He livestreamed himself on Facebook cheering on what he described as a “revolution.”

Evans was arrested two days after the riot and resigned from his West Virginia House of Delegates seat a month before the 2021 legislative session. He pleaded guilty to a felony civil disorder charge and served three months in prison. At his sentencing hearing, Evans apologized for his actions, but he did an about-face upon leaving prison. He began portraying himself as a victim of a politically motivated prosecution.

Evans once called himself a Democrat, finishing sixth out of seven candidates in a state House primary in 2016. He then switched to the Libertarian Party in the general election and finished last among five candidates.

Evans is taking on West Virginia 1st Congressional District Rep. Carol Miller, also a big Trump backer. In 2022, Miller received 66% of the vote in a five-candidate GOP primary en route to winning her third term in Congress.

Miller is focused on her own accomplishments and endorsements, not any criticism from Evans or his status as a Jan. 6 defendant.

“I don’t think about him at all,” she said.

Dunn is among nearly two dozen Democrats running in Maryland’s 3rd Congressional District, where incumbent Democrat John Sarbanes is not seeking reelection. The heavily Democratic jurisdiction stretches between Baltimore and the nation’s capital.

Trump and New York Rep. Elise Stefanik have referred to Jan. 6 defendants who went to prison as “hostages,” reflecting a shifting tone among some conservatives toward the violent attempt to overturn the election result. Evans wrote a 2023 book titled “Political Prisoner: The Untold Story of January 6th.”

“I kind of think it fits into the general theme of what’s viewed as accepted political behavior among some Republicans in the 2020s that probably wouldn’t have been the case 10-20 years ago,” said Scott Crichlow, an associate political science professor at West Virginia University. “Specifically, I think it fits into the general Derrick Evans sphere of behavior. But also that seems to more and more kind of fit, with at least among some Republicans, what you want to see candidates doing and saying today.”

Later this month, another convicted Jan. 6 defendant, construction superintendent Chuck Hand, is running in a GOP U.S. House primary in southwest Georgia’s 2nd District. Hand faces three other Republicans on May 21 for the right to take on longtime Democratic incumbent Sanford Bishop. Hand and his wife, Mandy Robinson-Hand, were convicted of misdemeanor parading and picketing at the Capitol. Both were sentenced to 20 days in federal prison.

Both Hand and Evans echo false claims still made by Trump that the 2020 election was stolen.

Dunn is repulsed by such rhetoric.

“I won’t sit on the sidelines while Donald Trump and his MAGA allies in Congress try to tear our country apart,” he said, referring to Trump’s “Make America Great Again” slogan.

How much legitimacy there is to rioters’ candidacies remains to be seen. None of those seeking public office have gained much traction with voters so far.

In New Hampshire, Capitol riot defendant Jason Riddle plans to run in a crowded GOP primary for the state’s 2nd District U.S. House seat. The candidate filing period for the Sept. 10 primary is in early June. Incumbent Democratic Rep. Annie Kuster announced in March that she won’t seek a seventh term. Riddle was sentenced to 90 days in prison for helping himself to some wine from a lawmaker’s liquor cabinet and stealing a Senate procedure book that he later sold.

In Arizona, Jacob Chansley, the spear-carrying rioter whose horned fur hat, bare chest and face paint made him one of the riot’s more recognizable figures, served about 27 months of a 41-month sentence. He hoped to run as a Libertarian in Arizona’s 8th Congressional District seat but failed to meet a deadline to turn in required petition signatures to get his name on the ballot.

Tuesday’s primaries in Maryland and West Virginia will offer a more tangible test.

“On the one hand, Evans is looking at it as something to be proud of. Dunn’s looking at it as something that should never happen again,” said Crichlow. “And in that way, these two campaigns really do kind of capture fundamentally different perspectives about the last few years in politics and what politics will look like going forward.”

Gophers football: Important offensive players gather for extra work in Georgia

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If the Gophers football team’s passing game takes off this fall, the group of skill-position players responsible might point to a launching pad located in Georgia.

New starting quarterback Max Brosmer is behind a volunteer get-together with his new teammates over the next week. The Roswell, Ga., native started hosting retreats at his home base in the Atlanta suburbs during his five-year run at the University of New Hampshire, and he kept it going during spring break of his first semester at the U in early March.

“(When) you are talking about most people’s spring break — you hear Panama City (Fla.), you hear Miami, you hear all these things,” Gophers head coach P.J. Fleck said to kick off spring practices in late March. “Nope, he took a bunch of players back with him and they worked out during the spring break.”

In March, a much smaller gaggle of Gophers receivers with Georgia ties joined Brosmer for a few days of work and bonding, but now that spring semester classes and exams are finished, a dozen key offensive players are expected to convene for a week’s worth of workouts and hangouts through next Friday.

No. 1 receiver Daniel Jackson headlines the list; the all-Big Ten receiver was sidelined during spring practices and could use some time in the chemistry lab with QB1. Brand-new transfer receiver Tyler Williams, a four-star Floridian who spent his freshman season with the powerhouse Georgia Bulldogs, will catch his first balls from Brosmer. And U wideouts Le’Meke Brockington and Kenric Lanier are making return visits.

Top tailback Darius Taylor and three tight ends — Jameson Geers, Nick Kallerup and Pierce Walsh — will round out the pass catchers present.

The Gophers’ two-deep offensive roster is well covered on that guest list, and that level of attendance speaks to Brosmer’s leadership. He was named a team captain during spring practices.

Before practices began, Jackson was asked about his first impression of Brosmer; he offered one word instead — a “general.”

“He takes over the offense; he constructs the offense,” Jackson said. “You know he brings in his own little flair to it, something that we’ve never seen before.”

Maybe the biggest sign of Brosmer’s encompassing leadership is that all four Gophers quarterbacks are along for the trip to Georgia: true freshman Drake Lindsey, new Virginia Tech transfer Dylan Wittke and walk-on Max Shikejanski of Stillwater.

Fleck often talks about competing with, not against, teammates, so the entire QB group in Georgia must have the head coach nodding approvingly in Minnesota.

Brosmer said the spring break trip was more “spur of the moment,” but still “a blast” to do. He called it a “mock retreat.” The intention in March was always to have a larger group join in May, the month between the end of mandatory spring practices and summer workouts starting in Minneapolis in early June.

Brosmer first joined his new team during the week leading up to the Quick Lane Bowl in December, and he impressed teammates and coaches with how he quickly absorbed the playbook during that time in Detroit.

At that time, the Gophers were coming off a letdown 5-7 regular season that saw redshirt sophomore quarterback Athan Kaliakmanis transfer out days after loss to Wisconsin in the regular-season finale.

“I’ve never seen a person (Brosmer) walk into a situation, probably more uncomfortable of a situation,” Fleck reflected. “Because you are the new guy and connect as many people as quickly as he has.”

Fleck immediately saw Brosmer “on a mission.”

“He knows what he wants,” Fleck said of a chance to play at the Power Five level and set himself up for the NFL. “Him even coming here and getting all his goals and objectives out of (what he wants) in a program. I think this place fit, not just Minnesota, our coaching staff, our culture. but the situation he was walking into. We talked about how we needed a quarterback that could walk into here and connect the entire football team. That was going to be a tall task for anybody.”

Gophers offensive coordinator Greg Harbaugh said Brosmer was his “first real experience with recruiting a high-profile portal guy.”

Instead of giving his spiel, Harbaugh was listening to what Brosmer, a finalist for FCS player of the year, wanted in a new program.

“Then thinking about how I can put that into place to fit his needs, into what we want to do,” Harbaugh said. “It’s different than other relationships I have with players. Max and I look at it as a partnership. It’s one of those things we are working together constantly to put the best product out there.”

During the NFL playoffs, Brosmer sent Harbaugh a screenshot from a telecast of one of the Detroit Lions playoff games. It was a quote from quarterback Jared Goff on offensive coordinator Ben Johnson: “He listens to his players and adapts to what we do well.”

“He’s challenged me; he’s changed me,” Harbaugh said of Brosmer. “I think that is the coolest thing about our relationship that I hope you will be able to see on the field.”

In Harbaugh’s first season in charge in 2023, the Gophers passing game was outside the top 120 (out of 133) teams in the nation in passer rating (112.6), yards per attempt (6.0), attempts per game (24) and yards per game (143).

“We are taking a vested interest in attacking people and throwing the football,” Harbaugh said. “That’s always part of the plan. We want to be balanced. We wanted to be balanced last year. We did our best at certain times during the course of the year.”

But that fell well short of anything resembling a 50-50 balance a year ago, and the Gophers’ passing game turtled as the season finished.

During open spring practices in March and April, Brosmer found himself on a steeper learning curve, given the faster speed, bigger size of linemen and smaller passing windows at the Big Ten level.

Brosmer acknowledges he doesn’t have the strongest arm and has had to step up in other ways.

“I’ve always felt behind,” he said in comparison to other QBs. “Just because they’ve been able to throw the ball farther and harder than me.”

Brosmer said for years he’s worked on the proper anticipation of throws, knowing when and where those holes will open inside the defense and building a foundation of preparation with pass-catchers to thread them.

“I can’t throw the ball to a spot if the receiver is not going to be there, and vice versa,” Brosmer said. “So without training with the guys for hours and hours and hours on end, there’s no way that it can happen anyway.”

The Gophers are working in Georgia this spring to be able to make it happen in Minnesota this fall.

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Biden administration won’t conclude Israel violated terms of US weapons agreement, AP sources say

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By AAMER MADHANI, ELLEN KNICKMEYER, MIKE BALSAMO and ZEKE MILLER (Associated Press)

WASHINGTON (AP) — A soon-to-be-released Biden administration review of Israel’s use of U.S.-provided weapons in its war in Gaza does not conclude that Israel has violated the terms for their use, according to three people who have been briefed on the matter.

The report is expected to be sharply critical of Israel, even though it didn’t conclude that Israel violated terms of U.S.-Israel weapons agreements, according to one U.S. official.

The Biden administration’s first-of-its-kind assessment of its close ally’s conduct of the war comes after seven months of airstrikes, ground fighting and aid restrictions that have claimed the lives of nearly 35,000 Palestinians, mostly women and children.

A presidential directive agreed to by the White House under pressure from congressional Democrats and others mandated the review of whether Israel had complied with international law in its use of U.S.-provided weapons and other security support during the course of the war.

Two U.S. officials and a third person briefed on the findings of the national security memorandum to be submitted by Secretary of State Antony Blinken to Congress discussed the matter before the report’s release. They spoke on condition of anonymity because the information was not yet public.

A senior Biden administration official said the memorandum is expected to be released later Friday, but declined to comment on the findings.

Axios first reported on the memorandum’s finding.

Lawmakers and others who advocated for the review said President Joe Biden and previous American leaders have followed a double standard when enforcing U.S. laws governing how foreign militaries use U.S. support, an accusation the Biden administration denies. They had urged the administration to make a straightforward legal determination of whether there was credible evidence that specific Israeli airstrikes on schools, crowded neighborhoods, medical workers, aid convoys and other targets, and restrictions on aid shipments into Gaza, violated the laws of war and human rights.

Their opponents argued that a U.S. finding against Israel would weaken it at a time it is battling Hamas and other Iran-backed groups. Any sharply critical findings on Israel are sure to add to pressure on Biden to curb the flow of weapons and money to Israel’s military and further heighten tensions with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s hard-right government over its conduct of the war against Hamas.

Any finding against Israel also could endanger Biden’s support in this year’s presidential elections from some voters who keenly support Israel.

The Democratic administration took one of the first steps toward conditioning military aid to Israel in recent days when it paused a shipment of 3,500 bombs out of concern over Israel’s threatened offensive on Rafah, a southern city crowded with more than a million Palestinians, a senior administration official said.

The presidential directive, agreed to in February, obligated the Defense and State departments to conduct “an assessment of any credible reports or allegations that such defense articles and, as appropriate, defense services, have been used in a manner not consistent with international law, including international humanitarian law.”

T he agreement also obligated them to tell Congress whether they deemed that Israel has acted to “arbitrarily to deny, restrict, or otherwise impede, directly or indirectly,” delivery of any U.S.-supported humanitarian aid into Gaza for starving civilians there.

At the time the White House agreed to the review, it was working to head off moves from Democratic lawmakers and independent Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont to start restricting shipments of weapons to Israel.

Israel launched its offensive after an Oct. 7 assault into Israel, led by Hamas, killed about 1,200 people. Two-thirds of the Palestinians killed since then have been women and children, according to local health officials. U.S. and U.N. officials say Israeli restrictions on food shipments since Oct. 7 have brought on full-fledged famine in northern Gaza.

Human rights groups long have accused Israeli security forces of committing abuses against Palestinians and have accused Israeli leaders of failing to hold those responsible to account. In January, in a case brought by South Africa, the top U.N. court ordered Israel to do all it could to prevent death, destruction and any acts of genocide in Gaza, but the panel stopped short of ordering an end to the military offensive.

Israel says it is following all U.S. and international law, that it investigates allegations of abuse by its security forces and that its campaign in Gaza is proportional to the existential threat it says is posed by Hamas.

Biden in December said “indiscriminate bombing” was costing Israel international backing. After Israeli forces targeted and killed seven aid workers from the World Central Kitchen in April, the Biden administration for the first time signaled it might cut military aid to Israel if it didn’t change its handling of the war and humanitarian aid.

Presidents Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush, in the 1980s and early 1990s, were the last presidents to openly hold back weapons or military financing to try to push Israel to change its actions in the region or toward Palestinians.

A report to the Biden administration by an unofficial, self-formed panel including military experts, academics and former State Department officials detailed Israeli strikes on aid convoys, journalists, hospitals, schools and refugee centers and other sites. They argued that the civilian death toll in those strikes — such as an Oct. 31 strike on an apartment building reported to have killed 106 civilians — was disproportionate to the blow against any military target.

The best days to fly around the Fourth of July in 2024

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By Sally French | NerdWallet

For folks planning July Fourth vacations, prepare for crowds. The Transportation Security Administration (TSA) screened a record number of passengers in 2023, and those records are likely to be broken in 2024. In fact, in the first two months of 2024, travel volumes were roughly 6% higher than the same period in 2023, according to the TSA.

With the expected big crowds in mind, are some days better for air travel than others?

In 2024, July Fourth falls on a Thursday, which puts a wrench in predicting travel crowds. Will folks take the Friday after off to enjoy the long weekend? Or will they decide their vacation time is best used for another holiday?

Here’s some guidance around booking July Fourth weekend air travel in 2024, how you might be able to avoid the crowds — and potentially save money on airfare.

The best and worst days to fly July Fourth weekend

Are airports busy on July Fourth? NerdWallet analyzed TSA data showing the number of passengers screened at its U.S. checkpoints over the past three years, homing in on the seven days before and after July Fourth, to find the busiest days to fly.

The worst days to fly: To avoid crowds, don’t fly the Friday before July Fourth. In each of the past three years, the Friday before July Fourth was the busiest travel day before the Fourth of July weekend.

For post-holiday travel, the Sunday after ranks as the busiest day to fly.

The best days to fly: Typically, July Fourth is the least busy day to fly. On July Fourth of last year, airport crowds averaged just 70% of what they were relative to the busiest travel day, which was the Friday before July Fourth (June 30, 2023).

But if you’d rather spend July Fourth celebrating — and not in an airport — turn to Tuesday. The Tuesdays before and after the holiday rank among the least busy days to fly during July Fourth week.

The rankings of best and worst days to fly for July Fourth follow year-round travel patterns. No matter when you’re traveling, Fridays are, on average, the busiest day to fly, and Tuesdays are, on average, the least busy days to fly.

How this year’s Thursday holiday might impact long weekends

July Fourth falls on a Thursday, so people intending to travel for the holiday will likely take the next day, Friday, off and make it a long weekend. But given how few people are willing to travel on Independence Day, when will people actually fly?

The last time July Fourth fell on a Thursday was in 2019. Here’s a look at travel crowds by day in 2019, ranked from most to least crowded:

Sunday after, July 7 (most crowded).
Monday after, July 8.
Friday before, June 28.
Thursday before, June 27.
Sunday before, June 30.
Thursday after, July 11.
Wednesday before, July 3.
Wednesday after, July 10.
Tuesday after, July 9.
Monday before, July 1.
Saturday before, June 29.
Tuesday before, July 2.
Saturday after, July 6.
Friday after, July 5.
Thursday, July Fourth (least crowded).

In 2019, the July Fourth holiday was the least busy day to fly. Meanwhile, July 5, the day after the holiday, wasn’t busy either. That bucks the usual trend of Friday being the busiest travel day of the week. When it comes to July Fourth weekend travel, most people are already set in their locations by Friday.

But there’s one day that people are definitely crowding airports, and that’s the Sunday after July Fourth. Flying this day will cost you, too. According to travel booking app Hopper’s 2024 Travel Booking Hacks report, Sunday is the most expensive day to fly in the U.S., with airfares averaging 15% more than midweek departures.

The smarter, cheaper Fourth of July travel itinerary in 2024

Following typical July Fourth holiday travel patterns could mean costs in terms of airfare and time spent waiting in line at the airport. Deviate from that schedule to find lighter crowds and perhaps better July Fourth flight deals, too. Try these travel days instead:

Fly on July Fourth

If you don’t mind traveling on the holiday, you’re looking at the single emptiest air travel day of the period analyzed.

Do one better by flying early on the holiday. Hopper’s spring 2023 Flight Disruption Outlook found that flights that depart from 5 a.m. to 8 a.m. are half as likely to be delayed as flights with scheduled departure times after 9 a.m.

Plus, a morning flight improves your odds of catching the fireworks at your final destination.

Embrace Saturday travel

Rather than rush out from work on the Friday afternoon before the holiday to jump on a flight, relax at home that evening and depart Saturday morning before instead. Simply shifting your trip by one day could likely result in going from one of the busiest to lightest travel days of the July Fourth travel period.

The same goes for returning home. While it can be tempting to extend your trip as long as possible before you have to get back to work on Monday, skip the Sunday flight and fly home on Saturday instead. Bonus: You’ll have a day at home to rest and recover before the new workweek. How responsible of you.

Fly on July 5

Though Friday is typically one of the most expensive days to fly year-round, that’s unlikely to be the case this particular week.

So another option is to fly home on July 5. This allows you to still spend the holiday in your destination of choice. By returning on Friday, you’ll still have the full weekend at home to take a vacation from your vacation before Monday.

 

Sally French writes for NerdWallet. Email: sfrench@nerdwallet.com. Twitter: @SAFmedia.