Battenfeld: Boston city councilors hand out big, taxpayer-funded bonuses to staffers

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Christmas comes early for the Boston City Council.

Councilors continue to hand out hefty, taxpayer-funded pay bonuses to staffers in a practice that smacks of old school politics excess.

Councilor-at-large Michael Flaherty, who is retiring at the end of the year, this week doled out nearly $25,000 worth of bonuses to four staffers, records show.

That includes a $9,885 one-time bonus to staffer Paul Sullivan, $6,115 bonuses to aides Clare Brooks and Mary Karski and a $2,519 bonus to assistant Tricia Kalayjian, according to records.

Flaherty isn’t the only one giving bonuses but it adds a certain sting when a councilor hands them out a few months before leaving office. Councilor Tania Fernandes Anderson tried to give one staffer — her sister — a $7,000 bonus until she was caught by the Ethics Commission.

How many people would like to get a $10,000 or $7,000 bonus? A lot of people work hard, but don’t get handed big taxpayer funded bonuses.

They get on the malfunctioning T after putting their kids to school, then their taxes go to pay this? It’s an entitlement the average working person in the city of Boston doesn’t get. It would be a godsend to get one.

This is the most expensive city council in Boston history and one of the most inept.

Councilors are well paid now at $103,500 annually and they’re soon to get another big raise.

All of the staff payouts were approved by the council but they’re not labeled on the agenda as bonuses – they are called an “order(s) for the reappointment of temporary employee(s)” in a sleight of hand maneuver. Not exactly transparent.

Each councilor gets a budget of $341,500 to pay for staff salaries, while President Ed Flynn gets $400,000.

If there is any money leftover at the end of the year, councilors can spend it on bonuses so the money isn’t returned to the budget. It’s a little known tradition that has gone on for years.

Flynn confirmed that councilors routinely hand out bonuses when they have money left in their accounts.

“At the end of the year if you have money left over people try to give it out as bonuses,” he said. City councilors have the flexibility to make those adjustments. People want to end the year with no money left over.”

But in what’s supposed to be an era of new politics in Boston City Hall, this is a type of practice that turns off ordinary people.

There’s been virtually no reform at City Hall and this is a glaring example. What justifies the bonus besides the fact that they can?

It’s a practice that should be discontinued and the dysfunctional City Council should set an example.

Home Showcase: A house for horse fans

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With 16 Main Street in Dover, you don’t just get a thoughtfully renovated 1812 antique Colonial, you also get to make your equestrian dreams come true.

Is there anything better than having your beloved companions whinny at you when you come home from work? For the horse girls and horse-girls-at-heart, the gracious family home holds the promise of having all your favorite things all in the same place.

Set on 2.84 acres with mature trees, landscaping, and even room to add a pool, the estate dazzles with a main house and two-level barn.

Families, especially those that love to host, will appreciate the home’s many spaces for entertaining, including the oversized dining room with fireplace and family room with custom built-ins. Naturally, there’s an updated gourmet kitchen with radiant heat, pantry, and adjoining sitting room with a wood stove and oversized windows looking out over the grounds.

Five bedrooms, including a primary suite with a marble bath, occupy the second and third floors, as does a bonus room that can be turned into a playroom or home office. Among the list of recent updates, you’ll find new powder rooms, a mudroom, HVAC, and generator.

Outside, the expansive grounds provide a parklike setting for outdoor living. There’s a brick patio for dining and gathering by the firepit, a covered gazebo, and of course, the two-stall barn with fenced paddocks for your horse pals. Nearby Noanet Woodlands offers welcoming trails for riding, and Dover is in prime horse country.

On the market for $2,295,000, the sale of the property is represented by Annie Bauman,Jane Johnstone and Peggy Gemelli with The Bauman Group of Gibson Sotheby’s International Realty.

Home Showcase:

Address: 16 Main Street, Dover, MA 02030

Bedrooms: 6

List Price: $2,295,000

Square feet: 3,798

Price per square foot: $604

Annual taxes: $19,125 in 2023.

Location: Close to town center and schools.

Built in: 1812

The Appraisal:

Pros:

Lots of updates

Outdoor space

Cons:

Equestrian upkeep

home showcase – 16 Main Street Dover, MA 02030
home showcase – 16 Main Street Dover, MA 02030
home showcase – 16 Main Street Dover, MA 02030
home showcase – 16 Main Street Dover, MA 02030

Empowering a temporary speaker could invite legal challenges

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House Republicans calling on acting Speaker Patrick McHenry to start legislating — and stave off a governing crisis — may be inviting serious legal challenges, according to several former lawyers for the fractious chamber.

As the GOP conference’s inability to pick a leader threatens to plunge the House into a long-term morass, some Republicans have proposed empowering McHenry to briefly wield the powers of the speakership amid urgent funding battles and international threats.

One version of that plan would entail a full vote of the House to explicitly grant McHenry the authority to lead the chamber. That effort faltered amid resistance from the House’s right flank, but some Republicans have called on McHenry to act anyway, arguing that he already has the authority he needs to run the chamber.

That interpretation, however, carries significant legal risks, says former House counsel Stan Brand, who was the chamber’s top lawyer under former Speaker Tip O’Neill.

“Anytime you’re going to take legislative action that you hope will stand the test, I think you want to be careful about how far you push it,” Brand said. “I thought [McHenry] was very reticent to do that. He should be.”

Acknowledging those risks, McHenry has told Republicans he will resign from the pro tem speaker post if pressed to take on more powers without a formal vote.

The House has broad constitutional authority to establish its own internal procedures. If a majority of members agrees that McHenry should temporarily have the full powers of the speakership, a formal vote would likely hold up in court, three former House lawyers say. Citing the House’s wide latitude to govern itself, federal courts have routinely rejected challenges to the chamber’s internal procedures, which in recent years have included proxy voting, mask mandates and fines for members who evaded metal detectors.

Without that vote, any expansion of McHenry’s powers would invite legal challenges, both internally and externally. It would add layers of uncertainty to any legislation passed without the full imprimatur of the House.

“The safest course would be a House resolution specifying the powers he can exercise,” said Thomas Hungar, who was House counsel under former Speaker Paul Ryan.

“[T]here’s a plausible argument that the Speaker pro tem already has the authority to act as Chair in all respects,” Hungar added, “but if he attempted to proceed in that manner, any Member could challenge his authority and insist on a vote, and then you’d be back to a vote of the House to resolve the issue, so it boils down to the same thing either way.”

And McHenry has ruled out simply taking the reins without a vote to either formally empower him or elect him to his position — warning it would put the House in a politically precarious position and go against the advice of the parliamentarian.

“I’m here to preside over the election of the next speaker,” he said Friday. “I said very clearly to Republicans yesterday that any move to go beyond that I would not support.”

But he added that “if there’s a formalized vote for a speaker pro tem, it can be done, it’s proven to be constitutional. There’s a way through this and a way that the institution can function, but you have to have a formal vote.”

Members themselves are grappling with this largely untested dynamic, noting that there’s little precedent to guide the House. The rules adopted by members in January contemplate a vacancy in the speakership, empowering a temporary speaker to “exercise such authorities of the Office of Speaker” necessary to facilitate the election of a permanent speaker.

McHenry’s ascension to the speakership traces back to a system created after Sept. 11, 2001, to ensure continuity of government. After Kevin McCarthy was ousted earlier this month, the House clerk brought out a still largely secret list of McCarthy’s preferred successors. McHenry was first on the list — who else is on the list is unknown.

While McHenry says the language of the rule limits his authority to simply setting up votes to elect a new speaker, other Republicans have argued it grants him the authority to actually run the House given that it was meant to guarantee continuity of government in the case of a national emergency.

“That measure was done in contemplation of 9/11 to ensure that we have continuity of government,” said Rep. Nick LaLota (R-N.Y.). “There should be nothing to discuss. He’s got all the powers, duties and responsibilities.”

House Republicans have discussed forcing a vote to help protect any actions McHenry takes from legal challenges. GOP lawmakers have mulled different interactions of what that could look like; Rep. David Joyce (R-Ohio) has been discussing a resolution that would empower McHenry through Jan. 3. Republicans have also discussed formally electing McHenry as a temporary speaker with expanded powers.

“These are serious questions,” said Rep. Kelly Armstrong (R-N.D.). “This is second in line to the presidency of the United States. … Everybody seems to have a little different opinion.”

After Jim Jordan lost a secret-ballot vote on Friday in a dramatic fashion, Republicans now face a wide-open field as they head for another candidate forum on Monday evening. That frenzy has put the proposal to empower McHenry on the backburner, for now.

Joyce said that McHenry “doesn’t want the job.” When asked about how to find a consensus in the conference, he pointed to the upcoming candidate forum.

“I think it was pretty clear that we need to empower a speaker and, for whatever reason, this group didn’t feel that was something that they wanted to do. So here we are on Day 20 — Monday will be 20 — and we’ll still be without getting anything done. And have wasted 20 of the 45 days that we have in the CR that they fired Kevin for,” Joyce said.

Quoting “The Princess Bride,” Armstrong added that the notion of a vote to empower McHenry appeared “mostly dead.”

That isn’t to say the idea couldn’t come back if Republicans continue to struggle to find their way out of their self-created wilderness. But it would likely face steep pushback from the conference’s right flank.

The Associated Press snapped a photo on Friday of a resolution from Freedom Caucus Chair Scott Perry (R-Pa.), who opposes the idea of empowering McHenry, to try to boot the North Carolinian from the office if he was elected as pro tem.

“There’s a lot of parliamentary questions around this because it’s never really been done,” said Rep. Andy Ogles (R-Tenn.), another Freedom Caucus member. “We don’t have a duly elected speaker, so can that power actually be transferred?”

One former House counsel agreed that the safest course for GOP lawmakers would be to take an affirmative vote — but he noted the calculus could change as the stagnant House plunges the nation closer to self-inflicted crisis.

“What is the wise course of action probably depends on how desperate the country becomes for House action if the House cannot muster a formal, affirmative vote,” said Kerry Kircher, the top House lawyer from 2011 to 2016.

Caitlin Emma contributed to this report.

John Shipley: Michigan allegations just another disaster for college football

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If Jim Harbaugh and his University of Michigan football program were sending scouts to Minnesota games to steal their signs, you have to ask yourself why. It’s hard to believe he was worried about losing to Minnesota.

Now, while Harbaugh’s program is under NCAA investigation for an alleged system of in-person sign-stealing that breaks the NCAA’s competitive rules, it doesn’t mean the Wolverines actually bothered to steal the Gophers’ signs. To be fair, it seems like overkill. The U has beaten Michigan twice since 1987, and it usually isn’t close. The teams met Oct. 7, and the Wolverines won 52-10.

On the other hand, Harbaugh was suspended three games this season for violating NCAA recruiting rules, which seems impossible in the Age of Name, Image and Likeness. So, maybe there’s something to the whole thing. Maybe Harbaugh felt as though Michigan didn’t simply have to beat the Gophers, but humiliate them — because no matter what anyone else tells you, margin of victory counts.

Maybe in the NCAA’s revamped booster free-for-all unleashed by NIL collectives, the haves like Michigan feel they not only have to provide the highest cash bid for star players, they have to do everything else within their power to earn a spot in the College Football Championship, a terrific bonus chit to the player already promised everything else.

That’s more national exposure, more NIL opportunities, more money.

This has created an existential crisis for programs like Minnesota’s, prompting Gophers coach P.J. Fleck to use his radio program to beg listeners to buy more beer and t-shirts that directly help Gophers student-athletes so that his star freshman running back doesn’t leave for greener pastures after this season. Coming from a coach making around $6 million a year, it’s rich.

Coach better. Buy the beer and the t-shirts. Grab an oar.

But while it’s existential for programs like Fleck’s, which got a peek at the big time with an 11-2 season in 2019, it’s different for the haves. They already have the boosters and exposure to make Blake Corum a millionaire and sure as hell aren’t going to cede conquered territory. Maybe, if any of this is true, Harbaugh and his program feel pressure to beat the Big Ten’s underclass by 50 points a game and enjoy whatever that helps them reap.

College athletics are off the rails. It’s great for athletes, which is good, but for a fan it becomes more difficult to enjoy the games, at least at the highest level. We already have pro sports, we don’t need more — especially if they’re the same sports, primarily football and basketball, that already have our attention.

The NCAA, of course, made this mess, creating a lucrative eco-system that rewarded coaches and administrators but not student-athletes. When the players finally became confident enough to challenge the system in court, it crumbled, and the NCAA — facing its own existential crisis — typed up a few vague rules and said, “Go to town.”

And now we have the NIL gong show. While Fleck begs Gophers fans to Row the NIL Boat, coaches like Nick Saban and Kirk Ferentz are begging for an intervention. Again, it’s rich coming from coaches who make even more than Fleck, but they’re right.

Basketball, with its 68-team national tournament, still makes room for underdogs, and not surprisingly, when they’re successful, they’re the big stories of the NCAA’s biggest TV extravaganza. Football isn’t on that trajectory, moving instead to a sort of Rollerball, an exclusive, corporate-sponsored hellscape featuring the same six to eight teams every year.

One of the great joys of college football is watching App State beat Michigan and Boise State beat Oklahoma. Do you want to live in a world where that will never happen again? Do you want a college landscape where even Michigan’s coach feels he needs to steal your signs?

In its race to save the status quo without a map, college football is eating itself.

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