Schiff blasts Porter’s ‘purity tests’ in Senate debate

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LOS ANGELES – Rep. Katie Porter’s Senate debate strategy on Tuesday was clear from her first answer: Goad fellow Democratic Rep. Adam Schiff into a fight.

By the hour-long debate’s end, she got her wish.

The final on-stage meeting between California’s top four candidates for U.S. Senate featured the most protracted clash yet between Porter and Schiff, the consistent polling frontrunner in the race for the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s seat.

With two weeks to go before the March 5 primary, Porter acted like the candidate facing the highest stakes – the prospect of being boxed out of the November general election by Steve Garvey, the Republican ex-baseball phenom who has benefited handsomely from a flood of Schiff-financed ads elevating his profile among GOP voters.

Throughout the evening, Porter lobbed spitballs at Garvey, and even foes not on stage, including another middling GOP candidate and the financiers of a “dark shady super PAC” running ads against her. But one clear focal point for the Orange County congressmember stood apart.

Porter picks her target

Forget Porter’s quippy pile-ons against Garvey from the first Senate debate. In this forum, hosted by NBC4 and Telemundo 52, she maintained a relentless focus on her fellow Democrat, taking every opportunity she could to tie him to corporate interests and the old ways of Washington.

She hammered him for not signing on to bills to address childcare costs or provide rental assistance, despite proposing such policies during his Senate run — the difference, she said, “between Congressman Schiff and candidate Schiff.” She dinged him for requesting earmarks for for-profit companies, a reference to a POLITICO report on Schiff’s previous appropriations request for defense contractors.

The early salvos did little to ruffle Schiff’s implacable demeanor, as he smoothly pivoted to tout other bills he had authored and dismissed Porter’s earmark attack as a “political talking point.”

But Porter’s continual jabs eventually roused Schiff to engage, accusing her of taking thousands of dollars from people working in industries reviled by Democrats, such as oil and pharmaceutical companies and Wall Street.

“The problem with purity tests as Representative Porter likes to establish is invariably the people establishing them don’t meet them,” he shot back.

It was the type of direct Democrat-on-Democrat sparring that Schiff has largely avoided this campaign, preferring to portray this race as a contest against Garvey to ensure an easier competitor in the general election.

Border bill goes bust

Before it died in the Senate earlier this month, the bipartisan border security bill put the Democratic candidates in a tricky spot. President Joe Biden backed the package, but California Sen. Alex Padilla was among its loudest opponents, arguing it gave conservatives too much without advancing the cause of comprehensive immigration reform.

Rep. Barbara Lee, the third Democrat among the top candidates who’s polling in fourth place, spoke out against the package before it failed. Her competitors Schiff and Porter held back on expressing their views – until Tuesday night.

Schiff and Porter joined Lee in opposing the proposal.

“It’s not surprising the package turned out so lopsided,” Schiff said, pointing to the fact that Padilla and other border-state Democrats were not involved in the negotiations. “I would support a package that had a comprehensive immigration reform. This was not that.”

Porter levied even harsher critiques, saying the bill “demonized immigrants by trying to ignore the fact they come here seeking a better life.”

“If we’re going to have a strong economy in the future, we should be focusing on the real problems like fentanyl, human trafficking and gun trafficking,” she said.

Garvey also said he would oppose the bill for having “too many things packed in there” — without specifying which provisions he opposed.

Lee pulls punches

Lee’s strategy throughout the three Senate debates can be succinctly summed up as “the personal is political.” In a bid to make up for her lagging fundraising and airtime, she used her time on stage to tell voters her life story.

Her biography has clear and compelling crossover with issues on voters’ minds, such as her childhood roots in a border town informing her outlook on immigration or her status as a single mother informing her view of gaps in the social safety net.

But she only glancingly used that background as a way to explicitly contrast herself from her opponents.

“I don’t think my opponents here tonight have ever lived in a neighborhood where a smelter was emitting toxic pollutants and chemicals throughout their childhood,” Lee said when asked about climate change, saying growing up in El Paso instilled in her the importance of environmental justice for minority communities.

Despite positioning herself as the progressive standard bearer in the race, she did not capitalize when Schiff was asked about the tough-on-crime legislation he passed as a state legislator in the 1990s – a position that had earned Schiff some blowback from the Democratic left flank.

Schiff, for his part, said he “certainly wouldn’t offer some of that legislation again,” before pitching his other efforts on criminal justice reform.

The dog ate Garvey’s homework

No one will accuse Garvey of focusing too much on the specifics. The first-time candidate has settled on a debate formula that is heavy on platitudes, light on details – and sometimes facts.

Garvey asserted Biden “turned off gas and oil,” leading to spiking energy costs – while in fact, domestic energy production has reached record highs under the current administration.

After stating several times that America is “the torchbearer for democracy,” Garvey was asked to square that sentiment with his previous votes for Donald Trump, who has repeatedly criticized NATO, much to the discomfort of America’s democratic allies in Europe.

Garvey, as he often does with issues regarding Trump, sidestepped the question.

“I look into this camera and talk to the citizens of California…As your senator, I will do everything to maintain your security,” he said, adding he was not focused on any particular person but “38 million Californians and 330 million Americans.”

The non-answer gave Porter the opportunity to trot out her eleventh-hour bid to blunt Garvey’s momentum by portraying him as squishy on Trump.

Instead, she plugged Eric Early, a lesser-known conservative candidate who has failed to qualify for any of the debates, in hopes that the free publicity will peel a few GOP voters his way – and ease her path to November.

“There is a Republican that is dangerous in this race,” Porter said, “and that’s Trump Republican Eric Early, who has said he will be 100 percent MAGA at all time.”

Haley attracts Biden donors as she tries to chase down Trump

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Former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley is attracting thousands of donations from people who gave to President Joe Biden’s 2020 campaign as she tries to cobble together a coalition of anti-Trump voters.

More than 5,200 donors to Biden’s 2020 campaign have backed Haley financially, including roughly 1,600 who gave more than $500,000 in January alone, according to a POLITICO analysis of Haley’s most recent fundraising report, filed Tuesday night with the Federal Election Commission.

That report lists donors who give at least $200 total, and Haley’s campaign reported raising money from more than 55,000 such “large-dollar” donors in the month of January, and 123,000 in total over the course of her entire campaign. But crossover donors, who give to politicians of both parties, are generally rare in politics, making the number of donors who previously gave to Biden notable. It’s especially striking because Haley is currently running in the Republican primary to be the nominee to take on Biden in November.

Still, Haley’s fundraising base is predominantly Republican. Over 3,000 large-dollar donors who previously gave to Trump in 2020 financially supported her campaign in January, and nearly 10,000 overall this cycle. Taken together, Haley’s ability to draw from both former Biden and Trump donors illustrates the coalition she has sought to piece together, which includes moderate and independent voters who are unhappy with Biden, Trump or both.

In total, Haley’s campaign raised $11.5 million and spent $13.1 million last month, according to the report her campaign filed late Tuesday. That makes January — the month of the Iowa caucuses and New Hampshire primary — her highest-grossing month so far as she emerged as the sole GOP challenger to Trump. Her campaign reported having just shy of $13 million in the bank as of Jan. 31, compared to more than $30 million cash on hand reported by Trump’s campaign.

The former U.N. ambassador has tried to attract unaffiliated voters — she noted on the campaign trail recently in her home state of South Carolina that anyone who did not vote in the Democratic primary earlier this month is eligible to vote for her this Saturday — and her allies have more actively courted Democrats.

General election polls have repeatedly shown Haley performing better against Biden than Trump, largely based on a subset of voters who prefer her to either. But those voters are a small enough group — and Trump has shown such domination of the GOP — that they have not been able to pull Haley to victory in any Republican primaries so far.

The financial numbers included in Haley’s campaign report do not represent the entirety of her fundraising; Team Stand for America, a joint fundraising committee between Haley’s campaign and other political committees she controls, does not have to file a disclosure with the Federal Election Commission until April.

And it’s clear that Haley is still plowing money into advertising as she tries to chase down Trump. Her campaign spent nearly $7.4 million on media production and placement, accounting for more than half of its spending.

The main pro-Haley super PAC, SFA Fund Inc., also reported spending nearly $13.7 million in January alone. That’s more than the major pro-Trump super PAC — MAGA Inc. — spent, and more than double what the pro-Trump operation spent on efforts like television advertising or get-out-the-vote efforts.

The super PAC is going for broke; it spent down to under $2 million in cash reserves at the end of the month. Cash on hand matters much less for super PACs than for campaigns because super PACs can get one or several donors to write massive checks to fund operations.

But notably, SFA Fund Inc., did not receive a single seven-figure check in January. Instead, her haul was buffered by people giving five and six figures.

Chicago Bears working on a deal to hire Shane Waldron as their new offensive coordinator

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The Chicago Bears are working on a deal to hire Shane Waldron as their new offensive coordinator, multiple league sources confirmed Monday morning.

Waldron has been the Seattle Seahawks offensive coordinator for the last three seasons and helped quarterback Geno Smith to a comeback season in 2022. Before that, Waldron spent four seasons with the Los Angeles Rams as the passing game coordinator, quarterbacks coach and tight ends coach.

He is well-respected inside league circles as a young, energetic coach on the rise and a strong teacher with a creative mind and — especially important to the Bears — three seasons of play-calling experience.

NFL Network first reported the Bears are planning to hire Waldron.

The Bears reportedly interviewed at least nine candidates for the opening, including San Francisco 49ers passing game coordinator Klint Kubiak, former Baltimore Ravens offensive coordinator Greg Roman, former Carolina Panthers offensive coordinator Thomas Brown and former Arizona Cardinals head coach Kliff Kingsbury.

Waldron would replace Luke Getsy, whom coach Matt Eberflus fired earlier this month after two seasons at the helm of the Bears offense. In the search for Getsy’s replacement, Eberflus emphasized his desire to find a new offensive coordinator who is a “great teacher.”

“That’s important because you know he has to coach the coaches to coach the position, and I think that’s the No. 1 trait of any great coach,” Eberflus said. “You have to be able to have the innovation to really look at the players you have and be able to help enhance and put those guys in position to succeed and to get explosive (plays) and to move the ball down the field.”

Waldron would take over a Bears offense that has major decisions ahead this offseason at quarterback. General manager Ryan Poles must decide whether to use the No. 1 draft pick to select a quarterback — potentially USC’s Caleb Williams — or to stick with Justin Fields, the Bears starter for the last three seasons.

Poles said he expected to ask candidates for their plans to coach different kinds of quarterbacks.

“I love it because what are you going to do for these four different types of quarterbacks,” Poles said. “I want to hear that, and I think it’s really important to hear the versatility and adaptability in their teaching, in the way they implement a plan, scheme, adjust. It actually makes it pretty dynamic in terms of the interview process.”

Waldron called plays in 2021 for a Seahawks offense piloted by Russell Wilson. In 2022, after Wilson was traded to the Denver Broncos, the Seahawks pivoted to Smith and won nine games while earning a wild-card berth.

Smith, in his 10th NFL season, was honored as the league’s Comeback Player of the Year after throwing for 4,282 yards and 30 touchdowns. Both marks would be single-season franchise records for the Bears.

This season the Seahawks ranked 21st in total offense (322.9 yards per game) and 14th in passing (230 ypg). They averaged 21.4 points, ranked 17th. That was down from 2022, when they averaged 351.5 yards (13th) and 23.9 points (ninth).

The Seahawks staff is looking for new jobs after the organization and coach Pete Carroll parted ways after a 14-year union.

In addition to working closely with Wilson and Smith, Waldron worked with quarterback Jared Goff for three seasons with the Rams.

Waldron served as an offensive assistant with the New England Patriots (2008-09) and Washington (2016) and worked in operations with the Patriots early in his career. He also has coached in college, high school and the UFL.

Waldron and the Bears must hire assistants to coach the quarterbacks, wide receivers and running backs after the team dismissed Andrew Janocko, Tyke Tolbert and Omar Young earlier this month. Offensive line coach Chris Morgan and tight ends coach Jim Dray remain on the staff.

The Bears also are seeking a defensive coordinator, and NFL Network reported Monday they will interview Tennessee Titans defensive pass game coordinator Chris Harris. Harris played safety in the NFL for eight seasons, including two stints with the Bears, and started for the 2006 Bears team that went to the Super Bowl.

More Bears news

Bears Q&A: Did GM Ryan Poles miss a chance at a big-name coach? How desirable are the coordinator openings?
Column: Keeping Jaylon Johnson is paramount for the Bears — but will they make him the NFL’s highest-paid cornerback?
5 player decisions besides QB facing the Bears, including Jaylon Johnson’s contract and Darnell Mooney’s future
Bears GM Ryan Poles staying ‘open-minded’ as he evaluates whether to keep Justin Fields or draft a QB at No. 1
Caleb Williams declares for the NFL draft — and the Bears, picking No. 1, ‘can’t be scared of the unknown,’ analyst says
Column: How can GM Ryan Poles fix the cycle that has plagued the Bears forever? Pick the right quarterback.
Bears President Kevin Warren says building a ‘magnificent’ downtown stadium remains a possibility
Bears part ways with senior VP and general counsel Cliff Stein after nearly 22 years with the organization

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The Not-So-Camouflaged MAGA Politics of Don Jr.’s New Hunting Magazine

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Every chance he gets, Donald Trump Jr. disappears from the campaign trail into the great outdoors.

“If I’m in Colorado doing an event, I’ll sneak off for half a day and go fly fishing,” he said in an interview. “Today, I had a pretty crazy day of conference calls, but I’m literally in the car, banging all of those out. I’m gonna go do a quail hunt in upstate Florida before I have to drive back down to Palm Beach to have a business dinner at Mar-a-Lago. … That’s my decompression from the five-speaking-events-a-day general lifestyle that will be my next, let’s call it year.”

It’s not just his decompression anymore, though: In 2021, Trump Jr., 46, launched a hunting- and outdoors-focused lifestyle media brand with a few friends called Field Ethos. The quarterly print magazine and website — which was well reviewed by, of all places, the left-leaning Slate — and website are full of striking landscape photos accompanied by pieces about Cape buffalo hunts in Botswana or spearfishing in the Caribbean, plus gear reviews. There’s a shop selling flannels and travel mugs, and a travel agency business, Outrider, which helps customers arrange their own trips and offers organized outings (e.g. a “Cowboy Camp” in California with “unlimited wild hogs” for $3,600 per person). The overall aesthetic of the brand is like a rugged, gun-loving version of Kinfolk, the Portland-based cottagecore hipster quarterly.

It might seem like an odd endeavor for Trump Jr. Since before Donald Trump became president in 2016, his eldest son and the most politically engaged Trump child has been his father’s chief culture warrior. Starting in the early days of the 2016 election, Trump Jr. carved out his own role in lobbing insults on social media and mocking media outlets. While his sister Ivanka positioned herself as a White House insider capable of appealing to the establishment, Trump Jr. stayed on the outside, a soldier in the MAGA meme wars posting images of his dad as Pepe the frog and attacking insufficiently loyal Republicans.

Today, he is still throwing bombs online as well as hosting his podcast “Triggered” on Rumble, a platform that has positioned itself as a free speech-friendly competitor to Big Tech companies. In 2021, he founded Winning Team Publishing, which has published books by MAGA luminaries such as Charlie Kirk, Judge Jeanine Pirro and Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.). He has also invested in Public Square, an online shopping platform that seeks to be an alternative to retailers such Amazon, one of the “woke” conglomerates he has said he wants to compete with. And he is still serving as a surrogate on TV and social media for his father’s third presidential campaign.

For Trump Jr., Field Ethos is mostly a passion project, and he said he thinks of it as totally separate from his political work. “It’s probably one of the least political things I do,” he told me when I asked how Field Ethos fits in with his other right-leaning business ventures. In his publisher’s note from the second issue of the magazine in 2022, Trump Jr. struck a wistful tone at the prospect of the politics-filled year ahead, portraying Field Ethos as a haven from the campaign fray: “The next 12 months are going to be interesting for me and my family ,and it’s great to know I can pick up one of our journals when I just need a break from it all.”

But a deeper dive into the project shows that the campaign trail runs right through those journals.

It’s not hard to find signs of the publisher’s anti-“woke” sensibilities and his “unapologetic” — a word that comes up frequently in conversation with his co-founders — delight in tossing partisan bombs. The Field Ethos online shop is full of meme-y merch (for $20, you can purchase three rubber bracelets that ask: “What Would Roof Koreans Do?”, a reference to the Korean business owners who shot at looters during the 1992 Los Angeles riots), the podcasts regularly feature MAGA politicians such as South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem and, especially recently, Trump Jr.’s publisher’s notes have included culture war-inflected diatribes against Joe Biden, drag queen story hours and “taxpayer-funded mass migration” on the southern border.

As much as Trump Jr. presents Field Ethos as a break from his political work, it’s part of a bigger project that’s been ongoing on the American right of building a conservative parallel economy and bringing the culture wars of politics to consumer habits. Rather than building and protecting an apolitical space with Field Ethos, if you look a bit closer, it’s clear that Trump Jr.’s magazine is an extension of his father’s political strategy to business and almost everything else.

Trump Jr. was introduced to the outdoor life by his maternal grandfather, Milos Zelnicek, an electrician who took the young New York-born Trump on camping trips in then-communist Czechoslovakia. Trump’s passion grew when he was at boarding school in Pennsylvania, where some friends taught him how to use a shotgun and took him deer and pheasant hunting.

“I literally just fell in love with it; I read every book there was on the subject,” Trump Jr. said, including Ernest Hemingway and the author and big game hunter Robert Ruark. (Hemingway’s great-grandson, Patrick Hemingway Adams, now contributes to Field Ethos.) “All of those things, I think, are getting lost in today’s instant gratification society. You know, kids sit there on a video game. Everything’s … instant gratification.”

Field Ethos co-founder and CEO Jason Vincent had a similar story — an outdoors-loving grandpa who introduced him to the lifestyle, and in his case, also introduced him to the kind of publications, like National Geographic, that would later inspire and serve as a foil for Field Ethos. Vincent went on to work as a game warden and then as an editor at Sporting Classics, a marquee brand in the hunting and outdoors media. Vincent called it a “classic outdoorsman’s magazine,” one that “had an older demographic, and I didn’t feel like anybody was really speaking to my demographic.” The idea for Field Ethos emerged in casual conversations with Trump Jr. The two had met via hunting circles and become friends.

The target demographic for Field Ethos, per Vincent, is men between the ages of 25 and 55, though he, Trump Jr. and Chief Operating Officer Mike Schoby all emphasized in interviews that a quarter or more of their audience is female. “That may really just come from the fact that there’s still kind of a draw to that unapologetic male mindset,” Vincent said. “That may be why we’ve built the female following that we have … it doesn’t feel like it’s being watered down to try to get traction with them.”

The specificity of Field Ethos’ branding is what gives it a coherent aesthetic and point of view. In an era of endless content that can all seem to blend together, a media brand can differentiate itself by intentionally limiting its scope to aficionados and those wishing to be like them. In this case, those aficionados, judging by the trips and products highlighted, are affluent globetrotters — a younger, richer segment of the outdoor market, one that can afford pricey international big-game hunts and fishing expeditions.

“It’s not for everybody, I fully admit that,” Schoby said. According to the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service’s annual National Survey of Fishing, Hunting and Wildlife-Associated Recreation, American hunters skew middle-class, with a median household income of $59,000. They support a multibillion dollar industry, spending over $45 billion on hunting-related expenses in 2022.

“But there’s plenty of other magazines that fill those niches and go, ‘Hey, you want to buy a deer rifle for under $500 … here’s a great choice for that,’” Schoby continued. In contrast, Field Ethos’ print quarterly recently highlighted a Springfield Model 2020 Redline Rifle costing $2,299 as a “practical” choice that “performs like custom guns costing 3x as much.”

In general, its founders say they never try to be explicitly political, except where politics intersects with issues they have an inherent interest in, like gun rights. “Yes, Don is involved. He’s part of our group of friends and our team at Field Ethos,” Vincent said. “But … Field Ethos is really designed to be a place people can go when they’re kind of sick of that.”

Vincent also emphasized that those politics are “sensible,” middle-of-the-road, emphatically not far-right. “The extreme right is not our brand,” Vincent said. “We see ourselves as speaking to a sophisticated audience that is smart enough to not find themselves at the extreme of either side.”

The magazine’s scope also closely aligns with a pet issue of Trump Jr.’s that is directly politics-related: getting hunters to vote. This is apparently something many hunters don’t do, since the whitetail deer season in November coincides with election time.

Keith Mark, the founder of Hunter Nation, a nonprofit that also has a 501(c)(4) political arm and that Trump Jr. has done work with in the past, told me in an interview that “by and large, hunters, depending on the state you look at, vote [at] less than 50 percent, sometimes less than 40 percent. And a third of them aren’t even registered to vote.” Polls of American hunters and anglers have also shown that they are mostly, but not overwhelmingly, Republican — a 2022 poll reported this number at 39 percent, compared with 27 percent identifying as Democrats — and that they feel strongly about both gun rights and conservation.

“They have not been sort of wooed or brought out to vote,” Trump Jr. said. “Organizations like Hunter Nation do a great job with this — understanding that, if you turn out those people, it’s going to generally [benefit] conservatives, but they have been very inactive relative to what you would actually think. And they happen to also populate a lot of the key swing states.”

If these are the more “sophisticated” politics that Field Ethos would rather be associated with, though, there is also a strong strain of the exact opposite coursing through the magazine.

Poring over the stories, headlined “We Beat the ATF” (about the ATF’s ban on pistol braces, which has since been blocked by a federal judge) and “Socialism Sinks Ships,” and perusing the trolly merchandise on offer, it’s hard to avoid the conclusion that Field Ethos would have a hard time appealing to liberals or even moderates. Despite the obvious effort to appeal to a slightly more affluent, younger demographic than the average Trump voter, Trump Jr. continues to use the same red-meat language and tactics to make a play for them.

One full-page ad in a recent issue features a Thompson gun with “President Trump” engraved on one side and “Save America 45th” on the other.

A satire piece from October featured an imaginary dual interview with Trump Jr. and Hunter Biden (“Have either of you ever slept with your brother’s wife? Don: No Hunter: Yes”). Trump Jr.’s publisher’s note from a recent print issue is a diatribe against a Biden administration move to cut funding to the National Archery in Schools Program. “Forget the Biden Administration’s dangerous open border debacle, its relentless attack on the Second Amendment, environmental scams that restrict land use and sound wildlife management practices, and its insistence on indoctrinating kids with demented drag queen sexuality for a minute … ” Trump Jr. wrote. The note wouldn’t be out of place in any number of hard-right media outlets, warning that “anything Democrats see as a threat to their agenda of complete control over the American people must be censored, destroyed, canceled, or sabotaged by any means possible.”

It’s worth noting that on the subject of restricting land use, Trump Jr. and President Joe Biden align on at least one important policy. Both opposed Pebble Mine in Alaska, a proposed gold and copper mine that both environmentalists and many hunters and fishers believed would irreparably harm one of the largest salmon spawning grounds in the world. Trump Jr. went up against his father’s administration on the issue, which ultimately reversed its support for the project. Biden’s administration also blocked the project. But recognizing that kind of common ground is not Trump Jr.’s goal on the campaign trail, and neither, it seems, is it his goal with the magazine.

In this sense, the business strategy of Trump Jr. here looks a lot like the political strategy of his father: Divide the market, identify the loyal base and appeal directly to it.

This strategy means that Field Ethos, which has a print circulation of about 25,000 subscribers, according to Vincent (though he said the brand boasts 250,000 email subscribers and over 100,000 Instagram followers), might miss out on a large proportion of the available market share. Take a look at some of the outlet’s competitors in hunting media, like older brands Petersen’s Hunting or Field & Stream, the latter of which has a sizable circulation of 650,000. These are much more staid institutions that keep themselves at a remove from political back and forth. Or consider a publication like Garden & Gun, which covers southern culture, including hunting, and appeals to a smaller, 350,000-circulation audience of readers but a broader cross section of them, 47 percent of whom are women. Garden & Gun has a much larger average income of $332,000 compared to Field & Stream’s $53,000 and also does not cover politics.

In recent years, the space has also seen a less traditional crop of hunting media, like MeatEater, a TV show hosted by former Brooklyn resident Steven Rinella, who has become a major voice advocating for responsibility and conservation in hunting. MeatEater’s emphasis on hunting as a source of food rather than just pure recreation has appealed to a variety of demographics, including farm-to-table cooks and environmentalists. Rinella said in 2021 that his show attracted 100 million YouTube views and 5 million podcast downloads a month.

This approach is anathema to the Field Ethos crew, who defend hunting just for fun and scoff at the critics who view as irresponsible expeditions like the Trump brothers’ infamous 2012 safari that resulted in images of Trump Jr. with a dead elephant’s severed tail. While MeatEater aims to making hunting culture more environmentally- and socially-minded, Field Ethos appears to do the opposite, aiming for a smaller, more targeted readership that shares the founders’ “unapologetic” views.

“We’ve decided to be very honest … that we hunt for adventure, for heritage, for a connection with nature, downtime and the outdoors,” Schoby said. Field Ethos is defining itself against that “apologetic” “PC culture” streak in today’s hunting community, he continued.

Field Ethos, along with Rumble and Public Square, are all part of a broader Trump Jr. project of creating an alternate conservative market for almost everything. This is of a piece with manly-man, conservative-coded brands that have gained popularity in recent years such as Black Rifle Coffee Company. These companies aren’t explicitly political. But there’s a certain disdain for “woke” pieties that underlies their appeal — much like how Trumpism itself works by converting cultural conflict into political energy. They’re a foil for the mainstream brands which have increasingly taken political positions over the last several years, often angering conservatives.

I asked Trump Jr. about his involvement with right-leaning companies like Rumble and Public Square.

“It’s not even ‘right-leaning,’ it’s more freedom economy,” Trump Jr. said. “Having your dollars go to … a small business that shares your values, as opposed to some woke conglomerate that’s donating to whatever leftist causes and literally weaponizing people’s hard-earned money against them … I’m all for that.”

These companies aren’t literally in the business of politics, but they show the extent to which the political has seeped into everyday life: the things we buy, the hobbies we take part in, the books we read.

They also show the extent to which Trump Sr.’s playbook doesn’t just succeed in politics. That same strategy can be used in business and could ensure that Trumpism continues in some form long after Trump Sr.

Even in Trump Jr.’s rhetoric when he discusses Field Ethos and his other projects, it’s easy to see the same promises his father makes on the campaign trail reformulated for consumers rather than voters.

“Creating an alternate viewpoint for the Americans who felt like they’ve been left behind who don’t want to support those things,” Trump Jr. said about Field Ethos and the other “freedom economy” companies he’s involved with, “that’s a big part of the focus.”

Even when it’s applied to jet-setters looking to book a multi-thousand dollar expedition to hunt big game in far-flung places, a defense of the “left behind” is still powerful.