By JIM VERTUNO

The trial of a Texas police officer charged in the halting law enforcement response to the attack on Robb Elementary heads into a second week Monday with prosecutors continuing to press their case that he did nothing in the early moments to stop the gunman.

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Adrian Gonzales, 52, a former Uvalde schools police officer, was among the first officers to arrive on the scene as the gunman approached the school. Gonzales has pleaded not guilty to 29 counts of child abandonment or endangerment.

The May 24, 2022, attack is one of the worst school shootings in U.S. history. It left 19 students and two teachers dead.

The opening days of the trial included dramatic replays of the initial emergency calls, testimony from teachers who huddled with terrified students, and the mother of one of the victims recounting how her daughter had asked to leave school early that day.

The trial’s second week could include testimony from experts in police training and more families of the victims. It was unclear if Gonzales planned to testify in his own defense.

Former Uvalde school district police officer Adrian Gonzales arrives in the courtroom at the Nueces County Courthouse in Corpus Christi, Texas, Tuesday, Jan. 6, 2026. (AP Photo/Eric Gay, Pool)

Trial focused on a single officer, not the larger police response

Gonzales was among the first of more than 370 federal, state and local officers to arrive at the school. It would take more than an hour for a tactical team to go into a classroom and kill 18-year-old gunman Salvador Ramos.

The trial is tightly focused on Gonzales’ actions. Prosecutors allege he abandoned his active shooter training and did not try to engage or distract the gunman outside the school. They said he failed again minutes later when a group of officers went inside the school only to retreat when they came under heavy gunfire.

Prosecutors noted how students made 911 calls from inside the classroom with the gunman.

“When a child calls 911, we have a right to expect a response,” special prosecutor Bill Turner said in opening statements.

Gonzales’ attorneys said he never saw the gunman outside the school. They also said Gonzales helped students evacuate from other classrooms and noted how the gunman was able to quickly get inside through an unlocked door.

Attorney Nico LaHood makes opening arguments during a trial for former Uvalde school district police officer Adrian Gonzales at the Nueces County Courthouse in Corpus Christi, Texas, Tuesday, Jan. 6, 2026. (AP Photo/Eric Gay, Pool)

A mother, teachers and photos recount the terror of the day

Jennifer Garcia told jurors her 9-year-old daughter Eliahna Garcia asked to leave school early after an awards program. But the family had already given her teacher a little bit of money to pitch in for a class pizza and movie party.

“She wanted to come home,” Garcia said, fighting back tears. “I told her, ‘No … stay at school.’”

The family was among the last to learn that night that their daughter had died.

Several Robb teachers and a staff member described the terror of seeing the gunman approach and hearing the booming staccato of gunfire. They described following their training for active shooter situations: locking classroom doors, turning out the lights and keeping the children quiet.

“I told them I loved them,” said teacher Lynn Deming, who was wounded by shrapnel when a classroom window was shot out. “I wanted to tell them it would be OK, but I wasn’t sure. I wanted to make sure the last thing they heard was that somebody loved them.”

Jurors also saw photos from the classrooms that showed large amounts of blood and the dead gunman. A medical examiner described the wounds to the children, noting several were shot at least a dozen times.

Tracing a trail of bullets outside the school

Prosecutors focused heavily on a trail of bullets and shell casings left as the gunman fired his rifle outside the school. They hope to show the jury that Gonzales should have been close enough to the gunman to see him shooting and confront him in the early moments.

Prosecutors had a setback when the testimony of the first teacher to testify was dismissed by the judge. She described running with children from the playground, seeing a gunman dressed in black with a rifle, and puffs of smoke in the dirt from bullets as he fired.

Defense lawyers complained her detailed description of the gunman — which would help place him near Gonzales — was new evidence that was not disclosed before trial. Judge Sid Harle denied their request for a mistrial but instructed the jury to disregard her testimony.

Rare prosecution of a police officer

The trial is a rare case in which a police officer could be convicted of allegedly failing to act to stop a crime and protect lives.

Gonzales and former Uvalde schools Police Chief Pete Arredondo are the only two responding officers that day to face charges. Arredondo’s trial has not yet been set.

Prosecutors likely will face a high bar to win a conviction. A Florida sheriff’s deputy was acquitted by a jury after being charged with failing to confront the shooter in the Parkland, Florida, school massacre in 2018 — the first such prosecution in the U.S. for an on-campus shooting.

By DAVID A. LIEB

After a frenetic few months of congressional redistricting efforts, President Donald Trump’s plan to reshape voting districts for partisan advantage ahead of this year’s midterm elections stands at an important juncture.

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Will Republican- and Democratic-led states ramp up their remapping of U.S. House districts as new legislative sessions get underway? Or will the mid-decade redistricting frenzy fade away following Indiana’s resounding rejection of Trump’s pressure-packaged campaign?

“We’re at a crossroads to see if the mid-decade redistricting movement gains more speed or was simply an attempt by Donald Trump to impact elections that in many states fizzled,” said Jeffrey Wice, director of the Elections, Census and Redistricting Institute at New York Law School.

Virginia and Florida are two key states to watch. Democrats who lead Virginia and Republicans who lead Florida could try to swing multiple seats in their party’s favor by an aggressive redistricting. Virginia’s legislative session begins Wednesday. Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis plans to call a special session in April on congressional redistricting.

What happens next in Democratic-led Illinois and Maryland and in Kansas’ Republican-led Legislature also could affect the GOP’s ability to maintain a narrow House majority in the face of political headwinds that typically favor the party out of power in midterm elections. Key lawmakers in all three of those states remain opposed to redistricting.

A gerrymandering wave hits a wall

Trump kick-started an unusual redistricting plan in July by calling on Texas Republicans to redraw their congressional map to create more favorable districts for the party — even though there was no new census data to base it upon. That triggered a mid-decade redistricting battle the likes of which has not been common since the late 1800s.

Texas, Missouri and North Carolina all approved new Republican-friendly House districts. Ohio, which had to redistrict because of its state constitution, used the opportunity to enact a more favorable House map for Republicans.

But Ohio’s action on Oct. 31 marked a turning point. That same day, Virginia’s Democratic-led legislature took a first step toward redistricting. Then in November, California voters approved new House districts helping Democrats, Kansas Republicans dropped plans for a special session on redistricting, and a Utah judge adopted a new House map that benefits Democrats.

Trump suffered a stunning setback Dec. 11, when Indiana’s Republican-led Senate defeated a redistricting plan that could have helped the GOP win all nine of the state’s U.S. House seats, up from their current seven.

The net result from the 2025 jockeying could be three additional seats for Republicans. But even that is in question, because legal challenges remain in some states, and there is no guarantee that parties will win the districts they redrew.

Virginia may be next up on redistricting

When the Virginia General Assembly begins its annual session, the agenda will include a proposed constitutional amendment allowing mid-decade redistricting in response to other states.

The amendment, which received first-round approval in the fall, would also need to pass a statewide vote before the new districts could be implemented. Quick action would be necessary to get all that accomplished in time for candidates to run in redrawn districts later this year.

Democrats, who currently hold six of the state’s 11 U.S. House seats, have not unveiled what those new districts would look like. But some have talked of trying to gain as many as four additional seats.

Virginia Gov.-elect Abigail Spanberger has embraced the redistricting effort but has not committed to a particular plan.

“I will look at any map that is kind of reasonable and keeping communities compact and together,” Spanberger, a Democrat, told The Associated Press. “But ultimately, it’s up to the people of Virginia to choose whether or not to move forward with the referendum.”

Florida plans an April redistricting debate

Republicans currently hold 20 of Florida’s 28 U.S. House seats. That advantage could grow if districts are reshaped during a special session.

Although Florida’s regular legislative session starts Tuesday, DeSantis said he is waiting until April to call a special redistricting session to allow time for a possible U.S. Supreme Court ruling on a key provision of the federal Voting Rights Act. If the court rules in a Louisiana case that race cannot be the predominant factor in creating voting districts, it could open the way for several Republican-led states to redraw districts represented by Black or Hispanic lawmakers who are Democrats.

DeSantis said the high court’s ruling could affect “at least one or two” Florida districts.

But any redistricting that aids Republicans could face a court challenge. A voter-approved Florida constitutional provision prohibits drawing district boundaries to favor or disfavor a political party or incumbent.

Resistance remains in several targeted states

Some Democrats seeking to counter Trump have urged lawmakers in Illinois and Maryland to redraw their already heavily Democratic districts to try to gain one additional seat in each state. But the plans appear to lack traction as legislative sessions begin Tuesday in both states.

Illinois House Speaker Pro Tem Kam Buckner said “there is no active push” for congressional redistricting.

“There is no appetite to reopen something that will consume enormous time, energy and, frankly, political capital without a compelling justification,” Buckner, a Democrat, told the AP.

Democratic Maryland Gov. Wes Moore has created a special commission to recommend a new congressional map. But Democratic Senate President Bill Ferguson remains opposed and insists that a majority of residents also do not want new districts.

In Kansas, some Republicans want to redraw U.S. House districts to try to gain an additional seat. But House Republicans have failed to gain the two-thirds support needed to override a likely veto by Democratic Gov. Laura Kelly.

House Speaker Dan Hawkins told reporters that he has no plans to hold a vote on congressional redistricting during the annual legislative session that starts Monday.

“I do not have the votes,” Hawkins said.

Associated Press reporters Olivia Diaz, John Hanna, Mike Schneider and Brian Witte contributed to this story.

J. Antonio Fernández is the first non-clergy member to lead Catholic Charities of the Archdiocese of New York, a century-old network of social service agencies and an affordable housing provider. The greatest need he sees among those they serve? “Housing and food insecurity, no questions asked.”

J. Antonio Fernández, the new president and CEO of Catholic Charities of the Archdiocese. (Adi Talwar/City Limits)

For Catholic Charities of the Archdiocese of New York (CCANY), 2025 was a year of change. The longtime social services nonprofit and affordable housing provider moved headquarters this past summer and changed executive directors for the first time in 25 years—and for the first time in its history, didn’t elect clergy to the post. 

The new executive director, J. Antonio Fernández, is neither a native New Yorker nor does he wear cassocks or vestments, as his predecessor did.

In October, Fernández became the first layperson to serve as executive director of the century-old CCANY. The network of social service agencies provide a wide range of support—including food, shelter, clothing, health and immigration services, disaster relief, and workforce development, among others—to people in need across New York State. 

When it comes to housing, CCANY offers programs that provide emergency shelter, prevent evictions, and pay rent for low-income families in housing court. The organization is also a housing developer itself through Catholic Homes, a CCANY agency, which owns approximately 3,000 units.

More than half of those were acquired through preservation efforts, in which CCNY took over and rehabilitated existing apartments. The organization’s goal for 2026 is to refinance and preserve around 1,120 units.

But Fernández—who immigrated from Spain and was previously the president and CEO of Catholic Charities in San Antonio, Texas—admits even their robust level of programming is a drop in the bucket when it comes to the scale of need in New York City, where more than half of tenants are rent-burdened.

City Limits caught up with Fernández to talk about his plans for the organization, the most pressing needs he sees among both longtime New Yorkers and new migrant arrivals, and the new mayoral administration.

This conversation has been edited for length and clarity. 

City Limits: You immigrated to the United States to study English. For the first time, CCANY will be led by a layperson who is also an immigrant. What changes can we expect to see under your leadership? 

Fernández: I don’t know if any of the changes have to do with my status, not being a clergy person or an immigrant, because my job has always been to help other people in need. I really believe that Catholic Charities will help everybody, regardless of where you are coming from: Spain, China, Poland, Ukraine, or regardless of whether you are Catholic or not.

You know the concept of “pay it forward”? I feel people were extremely nice to me in the U.S when I got here. I stayed—I love this country—so I feel responsible to be extremely nice to other people who are coming here, or people who just need something. I feel obligated to do that, not out of morality, but because I have my own standards.

So is it unique that I’m the first layperson? Yes, it is. Does it give you more responsibility? Maybe. For more than 117 years, this company has been run by clergy. But at the end of the day, we are all human beings. It doesn’t matter whether you’re clergy or not.

CL: You’ve worked in San Antonio, with immigrant communities, and in Chicago.

Fernández: In San Antonio, we served over 350,000 immigrants in the last three years. A lot of people came crossing the border. Some people came and then left within 72 hours—to New York, Boston, Chicago, and so on. And then, as time went on, people started staying longer and longer. But for us, the work was not long-term case management, like it is in New York.

In New York, the conversation is more about the long-term approach, more legal help, more case management.

CL: CCANY serves more than 400,000 people annually. What are the most pressing needs the organization sees among the low-income New Yorkers it serves?

Fernández: I’ve been here for two and a half months. I’ve seen poverty. I’ve seen hungry people, people who need help making ends meet. Inflation has gone up so quickly that people haven’t been able to make the necessary changes.

What can we do for these people every week? That has to be the goal, not just one week a year, during Thanksgiving. How can I explain to people the need for more food and other basic human needs, while also increasing the case management to help people out of poverty and become self-sufficient? When we are looking at the Catholic Charities’ strategic plan, it should include more food pantries.

CL: Have you noticed any other common requests or issues related to housing among CCNY’s clients?

Fernández: People need housing, but food insecurity is huge. To me, case management is very important, even if it’s not equally important. During the pandemic, people were getting food. But how can we make sure that we’re not just giving them food, but also giving them the means to get out of poverty? 

Moving to New York was an experience. I learned how expensive it is to live there. I felt that. I think everybody, all human beings, has the right to housing, food, and clothes. So housing is the big issue, along with food insecurity. 

CL: Catholic Homes New York, an agency of CCANY, develops affordable housing for families and seniors. Can you tell us more about that?

Fernández: We’ve got projects in downtown Manhattan, the Bronx, and Harlem. The problem, though, is that it’s full. No matter how many more we do, it looks like we’re going to be full. The need is huge.

We recently completed the St. Anselm project in the South Bronx in October, and commenced construction on Broome Street in the Lower East Side this June, situated on the Grand Street Guild campus. If I could make one request of the government, it would be to put more money into housing, because it takes a long time to get a new building out there.

CL: Have you met with Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani or his team yet?

Fernández: Yes, three times: one before the election, and two after it. One during SOMOS in Puerto Rico with his team, and one at one of Catholic Charities’ agencies. Our social justice component is similar to his goals because it aims to help the poor. I think our missions are actually very similar.

CL: What does CCANY want the new Mamdani administration to focus on first?

Fernández: Housing and food insecurity, no questions asked. If we can get everyone in the city a place to live in humane conditions and provide them with food, clothes, and other basic human needs, I think that will be a huge win for everyone.

To reach the reporter behind this story, contact Daniel@citylimits.org. To reach the editor, contact Jeanmarie@citylimits.org

Want to republish this story? Find City Limits’ reprint policy here.

The post ‘The Need is Huge’: Catholic Charities’ New Leader on Hunger and Housing in NYC appeared first on City Limits.

By LINLEY SANDERS and AMELIA THOMSON-DEVEAUX, Associated Press

WASHINGTON (AP) — Americans are increasingly rejecting the two major political parties, according to new polling.

Just under half, 45%, of U.S. adults now identify as independents, a new Gallup survey found. That’s a substantial shift from 20 years ago, when closer to one-third of Americans said they didn’t identify with the Democrats or Republicans.

This group appears, increasingly, to be driven by their unhappiness with the party in power, according to Gallup’s analysis. That’s a dynamic that could be good for Democrats in this year’s midterm elections, but doesn’t promise lasting loyalty. Independents have gravitated toward the Democrats over the past year when asked which party they lean toward, Gallup found, but attitudes toward the party haven’t gotten warmer. That suggests that the Democrats’ gains are probably more related to independents’ increasingly sour views of President Donald Trump.

Younger people, in particular, are rejecting the parties at much higher rates than older generations. More than half of Generation Z and Millennials identify as political independents, while a majority of older generations side with a party. That’s different from the past, when more young adults identified with the Democrats or the Republicans. And it’s part of the reason why frequent, dramatic swings in political power may become increasingly normal.

Democrats regain the edge with political independents

Independents have long been the largest political group in the U.S., and their numbers have increased over the last 15 years. But often, they’re more inclined to side with one of the parties over the other.

FILE – A polling place during primary voting, May 21, 2024, in Kennesaw, Ga. (AP Photo/Mike Stewart, File)

This year, the Democratic Party gained the partisanship edge when independents were asked whether they lean more toward the Democratic or Republican Party. Nearly half, 47%, of U.S. adults now identify as Democrats or lean toward the Democratic Party, while 42% are Republicans or lean Republican. This is an indication of how Americans are feeling about their political affiliations, and it may not be reflected in voters’ actual registration.

This shifted the 3-year party affiliation advantage that the Republican Party held while President Joe Biden was in office, reverting to where the Democrats stood during Trump’s first term.

While that’s certainly not bad news for Democrats as they look to regain one or both houses of Congress in November, it’s likelier that they’re benefiting from independents’ unhappiness with Trump, rather than building lasting goodwill for themselves. Trump’s approval among independents has fallen steadily over the year, while Democrats’ favorability remains historically low.

Young people drive independents’ strength

Younger Americans are driving the recent rise in U.S. adults identifying as independents.

The Gallup polling found majorities of Gen Z and Millennial adults – who were born between 1981 and 2007 – now identify as independents. Independent identity is softer in older generations, where only about 4 in 10 in Gen X currently call themselves independents and roughly 3 in 10 older adults do.

Young adults today are more likely than previous generations to identify outside of the Democratic and Republican Party. While 56% of Gen Z adults call themselves independents, that’s higher than in 2012, when 47% of Millennials said they were independents, and 1992, when 40% of Gen X adults identified that way, according to the Gallup analysis.

That means that this trend isn’t likely to shift, unless the parties are able to change the way younger people see them.

Independent Americans are increasingly the moderates

Americans who identify as moderates increasingly don’t see themselves in either party, Gallup’s polling shows.

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More independents have described their political views as “moderate” over the last decade, while Democrats and Republicans have grown less likely to identity as moderates.

About half of independents, 47%, called themselves moderates in 2025, compared to about 3 in 10 Democrats and about 2 in 10 Republicans.

At the same time, Democrats and Republicans have become increasingly polarized in their ideology. About 6 in 10 Democrats now call themselves liberal, while the share that consider themselves moderate is among the lowest it’s ever been. Among Republicans, 77% consider themselves conservative, and moderate identity is also at a low point.

That creates another challenge for the parties to contend with, since appeals to the center to win the growing pool of independents could risk alienating the most committed people in their base.