Biden stays clear of calling for Ivy League presidents’ resignations

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Joe Biden has been nearly unequivocal in his support for Israel, but he’s trying to steer clear of a volatile conflict roiling his own party over whether presidents of elite colleges should lose their jobs for how they addressed antisemitic rhetoric.

In a marked contrast from the more Bill Clinton- or early Barack Obama-like approach of occasionally wading into complicated political and cultural moments, Biden has largely declined to insert himself into the fracas over the testimony from the presidents of Harvard, MIT and the University of Pennsylvania. Each failed during a congressional hearing to decisively denounce calls for genocide against Jews as a violation of their campuses’ codes of conduct.

Biden’s decision to keep his distance reflects long-standing attitudes in the administration that it must be exceedingly careful in the battles it picks — and that in fast-moving situations, staying away from the fray is often the best approach.

Biden has remained unwavering in his backing of Israel and denounced antisemitism on multiple occasions, aides and others familiar with his thinking said, even as it has cost him support from some in his own base. White House allies see little upside in putting the president further in the middle of a raging argument about campus culture and the government’s role in debates over free speech.

That restraint has placed Biden off to the side in an event that has become a which-side-are-you-on test for much of the American elite and big parts of the Democratic coalition.

His White House has made clear he views the calls for genocide of Jews as out of bounds and has stressed that the university presidents should have said so. But the president himself and his team are not joining the calls for resignations and have largely resisted speaking about the departure of Liz Magill, the president of the University of Pennsylvania, where Biden has a center in his name.

“Calling out someone by name and saying they should be fired is the most extreme position you could take,” said one Biden ally in touch with the administration on the issue. “When you take the president’s leadership very seriously, you have to be very careful and understand what messages you’re sending.”

There are already some Biden allies who think he’s gone too far.

Jason Furman, a Biden ally and former top economic adviser to Obama who now teaches at Harvard, warned that the White House had overstepped to a degree by issuing a condemnation of “calls for genocide” following last week’s hearing without specifying what the three presidents had actually said.

The White House statement issued shortly after the presidents’ testimony declared that “any statements that advocate for the systematic murder of Jews are dangerous and revolting — and we should all stand firmly against them.”

“I thought the White House took a cheap shot at the college presidents,” Furman said, conceding that their answers were “poorly phrased” but contending that the resulting coverage had lost any of the nuance of the back-and-forth. “It’s sad to see the White House statement joining a collective and disingenuous misstatement of what was said.”

On Monday, White House deputy press secretary Andrew Bates called Magill’s subsequent apology for her remarks “the right thing to do,” calling the current moment one for “moral clarity,” but did not directly address her resignation.

There is similarly no appetite to weigh in on the fates of Harvard president Claudine Gay or MIT president Sally Kornbluth, who are both facing calls to step down as well.

Biden and his advisers have kept an eye on the controversies swirling around college campuses, and aides cautioned that the president could always a make a spur-of-the-moment decision to weigh in on specific incidents.

But the internal thinking so far is that universities’ personnel decisions simply don’t rise to the level of presidential involvement — and going after college leaders by name might only complicate the clear position against antisemitism that Biden has already staked out.

In a statement, White House spokesperson Robyn Patterson disputed the idea that Biden had not weighed in on the university presidents and their testimony, calling it “puzzlingly false.”

“We’ve been unequivocal and a range of news outlets described the White House response to the university presidents as a ‘blasting,’ a ‘condemnation’ and an expression of ‘outrage,’” she said.

Several current and former officials also noted that Jewish groups are not pushing for Biden to get more involved, nor is there any consensus even among Biden allies over what should happen next at Harvard and MIT.

Hundreds of Harvard faculty members have signed a petition urging the university not to oust Gay, casting it as critical to upholding the school’s “commitment to academic freedom.”

“The critical work of defending a culture of free inquiry in our diverse community cannot proceed if we let its shape be dictated by outside forces,” the letter said.

Many at Harvard have bristled in particular at Rep. Elise Stefanik’s (R-N.Y.) zeal for Gay and Kornbluth to be pushed out, two people familiar with the effort to defend Gay said, arguing that it’s heightened the stakes and turned the question of Gay’s future into a referendum on Harvard’s independence from political pressure. Stefanik, whose questioning at the congressional hearing prompted the blowback now facing the three presidents, reacted to Magill’s resignation by posting, “One down. Two to go,” on X.

Furman said that he has shared some of the concerns often expressed on the right over the handling of free speech issues on campuses. But when it comes to Harvard’s internal decision making, he said administrators “should completely ignore what various politicians have said about who the president of Harvard is.”

One former senior Biden official tracking the controversy agreed, cautioning that Biden deciding to personally insert himself would only further politicize the situation.

“Even if he says something kind of generic, it will be seen as a criticism of [Gay] and that will make things more complicated both for him and for her,” the former official said.

Instead, aides said Biden has sought to keep it simple and leave little doubt where he stands on the issue of antisemitism — an approach that’s won him plaudits across the Jewish community.

“I believe the administration has been clear, they’ve been consistent — and that’s been very important,” said Jonathan Greenblatt, director of the Anti-Defamation League.

More important than how Biden has or has not used his bully pulpit, Greenblatt added, are the concrete actions his administration has taken, including issuing a strategy for combating antisemitism over the summer and launching Education Department-led investigations in recent weeks into several colleges and universities over reports of antisemitism and Islamophobia.

Among those targeted: Harvard and Penn.

“We look to the president to lay out a vision. We look to the president to articulate strategies,” Greenblatt said. “And that’s happened again and again.”

Gophers football: Prior Lake defensive lineman Jide Abasiri decommits after USC visit

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The second shoe has dropped on one of three high school players with questionable commitments to the Gophers football program.

Prior Lake defensive lineman Jide Abasiri said Monday he has de-committed from the Gophers recruiting class for 2024. The three-star prospect is coming off a visit to USC last weekend.

Abasiri, who is listed at 6-foot-5 and 290 pounds, committed to Minnesota in March. He was set to follow two Prior Lake players to Dinkytown, until the Trojans started showing interest, including a scholarship offer in November.

After Abasiri made the announcement, fellow Prior Lake alums turned Gophers, Greg Johnson and Martin Owusu, posted emoji faces with questioning expressions on the social media site X.

Minnesota has had five total de-commitments from next year’s class. Two more are feared by the U to be coming down the pike.

Esko, Minn., safety Koi Perich visited Ohio State this weekend, while Gaylord, Mich., linebacker Brady Pretzlaff took a trip to Michigan State. Former U defensive coordinator Joe Rossi, who recruited Pretzlaff to Minnesota, is now set to be the Spartans’ new DC.

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As the Chicago Cubs wait for the Shohei Ohtani-sized domino to fall, GM Carter Hawkins focuses on preparation

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Big moves appear to be on hold until superstar Shohei Ohtani chooses his next team.

As MLB’s annual winter meetings got underway this week, the Chicago Cubs are charting a challenging course: mapping potential avenues to improve the roster while waiting for the Ohtani-sized domino to fall.

General manager Carter Hawkins redirected when asked Monday evening about the team’s interest in Ohtani, saying, “we prefer not to talk about any specific players” while adding that the overall market has felt slower. In the meantime, the Cubs are plotting are variety of options they can pivot as needed.

“Trying to create this perfect offseason where A is going to happen and then B is going to happen and C is going to happen and D is going to happen, it’s way too complex of a challenge to do that,” Hawkins said. “Instead, you have to be able to look at each transaction and say, ‘hey, this makes sense for us in terms of our goals toward winning more baseball games now and in the future’ and you have to be prepared to make all those decisions.

“So, where does the bulk of our talk go? While there’s not a lot of action in terms of things to fruition, there is a lot of action in terms of preparation to be able to make those decisions quickly should they come across our desk quickly.”

President of baseball operations Jed Hoyer, who was not in Nashville, Tenn., for part of Monday for what the team said were personal reasons, and the front office always have to work within dollar constraints, something that exists even during a unique free-agent market. Ohtani represents an obvious outlier but should the Cubs miss out on him, there are other combinations the team can pursue to address needs.

“You work within those and you try to figure out the most efficient way to use those dollars. Now efficient doesn’t mean that you don’t get great players,” Hawkins said. “Sometimes getting great players is the most efficient way to use your dollars — I say efficient, I mean it gives you the most wins — and so that’s a very base level calculation that we’re making.

“When you have someone as unique as the players at the top of the market that just creates a new dynamic, but there will always be something really interesting every offseason and I think we’ll look back and say we were trying to make the decisions we could.”

Every year the Cubs create a video to show free agents, and their 2023 version has plenty of game highlights from this past season featuring players who they expect to be on the team for a long time. Hawkins believes those elements, like Christopher Morel’s walk-off home run against the White Sox, resonate as they court free agents this offseason and provide a glimpse of excitement that doesn’t require clips going back to the 2016 World Series title run.

“The proximity of the excitement definitely helps and creates that foundation for us,” Hawkins said.

As they address their needs, the Cubs will be cognizant with free agents to avoid blocking prospects who are nearing the majors.

“You’ll get into trouble on both ends — you get into trouble where you just rely only on free agents and you get in trouble when you rely just on your farm system,” Hawkins said. “We’re in a unique spot where the guys that are coming up to the farm system are knocking on the door, but they’re not necessarily pounding on the door quite yet. That could happen really, really soon. But I think there is some opportunity for those guys to grow in the minor leagues. That’s the give and take here.

“We want to compete in 2024 and we want to have a great team in 2024, but we also don’t want to do that at the expense of the development of players who can be part of our future for a long, long time.”

The Cubs’ focus in the coming weeks won’t solely be player acquisition. They expect to finalize their coaching staff in the next 7-10 days and find a new farm director in the coming weeks to replace Jared Banner, who was promoted to assistant GM. Hawkins expects to look at internal and external options to fill the job.

“Whenever we have such a high-level position like farm director open, you want to make sure that you’re thinking about other organizations and trying to learn if there are things that maybe we’re missing,” Hawkins said. “But at the same time, you’ve got to make sure that you’re not taking for granted the things that are already inside your house.”

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‘Bud Light moment’: Stefanik forces a reckoning on the left

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Elise Stefanik’s viral line of questioning of an elite trio of university presidents last week over how to respond to calls for the genocide of Jews didn’t just spark bipartisan outrage and lead to a high-profile resignation. It settled a personal score the congresswoman had with her alma mater, which had all but disowned her in the wake of Jan. 6.

Back then, in 2021, the dean of Harvard University’s school of government said the New York congresswoman’s comments about voter fraud in the 2020 presidential election had “no basis in evidence,” and the Harvard Institute of Politics removed Stefanik from its senior advisory committee. Stefanik at the time criticized what she described as “the ivory tower’s march toward a monoculture of like-minded, intolerant liberal views.”

Now, Stefanik’s high-profile turn assailing the presidents of Harvard, MIT and the University of Pennsylvania is a real threat to those institutions. Penn president Liz Magill resigned in the wake of her testimony on Saturday, and Stefanik has made it clear she expects more: “One down. Two to go,” she posted to X, formerly known as Twitter.

More than achieving vindication, Stefanik opened a new front in the culture wars — all while scrambling the Democratic Party’s traditional coalition of well-educated voters and their institutions of higher education.

Mitch Daniels, the retired former president of Purdue University and a former Republican governor of Indiana, called it “higher ed’s Bud Light moment” — referring to the beermaker’s divisive ad campaign featuring a transgender influencer — “when people who hang out with only people who adhere to what has become prevailing and dominant ideologies on campuses and suddenly discover there’s a world of people out there who disagrees.”

Republicans, of course, have been the loudest voices defending Stefanik. Daniels, who has also testified before hostile lawmakers on behalf of his university, mocked that the administrators Stefanik questioned retained the white-shoe law firm WilmerHale to prepare.

“Were they unprepared?” Daniels said in an interview. “Yes, they were unprepared by a lifetime of being cloistered in an ideological bubble and groupthink.”

Speaking at an event Monday, Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin, a graduate of Harvard Business School, told Bloomberg the contentious exchange on Capitol Hill marked a “cultural moment.” He added: “There is a tipping point, and we have to be clear on where that tipping point is. And extermination speech is clearly on the wrong side of that tipping point.”

But it is the movement against the university presidents from a chorus of Democrats that suggests a possible realignment of a traditional political alliance, one that could see bipartisan pushback against the elitism of the ivory tower.

“The president believes strongly that this is a moment to put your foot down and to ensure we have moral clarity,” White House spokesperson Andrew Bates said during a gaggle on Monday, as President Joe Biden headed to Pennsylvania for an unrelated event.

Josh Shapiro, the high-profile Jewish Democratic governor of Pennsylvania, called for Magill’s ouster.

Rep. Jake Auchincloss, a Massachusetts Democrat and an alum of both Harvard and MIT, said it’s “too soon to tell” whether the bipartisan backlash would become an issue in next year’s election. He attributed the larger cultural conflict to a “tension between individualism and identitarianism.”

“It’s fundamentally about hypocrisy,” said Auchincloss, whose great-grandparents fled the pogroms, emigrating to the U.S. around World War I. “And, at least for me, what I reacted to viscerally from the testimony was particularly Harvard, which has an abysmal track record on championing and incubating free and open speech — now, [they’re] into the First Amendment, when it’s about antisemitism? That was more striking to me.”

On the presidential campaign trail, the issue was finding new life.

“Finally, the veil has been lifted on the ugly underbelly of what’s going on in our culture, including in our universities and our educational institutions,” Vivek Ramaswamy, the biotech entrepreneur who authored “Woke, Inc.,” the 2021 book that railed against social justice, told POLITICO.

Prior to last week’s hearing, many candidates, including Ramaswamy, had largely relegated talk of wokeness to the back burner after finding it did not resonate with primary voters.

But that has changed for now, and Ramaswamy welcomed the new discourse. He called on universities to rewrite their speech codes to include antisemitism and said university presidents should be fired not just for their testimony, but for failing to “actually embrace free speech and open expression, embrace the true purpose of seeking knowledge as opposed to indoctrination.”

At least for now, Stefanik’s criticism has wrenched open whole lines of attack in the campaign.

“I’m gratified that I think people have opened their minds on both sides to the arguments that I was making back then,” Ramaswamy said.