Menos inmigrantes sujetos a estadías temporales con transición a un sistema unificado

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Al 20 de julio, de los 35.800 inmigrantes que se encontraban en refugios, el 80 por ciento ya estaban en centros gestionados por el Departamento de Servicios para Personas sin Hogar (DHS por sus siglas en inglés). Hay unos 6.800 en cuatro albergues que no son del DHS. Las autoridades le dijeron a City Limits que en esos albergues los plazos de estadía siguen siendo de 30 y 60 días.

La Oficina de Asistencia a la Prevención y Alojamiento Temporal (PATH por sus siglas en inglés) para familias con niños sin hogar ubicado en el Bronx. (Adi Talwar/City Limits)

Este artículo se publicó originalmente en inglés el 28 de julio. Traducido por Daniel Parra. Read the English version here.

La rampa de entrada a la Oficina de Asistencia a la Prevención y Alojamiento Temporal (PATH por sus siglas en inglés) es larga y empinada, y en una reciente y calurosa mañana de verano, los niños corrían por ella mientras sus padres se dirigían a la puerta principal. Otros arrastraban pequeñas maletas con ruedas.

El edificio, gestionado por el Departamento de Servicios para Personas sin Hogar (DHS por sus siglas en inglés), es la primera parada para las familias con niños que buscan refugio en la ciudad. Desde finales de junio, esto incluye a los inmigrantes y solicitantes de asilo, que antes tenían que completar su admisión en un centro de acogida específico en Manhattan

El DHS ha iniciado la transición de los inmigrantes a un solo sistema único de acogida, a medida que desmantela la amplia red de refugios de emergencia que se abieron en los últimos tres años para acoger a inmigrantes y solicitantes de asilo, gestionados por varias agencias municipales. Ya que durante los periodos de máxima afluencia, llegaban varios centenares al día.

Pero en los últimos meses, solo unas pocas docenas de migrantes han entrado en el refugio cada semana, mientras muchos más lo dejan. Desde junio de 2024, tras la aplicación de nuevos límites a las solicitudes de asilo por parte de la administración Biden, tanto el número de personas que cruzan la frontera como de quienes llegan a la ciudad ha descendido significativamente.

El cambio también significa que menos personas están sujetas a los polémicos plazos de acogida de la ciudad, que no se aplican a los que se alojan en instalaciones operadas por el DHS. 

Al 20 de julio, de los 35.800 inmigrantes que se encontraban en refugios, el 80 por ciento ya estaban en centros gestionados por el Departamento de Servicios para Personas sin Hogar (DHS por sus siglas en inglés). Hay unos 6800 en cuatro albergues que no son del DHS. 

Según la alcaldía, se seguirá limitando el tiempo de estadía de aquellos que están en albergues que no son del DHS, como política de gestión de capacidad. Las familias con niños recibirán avisos de 60 días cuando su tiempo se acabe y, dependiendo de la capacidad, se les ofrecerá una prórroga o una cama en el sistema de DHS.

“Entendemos que… si necesitan más tiempo, basta con que se lo digan al gestor de su caso o a alguien in situ, y se les prorrogará la estancia”, explicó Will Watts, subdirector ejecutivo de defensa de la Coalition for the Homeless, que supervisa las condiciones en los albergues de la ciudad.

“No tendrás que ir a ningún sitio a pedir una prórroga. Así que si esto funciona como se supone, nadie debería tener que ir a otro sitio después de un cierto periodo de tiempo”, añadió.

Por otro lado, los adultos inmigrantes y las familias sin hijos que se encuentren en albergues ajenos al DHS seguirán recibiendo avisos de 30 o 60 días, tras los cuales se les ofrecerán prórrogas, dependiendo la disponibilidad.

“El objetivo de la ciudad siempre fue consolidar estos sistemas. Nuestro acuerdo siempre tuvo carácter temporal”, dijo Kathryn Kliff, abogada de Legal Aid Society.

El acuerdo alcanzado el año pasado redujo temporalmente las normas de la ciudad de Nueva York sobre el derecho al albergue —que, por lo general, exigen que la ciudad proporcione una cama a cualquier persona necesitada— mientras las autoridades se esforzaban por encontrar espacio para los recién llegados.

“Están trabajando para conseguir un mundo en el que todo el mundo pase por el DHS, y eso significa que todo el mundo tiene derecho a las protecciones a las que usted tiene derecho”, dijo Kliff. 

Aún no estamos fuera

Desde finales de junio, cualquiera que busque refugio —incluidos inmigrantes— debe acudir a los centros de admisión habituales del DHS. Para los adultos solteros, eso significa acudir a los centros de Manhattan, mientras que las familias con niños deben ir a la oficina del PATH del Bronx. 

Durante la reciente visita de City Limits, los neoyorquinos sin hogar visitaban el PATH, y sólo un par de migrantes adultos buscaban un alojamiento más adecuado a sus necesidades. Un hombre, quien pidió no ser identificado por miedo, dijo que utilizaba un bastón y estaba buscando mudarse a un piso más bajo del refugio de Wards Island, donde ha estado alojado durante un mes, para poder caminar menos.

“A los jóvenes, llenos de energía, los pusieron en el primer piso, y a mí me pusieron en el séptimo piso”, dijo el hombre, de 44 años.

Después de entrar y salir unos minutos más tarde, dijo que él y un amigo habían sido remitidos al centro para adultos solteros en Manhattan. Dijeron que no pudieron encontrar a nadie que hablara español en la oficina del PATH.

Sin embargo, cuando se preguntó al respecto, un portavoz del DHS dijo que 15 intérpretes trabajan en turnos en el PATH todos los días para garantizar que siempre haya traductores a mano. Además de los servicios en persona, el departamento también tiene traductores disponibles de forma remota a través de la línea de idiomas de la ciudad.

Desde la primavera de 2022, más de 237.700 inmigrantes han pasado por los centros de acogida de la ciudad. Del 14 al 20 de julio, menos de 100 nuevos inmigrantes entraron en él, mientras que más de 300 migrantes salieron, dijo la alcaldía. 

“Aunque hemos avanzado en la crisis, aún no estamos fuera de ella. Todavía hay 36.000 migrantes que necesitan refugio y servicios”, declaró un portavoz de la alcaldía.

Como parte de los esfuerzos de reducción, la ciudad ha cerrado recientemente varias instalaciones, entre ellas el Centro de navegación de recursos para solicitantes de asilo, situado en la sede de la Cruz Roja Americana en Manhattan, que ofrecía diversos servicios legales de inmigración, y el Centro de acogida del Hotel Roosevelt, donde las familias solicitaban y prolongaban su estancia en los albergues.

Se han cerrado también el Centro de remisión de pasajes para inmigrantes y solicitantes de asilo del East Village y una red de camas en centros religiosos, para alojar a las personas que buscaban refugio.

Inmigrantes haciendo fila fuera del Centro de Reemisión de pasajes en la primavera de 2024. (City Limits/Adi Talwar)

Cierre del Centro de remisión de pasajes

La ciudad comenzó a dar plazos de 60 días de refugio a los adultos migrantes solteros en julio de 2023. En noviembre, el límite de estadía se redujo a 30 días. En octubre de 2023, la alcaldía anunció que las familias con hijos estarían sujetas a estadías de 60 días, y éstas comenzaron en enero de 2024. 

Aunque las personas podían solicitar una prórroga una vez agotado el plazo, los defensores criticaron duramente la política de plazos —y algunos legisladores presentaron proyectos de ley para prohibirla—, alegando que los frecuentes traslados perturbaban a las familias que intentaban estabilizar sus vidas. 

En octubre de 2023, la administración abrió el Centro de remisión de pasajes para inmigrantes y solicitantes de asilo en el East Village para tramitar todas las solicitudes de prórroga de refugio de los inmigrantes adultos, así como pasajes gratuitos a lugares fuera de la ciudad para quienes estuvieran dispuestos.

Durante meses, a finales de 2023 y principios de 2024, los inmigrantes se aglomeraban frente al edificio de la antigua escuela St. Brigid’s, formando largas colas en busca de alojamiento o prórrogas. Algunos llegaban con sus maletas y bolsas, listos para solicitar un billete de autobús o avión.

La alcaldía cerró el centro a finales de junio. Según la oficina del alcalde, más de 100.000 personas visitaron el centro para solicitar más tiempo en los albergues o pasajes para viajar.

“En el último año, gracias a la aplicación con éxito de las políticas de límite de tiempo de 30 y 60 días, junto con las estrategias de gestión —incluyendo los pasajes y la gestión de casos—, el 84 por ciento de los inmigrantes han abandonado nuestro sistema y han dado los siguientes pasos hacia la autosuficiencia”, declaró un portavoz de la alcaldía.

La oficina del alcalde dijo que los migrantes pueden seguir solicitando billetes para viajar a través de sus refugios.

Programa de refugios en centros religiosos

En mayo de 2023, City Limits informó primero sobre el plan de los refugios de emergencia en centros religiosos, y el alcalde anunció formalmente el programa en junio.

En el papel, el plan pretendía establecer una red de alrededor de 950 camas repartidas en 50 centros religiosos, que ofrecerían alojamiento sólo durante la noche a los inmigrantes para que los lugares pudieran continuar con su programación diurna.

Sin embargo, el programa, que costaba a la ciudad menos que el uso de hoteles convertidos en refugios de emergencia, tardó mucho más de lo previsto en ponerse en marcha, ya que algunos de los lugares se enfrentaron a obstáculos para cumplir con las acreditaciones y códigos.

El programa de refugios en centros religiosos incluía “centros de hospitalidad” diurnos en distintos condados donde los inmigrantes podían pasar el día y acceder a servicios como duchas y comidas.

Aunque se esperaba que el contrato de este programa durara dos años, la ciudad lo rescindió a finales de junio, alegando una menor necesidad.

“Debido a estos cierres y a la disminución de la población inmigrante, hemos vuelto a un sistema de albergue único para todos los neoyorquinos que buscan refugio”, dijo un portavoz de la alcaldía por correo electrónico.

Para ponerse en contacto con los reporteros de esta noticia, escriba a Daniel@citylimits.org. Para ponerse en contacto con la editora, escriba a Jeanmarie@citylimits.org.

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Sean ‘Diddy’ Combs asks for release on a $50 million bond ahead of sentencing in October

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LOS ANGELES (AP) — Music mogul Sean “Diddy” Combs is asking a judge to free him on a $50 million bond while he awaits sentencing in October after a jury found him not guilty of the most serious federal charges he faced earlier this month.

In a court filing Tuesday, Combs’ lawyer argued that conditions at the Metropolitan Detention Center in Brooklyn are dangerous, noting that others convicted of similar prostitution-related offenses were typically released before sentencing.

“Sean Combs should not be in jail for this conduct,” Marc Agnifilo said. “In fact, he may be the only person currently in a United States jail for being any sort of john, and certainly the only person in jail for hiring adult male escorts for him and his girlfriend.”

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A spokesperson for the U.S. attorney’s office in Manhattan did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Prosecutors have previously insisted he remains a flight risk.

Combs, 55, faces up to a decade in prison on two counts of transportation to engage in prostitution for flying people around the country, including his girlfriends and male sex workers, for sexual encounters. A conviction on racketeering conspiracy or sex trafficking could have put one of hip-hop’s celebrated figures in prison for life.

Immediately after he was acquitted on July 2, Agnifilo had asked that Combs be released on bond.

But Judge Arun Subramanian denied it, saying Combs at the time had not met the burden of showing by clear and convincing evidence a “lack of danger to any person or the community.”

Combs is the latest celebrity inmate to be locked up at MDC Brooklyn, the only federal jail in New York City, joining a list that includes R. Kelly, Ghislaine Maxwell and cryptocurrency fraudster Sam Bankman-Fried.

New York Moves Forward in Banning Gas Equipment in New Construction—For Now

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The state updated its building code to green-light the “all-electric” law that prohibits the use of gas equipment in new buildings. A court for the Northern District of New York also rejected a legal challenge from fossil fuel industry groups to get rid of it.

New York’s law prohibiting the use of fossil fuel equipment in new buildings is set to go into effect in 2026 for structures of seven stories or less, and in 2029 for larger buildings. (Adi Talwar/City Limits)

New York just took two important steps forward in its quest to enforce the All Electric Buildings Act, a law passed in 2023 that requires most new construction in the state to run on clean electricity instead of climate-change-inducing fossil fuels. 

On Friday, the New York State Fire Prevention and Building Code Council voted unanimously to update the state’s building code, codifying the law and allowing it to go into effect. And a few days earlier, the United States District Court for the Northern District of New York upheld the state’s all-electric law and rejected arguments put forth by fossil fuel industry groups to challenge its legality.

Lawmakers and environmentalists saw these decisions as a resounding victory for on-going efforts to move New York off fossil fuels.

“It’s a really important step and I think it also reflects that down here in New York City and in the environmental advocacy community, we’re not going anywhere but forward,” said New York State Sen. Liz Krueger at a press conference Friday.

The law aims to curb the spread of planet-warming gasses from buildings, which are responsible for approximately 30 percent of the state’s greenhouse gas emissions.

It does this by prohibiting fossil fuel equipment from being installed in most new construction. For smaller buildings up to seven stories tall, the law goes into effect in 2026 and for all other larger buildings, the start date is 2029. Some properties, like food establishments, hospitals, laundromats, water treatment plants and manufacturing facilities are exempt from the gas ban. 

The state law was inspired by New York City’s own prohibition of gas equipment in new construction known as Local Law 154. In the Big Apple, where buildings account for 70 percent of the city’s greenhouse gas emissions, the law went into effect last year for smaller buildings, with larger buildings to follow suit by 2027.

But fossil fuel industry groups launched legal challenges against both the state and local gas bans, as part of a series of concerted efforts to get rid of similar laws across the country.

The National Gas and Propane Association (NGPA), one of 13 plaintiffs in the New York State lawsuit, has spearheaded these efforts. Last year it launched a strategic plan to push back against gas bans by lobbying decisionmakers, financially backing opposition groups and launching lawsuits in places like New York.

In a press release published when the suit was filed, NGPA and the plaintiffs claimed that prohibiting gas equipment in new construction will pose a threat to local businesses that rely on selling the fuel “sparking layoffs and reducing hiring needs.” 

They also argue it will jeopardize “the reliability of an already overburdened electric grid,” as not enough clean energy projects have managed to come online to meet the rising demands for more electricity from new industries and recent electrification efforts. 

Only about 29 percent of the Empire State’s electricity currently comes from renewable sources like wind and solar thanks to inconsistent funding, long timelines for the completion of these projects and recent pushback from the Trump administration. 

Mario Mattera, a Republican New York state senator and president of the Plumbers Local Union No. 200 that joined the lawsuit challenging New York’s gas ban, siting its impact on plumbing jobs. (NYS Senator Mattera’s Office)

“Our clients are strong supporters of the State’s climate goals, but the ban puts our clients and their members at risk,” said Sarah Jorgensen, the lawyer representing the plaintiffs in the New York lawsuit.

Jorgensen is a founding partner at Reichman Jorgensen Lehman & Feldberg, the same firm that successfully managed to topple the California city of Berkeley’s own ban on gas equipment in new construction in the spring of 2023. 

After that victory, the law firm and NGPA set off to do the same in New York. They even used the exact same legal argument: they claimed the all-electric act was “preempted” or blocked by a higher ranking federal law known as the Energy Policy and Conservation Act (EPCA) of 1975.

EPCA was created as a response to an oil crisis that took hold of the United States in the early 1970s. The legislation put in place energy conservation standards for various products to ensure that appliances functioned more efficiently and used up less energy, that way the U.S could curb some of its dependency on foreign oil imports. 

In the Berkley case, three judges decided that banning gas in new buildings impacts the “quantity of energy directly consumed by” household appliances like hot water heaters and furnaces that are covered by EPCA.

But New York environmental lawyers like Dror Ladin, a senior attorney at Earth Justice, called the decision “absurd” explaining that while EPCA creates an efficiency standard for appliances, it doesn’t regulate the actual energy consumption in a home. 

“[Fossil fuel industry groups] really viewed the Berkley decision as an opening for them to try to short circuit the whole process of electrification across the nation,” Ladin said.

But for now, New York’s prohibition of gas equipment in new construction is safe.

In March, the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York dismissed legal challenges to New York City’s gas ban, Local Law 154.

But that decision is being contested at the Second Circuit court, which is the court of appeals that sits over New York. An appeal for the state decision is also on the table, and will likely be headed there too.

And nationally, the battle is far from over. 

Lawsuits to topple gas bans have spread throughout the country, from Colorado to Washington state. If enough split decisions come out of circuit courts across the country, meaning that they either follow in Berkley’s footsteps or disagree with it, the U.S. Supreme Court could choose to take a look at the issue and provide a final decision for the entire judicial system to follow. 

To reach the reporter behind this story, contact Mariana@citylimits.org. To reach the editor, contact Jeanmarie@citylimits.org

Want to republish this story? Find City Limits’ reprint policy here.

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ICE ‘Task Force’ Agreements Expand to Galveston, Beaumont

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Nearly 1.5 million Texans now live in jurisdictions where sheriffs or police chiefs have agreed to train some of their officers to act as immigration agents in the streets of their communities. These agreements currently cover around 30 Texas law enforcement agencies including: the sheriff’s departments in the populous counties of Jefferson and Smith, home to Beaumont and Tyler; sheriffs in sparsely populated South Texas counties along much of the corridor from the Rio Grande Valley to San Antonio; and municipal police departments in the small towns of Nixon and Splendora.

Last week, the sheriff’s office in Galveston County, where more than 360,000 people live, also inked an agreement—making it the most populous local jurisdiction in Texas to sign one so far.

These arrangements are what are known as 287(g) “task force” model agreements, which essentially deputize local cops as federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents after they’ve received training. Officers gain the powers to “interrogate any alien or person believed to be an alien as to his right to be or remain in the United States”; arrest without a warrant anyone the officer believes “is in the United States in violation of law and is likely to escape before a warrant can be obtained”; execute warrants for immigration violations; and prepare immigration charging documents. When exercising this newfound authority, local officers must seek guidance from an ICE supervisor—but are allowed to do so “as soon as is practicable” after exercising the authority. ICE pays for the required training but does not reimburse local agencies for their time spent enforcing immigration law.

Two other forms of 287(g) agreements exist; both are limited to the county jail setting and have sparked far less controversy than the task force model, which was revived by President Donald Trump earlier this year more than a decade after it was terminated amid controversy over racial profiling. Since Trump’s inauguration, ICE has inked more than 700 new 287(g) agreements nationwide including more than 400 task forces. (The full list, which is updated frequently, is available on ICE’s website.)

“The administration is doing everything possible to arrest and deport as many immigrants as possible, including those who have pending applications or court processes to obtain protection,” said Adriel Orozco, senior policy counsel at the American Immigration Council. “Given the well-documented history of racial profiling, particularly related to the task force model but also the use of the partnership to funnel suspected immigrants into jails, this expansion will likely lead to an enduring distrust of these institutions.”

Orozco said the program may soon be supercharged by Congress’ recent tax cuts-and-spending bill, HR 1, which contains $75 billion for ICE detention and removal operations. The bill authorizes new spending on the 287(g) program, and an earlier House version of the legislation specified the amount as $650 million. Those funds are expected to go to salaries for supervising ICE agents and the costs to conduct 287(g) training, Orozco said, but not reimbursement of local law enforcement partners. ICE did not respond to questions or a request for comment.

In June, Governor Greg Abbott signed Senate Bill 8, which will require nearly all Texas sheriffs to request and sign 287(g) agreements with ICE by the end of next year. The law does not specify what type of 287(g) agreement they must seek.  

Two state agencies—the attorney general’s office and the National Guard—have also signed task force agreements, though neither agency answered Texas Observer questions about how they plan to work with ICE. The Guard is also subject to a separate agreement, per a different federal statute, that was signed by the governor early this year and allows soldiers to enforce immigration law in tandem with Border Patrol.

In Texas, the Observer has found that ICE has begun rolling out the required training for its task force partners. In Smith County, nestled in East Texas’ piney woods, Sheriff Larry Smith said that he and two dozen deputies have finalized their 40-hour online training. But the county’s top cop is still not sure what their next steps are. “We’re waiting to hear from ICE or the Department of Homeland Security to see what capacity that they might want to work with us in and then go from there,” he said. Despite the task force program’s checkered past of racial profiling, Smith said his deputies won’t start policing based on skin color. “We’re not going to … stop somebody tomorrow and if they look like they’re of Hispanic heritage, we’re not going to ask them, ‘Let me see your papers. Are you here legally? Are you not here legally?’ We’re going to ask to see their driver’s license if we’re stopping that vehicle, and, now, if they don’t have a driver’s license, then go with further steps that you try to determine who they are.”

Over in Brooks County, Sheriff Urbino “Benny” Martinez said most of his deputies hadn’t completed the training process yet. Matt Benacci, spokesperson for the Kinney County Sheriff’s Office, which has been subject to criticism in recent years for its cozy relationship with vigilante groups, said he was unsure if training had begun. Deputies in Jefferson County, home to 250,000 residents, have not yet completed training, a chief deputy said, and neither had those in Galveston County according to a sheriff’s sergeant. 

In one case, the Observer found that ICE had incorrectly listed an agency as having signed a 287(g) task enforcement agreement in its public-facing spreadsheet. In early July, the four-officer police department of Southside Place, a wealthy enclave city of 1,800 residents completely surrounded by Houston, was marked as having a task force deal.  

“They might be getting ahead of their skis,” said Southside Place Police Chief Don McCall when reached by phone on July 14. “This is something that has to be presented to city council, and we don’t even meet with city council till next month.” ICE later removed his department from its list of participating agencies. 

Then, on Tuesday, McCall told the Observer that because he’s planning to retire at the end of the year, he’d decided not to pursue the task force agreement with ICE anymore.

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