‘Franklin’: What Michael Douglas learned about democracy in new series

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Apple TV+’s eight-part series on Benjamin Franklin does a bang-up job of depicting chess-like political maneuvering and landmark bargaining sessions that helped shape the course of history.

But “Franklin” doubly serves as a warning that democratic systems like the one the series namesake helped create are under attack across the globe.

At least that’s how Michael Douglas, who brings decades of acting prowess to the series’ titular role, views it.

Douglas adds another quiver to his impressive acting cap as the nimble-witted, immensely quotable inventor, author, publisher and founding father. “Franklin” hones in on how the publisher of the annual “Poor Richard’s Alamanack” voyaged to France in 1776 where he served as the pivotal dealmaker who shrewdly convinced France to join the Colonies’ fight for independence against the British.

“I think that it really shares with us the fragility of a democracy and just how fragile this concept is, and how it has to be nourished and protected,” said the award-winning actor and producer during an interview to promote “Franklin,” which debuts on Apple TV+ on April 12.

“That becomes clear and evident (during the series) and has echoes of what’s going on in our contemporary times,” Douglas added. “For democracies are endangered species. They are being overrun by autocracies around the world. And I think (democracies are) an extraordinary system. And when you get into a show like this and realize how brilliant this concept was, it’s something that we should be protecting.”

The final episode of this intelligently scripted series from screenwriters Kirk Ellis (“John Adams”) and Howard Korder (“Boardwalk Empire”) particularly coalesces around that theme.

“Franklin” was adapted from the 2005 nonfiction book “The Great Improvisation: Franklin, France, and the Birth of America,” by Pulitzer Prize winner Stacy Schiff. The book covers an oft-overlooked chapter from American history.

Tim Van Patten directed all eight episodes, and the 79-year-old Douglas served as an executive producer along with Schiff and others. Three episodes of the miniseries drop April 12 with one episode following every Friday through May 17.

Douglas admits he was in the dark about the critical role that Franklin played in wooing France to help fund, arm and fight for the fledgling United States’ freedom. Franklin stayed in France for eight years and was joined part of that time by the more stern John Adams (Eddie Marsan), with whom he sparred often, but who also played an instrumental role in making the Treaty of Paris of 1783 happen.

“Unbelievably,” Douglas added, “I was not aware of the most important part, which was after all that Franklin accomplished, at 70 years old, he goes over to France to really save America because we we were in a war with the British and we didn’t have any weapons’ or money or army … nothing. So he went over to this monarchy to try to talk them into it, with all the intrigue and spies. I didn’t know that part and found it really fascinating and ultimately realized that if it weren’t for France we would not have an America.”

While in France, Franklin dodged double agents while receiving a celebrity greeting — due, in part, to his experiments with electricity — and wooed women all around him, as he known to do.

Douglas was joined in this interview by co-star Noah Jupe (“A Quiet Place” and its sequel) who portrays Franklin’s ambitious grandson Temple in the miniseries. He knew zip about Franklin.

“I’m from the U.K.,” the 19-year-old actor explains. “In my high school history class, we didn’t even talk about the American Revolution. So for me, I had a big learning curve in the sense of learning about the entire history of America.”

Temple gets swept up in his grandfather’s mission and while in France served as his secretary. His father was a British loyalist, and estranged from Benjamin Franklin.

Jupe hopes “Franklin” encourages more people into becoming involved in striving for the common good.

“As a society today, I think we’re all very comfortable in our lives and it’s very difficult to change the way things are. I think that this (series) really shows how much work and bravery you have to put in to make things change and to stand for what you believe in and make your country or the world a better place … . That’s important and rare in today’s world.”

Jupe was impressed by Temple’s youth and how he participated in something monumental.

“You’re getting on a ship for 60 days sailing across the sea to a world where everyone speaks a different language (and) everyone is dressing in a different way. Temple’s there for the purpose of America and that’s the priority. But also he’s trying to grow up.”

Douglas grew up as the son of the late Hollywood legend Kirk Douglas. The actor turned heads and won hearts — especially in the Bay Area — as homicide inspector Steve Keller in the hit 1972-77 series “The Streets of San Francisco.” His career caught fire from there. But it was as producer on 1975’s “One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest,” with Jack Nicholson and the late Louise Fletcher, that nabbed him his first of two Oscars — as a producer.

He also took home the best actor Oscar for his unscrupulous moneymaker Gordon Gekko in 1987’s “Wall Street.” Numerous other iconic roles have bookended his long career, which have included him even appearing in Marvel superhero films. In addition to his Oscars, he’s won five Golden Globes, an Emmy and has received the Cecil B. DeMille Award and the AFI Lifetime Achievement Award.

“Franklin” marks a bit of a change for Douglas — an historical period piece. He enjoyed this new direction.

“I think there’s been a big shift to historical pieces,” Douglas said. “I think a lot of it had to do with ‘Bridgerton’ quite honestly.”

To research his role, Douglas dove into Schiff’s biography as well as Walter Isaacson’s 2003 “Benjamin Franklin: An American Life.”

Both Jupe and Douglas appreciate how this story gets told in a series not a stand-alone film.

“It’s accessible all over the world on this platform,” Jupe said.

Douglas sees the length as being beneficial to the intricacies of the material.

“It’s a story to be told in eight hours, not just two hours,” he said, adding he’s proud of the production design and Van Patten’s direction.

“It takes place over eight years and it needs that amount of time,” he said.

Vets fret as private equity snaps up clinics, pet care companies

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Anna Claire Vollers | (TNS) Stateline.org

HUNTSVILLE, Ala. — About a year ago, veterinarian Melissa Ezell started noticing subtle changes at the midsized animal clinic in Huntsville, Alabama, where she works.

She said she and other vets were feeling pressure from management to make a certain amount of money from every appointment. If a pet owner wasn’t going to spend enough, the message from management was to offer more services. She was urged to pack in more patients outside of normal business hours.

“Before, I never felt any pressure to be making a certain amount of money in a day,” Ezell, who started working at the clinic in 2021, told Stateline. “It was just, ‘Fill your schedule, practice good medicine, everything else will come.’”

The clinic is owned by National Veterinary Associates, one of the largest veterinary chains in the nation. In 2020 the company was acquired by JAB Consumer Partners, a global private equity firm based in Luxembourg. By early 2023, Ezell said, she felt a shift in atmosphere at the clinic and a greater focus on increasing profits.

Private equity’s foray into the human health care industry in recent years has drawn public outrage and legislative scrutiny as firms have been blamed for increasing prices, slashing services and shuttering hospitals to maximize shareholder profits.

Now, some veterinarians and advocates are sounding the alarm that private equity’s entry into the pet health care industry could lead to similar results.

Some states already have laws that prohibit non-veterinarians from owning veterinary practices, and some consumer advocates want states to review large-scale acquisitions in the industry.

“A large number of these funds are seeing veterinary medicine as a good profit center,” said Dr. Grant Jacobson, an Iowa veterinarian who serves on the board of the Independent Veterinary Practitioners Association. He said he’s seen corporate-owned chains in his region drive up prices for consumers, suppress market competition and skirt state laws that ostensibly prohibit veterinary practices from being owned by non-veterinarians.

Private equity firms such as Shore Capital Partners, KKR, TSG Consumer and JAB Consumer Partners have spent billions over the past few years on veterinary practices, specialty animal hospitals, pet insurance services and pet food companies. Among the companies owned by private equity are PetSmart, PetVet Care Centers, FIGO, Thrive Pet Healthcare and ASPCA Pet Health Insurance.

Private equity firms say those investments are giving clinics and other providers the capital they need to buy better technology, and that they are improving efficiency. And in many cases, corporate chains can offer their employees better workplace benefits, such as health insurance.

In a statement to Stateline, National Veterinary Associates said its corporate philosophy is “grounded in vets making medical decisions and not a corporate office,” and that its program of shared ownership by veterinarians is “the industry’s largest such program and unique among our peers.”

“Our vision is to build a community of hospitals that pet owners trust, are easy to access, and provide the best possible care,” National Veterinary Associates said in the statement.

JAB Consumer Partners did not respond to Stateline’s request for comment.

More pets, more money

Private equity uses pooled investment money from pension funds, endowments and wealthy individuals to buy controlling stakes in companies. The firms typically look for a quick return on their investment before selling it within a few years. They have been gobbling up small businesses in myriad industries in recent years — from nursing homes to car washes.

As pet ownership soared during the COVID-19 pandemic, private equity followed close behind. The pandemic years of 2020-2022 were “the peak years for private equity acquisitions of veterinary services and practices,” said Michael Fenne, senior coordinator for health care at the Private Equity Stakeholder Project, a nonprofit watchdog group that advocates for communities affected by private equity ownership.

Americans spent a record $147 billion on pet products and services last year. From 2017 to 2022, private equity spent $45 billion on deals in the veterinary sector, according to PitchBook, which tracks investment data.

The vet industry is attractive because it’s mostly made up of small, privately owned businesses that corporations can buy and consolidate into larger chains. And it’s mainly a cash-based business: Unlike in human health care, veterinary customers typically pay out of pocket, rather than rely on third-party payers such as insurance companies.

In some cases, private equity firms and other corporations buy community clinics from the veterinarians who own them for two, five or even 10 times their value. Then the firms roll them up into a larger chain of clinics that can corner a regional market.

It’s a strategy that can push other private owners out of the business, said Jacobson, the Iowa veterinarian. He spent nearly 20 years working at a privately owned practice in Iowa and had hoped to buy it when the original founder retired.

But the founder sold the practice to a large veterinary chain owned by Mars Inc. — the private company best known for owning candy brands that include M&Ms — for more than $1 million above his offer, Jacobson said. Mars, while not a private equity firm, is the biggest consolidator of pet care companies in the United States, owning pet food companies, pet pharmacies and veterinary care clinic chains such as Banfield Pet Hospitals and BluePearl.

About a quarter of general veterinary practices and about three-quarters of specialty practices, such as emergency and surgery care, are now owned by large corporations, according to John Volk of Brakke Consulting, a veterinary management consulting firm.

Some private equity-backed chains, such as National Veterinary Associates, buy community-based veterinary practices like Ezell’s without rebranding them under the chain’s name. As a result, clients might not be aware of the ownership change.

“It can appear you’re getting community-oriented care when there’s actually this set of big-box incentives underlying [the clinic] that comes from their private equity owners,” Fenne said.

Where vets want to work

Lori Kogan, a clinical sciences professor at Colorado State University’s College of Veterinary Medicine and Biomedical Sciences, surveyed nearly 900 veterinarians in 2022 about their experiences and perceptions of corporate vs. privately owned veterinary clinics.

Even though most of the veterinarians surveyed reported working for corporate-owned clinics, Kogan found more than half said they would prefer to work in privately owned clinics. The benefits offered by corporate chains, such as health insurance, didn’t seem strong enough to override other preferences, Kogan told Stateline.

“Feeling like they have a voice in decision-making, feeling like they’re recognized as an individual, those are things that are really important to people,” she said. “I think corporate ownership could accomplish those things, but it will take paying attention.”

Ezell, the veterinarian who left National Veterinary Associates, said the pressure has an impact on patients and their humans as well.

“Either you’re getting talked into additional services that may or may not actually be necessary, or your feel like you’re being rushed,” Ezell said. “You feel like you don’t have the time with the doctor, and you leave not fully understanding what was done to your pet or what is wrong with your pet if they’re sick.”

In its statement to Stateline, National Veterinary Associates noted that it has made “continued investment in technology and infrastructure, pioneering clinical research, industry-leading continuing education programs and wellbeing initiatives.”

Could states step in?

Last August, Thrive Pet Healthcare announced it would be closing the only 24-hour emergency veterinary clinic in the Rochester, New York, metro area. Thrive is a chain of more than 500 veterinary clinics and hospitals based in Austin, Texas, that is owned by private equity firm TSG Consumer.

“The thought of having the only 24-hour emergency pet care center in our entire metro area close was really scary,” said Rachel Barnhart, a Democratic member of the Monroe County Legislature in New York who has taken her dogs to the clinic. “We are a community of more than a million people. The idea that we can’t support a 24-hour pet facility is outrageous.”

Barnhart wrote a letter to the Federal Trade Commission, asking it to look into Thrive, which operates more than a dozen clinics in Rochester. She said she’d seen the FTC act against anticompetitive practices in the veterinary industry elsewhere, and she felt Thrive deserved similar scrutiny.

Thrive leadership said in a letter to Barnhart and in media reports that a shortage of ER veterinarians made it impossible to hire enough workers to keep the 24-hour clinic open. But Barnhart suspected the company wanted to shutter the clinic because its staff recently voted to unionize. CEO Tad Stahel said in the letter to Barnhart that the closure was unrelated to the staff unionization.

In 2022, the FTC took action against JAB Consumer Partners, which recently acquired an array of veterinary and pet service companies. The FTC required the firm to divest some of its vet clinics in California, Colorado, Texas, Virginia and Washington, D.C., as a condition of approving its multibillion-dollar purchases of two other multistate veterinary care chains.

If states were to authorize officials or agencies to review similar large-scale mergers and acquisitions in the veterinary industry, that “would be a good first step” toward protecting consumers, said Fenne, of the advocacy group.

Many states already have laws that prohibit non-veterinarians from owning veterinary practices, including Iowa, Minnesota, New Jersey, New York and North Carolina. The idea is to prevent corporate interests from guiding veterinarians’ medical judgment.

Experts and advocates expect to see further corporatization in veterinary care as more companies acquire not just vet clinics, but also other businesses across the pet care spectrum.

In February, asset management behemoth Blackstone Inc. acquired Rover, the nation’s largest online platform for pet sitting, dog walking and other services. In the past two years, JAB has acquired several of the largest pet insurance companies in the United States and Europe.

Ezell, the Alabama veterinarian, eventually decided to take a job at another clinic in town that’s privately owned. She will start there in a few weeks.

“Not all corporate medicine is horrible, and you can find amazing veterinarians and caring support staff anywhere,” she told Stateline.

“But it’s easy to lose sight of your values. The whole reason we’re doing this is we want to make a difference in animals’ and people’s lives. If we’re unable to do that, shouldn’t we try to fix that?”

Stateline is part of States Newsroom, a national nonprofit news organization focused on state policy.

Swing states see newcomers as Americans move from blue to red counties

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By Tim Henderson, Stateline.org

In recent years, millions of people across the United States have moved from Democratic cities to Republican suburbs, complicating the politics of swing states in a pivotal election year, according to a Stateline analysis.

Republican suburban counties in four swing states — Georgia in the South and Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin in the Midwest — gained the most new arrivals; heavily Democratic cities lost the most. In Western swing states Arizona and Nevada, meanwhile, the biggest people magnets have been slightly Democratic cities that are expected to be hotly contested.

Those shifts reflect a nationwide trend: In Republican counties, as defined by the 2020 presidential vote, 3.7 million more people have moved in than have left since 2020, while Democratic counties had a net loss of 3.7 million, according to a Stateline analysis of U.S. Census Bureau estimates and county presidential election data kept by the University of Michigan.

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The U.S. Census Bureau estimates released in March included people who moved within the country between mid-2020 and mid-2023, a time of pandemic dislocations, lockdowns in big cities, and the rise of remote work that fed a search for affordable housing in less crowded and more scenic settings. Those settings, as it turns out, also tend to be more conservative. The census numbers do not include births or immigration.

Whether the newcomers will vote Democratic this year, or whether they were disenchanted with Democratic policies in their former homes and will vote Republican, remains to be seen. The changes might affect local and congressional races the most, but even a few movers crossing state lines could sway presidential vote totals in swing states.

“We are looking at an election to be determined by a shift of such small numbers of people in each of these states that a few thousand votes in any one state can impact the electoral vote there,” said David Schultz, a political science professor at Hamline University in Minnesota who has edited and helped write several books on presidential swing states.

The counties gaining the most movers in Georgia (Forsyth County), Michigan (Ottawa County), Pennsylvania (Cumberland County) and Wisconsin (Waukesha County) were solidly for then-incumbent President Donald Trump in 2020. But in the three Midwest counties, Joe Biden had the best showing for a Democrat since Lyndon Johnson in 1964.

Politics in a changing county

In some of the growing counties, there has been tension as new residents bring their own expectations.

“People keep moving here because they like it, then they try to make it like the place they left,” said David Avant, who runs a business networking website in Forsyth County, Georgia. His county gained about 17,000 new arrivals between mid-2020 and mid-2023, according to the Stateline analysis.

Politics might not yet be changing in some of the red counties surveyed. In Michigan, Doug Zylstra became the first Democrat elected in almost 50 years to the 11-member Ottawa County Board of Commissioners in 2018 and was reelected in 2022, but the commission took a more conservative turn in 2023 when a new majority took office.

“The people of Ottawa County chose to replace the previous Republican-majority board, which promoted Democratic ideology and practices,” said Sylvia Rhodea, one of the new Republicans on the commission.

In a January 2023 meeting, Rhodea criticized the previous board’s diversity, equity and inclusion program as “based on the premise that county resident characteristics of being 90% white and largely conservative were problematic for businesses” and as one that “seeks to replace the American value of equality with the Marxist value of equity.”

“There is not a racial divide in Ottawa County, there is an ideological divide. The welcoming of people will continue, but the ideology that tries to divide us has to end,” Rhodea said in the meeting.

The Rev. James Ellis III, who is Black and who moved to Ottawa County in April 2023, lives in the area that elected the county’s sole Democrat. He said the “racial divide” remark “feels inaccurate to me, not to mention unhelpful.” And while he said he has no party affiliation, he thinks “people on every side have a hard time listening to each other.”

Ellis grew up in Maryland and has lived in cities including Washington, D.C., and British Columbia, Canada. He attended a local seminary in Ottawa County.

“Ottawa County is not a utopia. It is an area full of wonderful citizens, lakeshore living, lots of churches and winter sports, and yet simultaneously it has power dynamics and inequities like any place that need addressing,” said Ellis, of Maplewood Reformed Church. The county’s population is about 83% white with small but growing Asian, Black and Hispanic populations.

‘They vote for the same thing’

In Wisconsin, affluent and suburban Waukesha County has gained about 5,200 movers, while urban Milwaukee County has lost 37,000. Still, that’s not likely to change the politics of either county soon, said Steve Styza, a Republican who won an open seat on the Waukesha County Board of Supervisors in Tuesday’s election.

“Democrats are definitely trying to make as big of a push as they can to turn the most conservative counties in our state blue or purple and try to gain some kind of foothold because it is strategically important,” Styza said before the election. “If I was on the other team, I’d be trying to do the same thing.”

Waukesha County voted almost 60% for Trump in 2020, though the roughly 38.8% vote for Biden was the highest share for a Democrat since 1964. The county’s 2022 vote for Democratic Gov. Tony Evers was slightly higher at 39.4%. Milwaukee County voted 69% for Biden in 2020 and 71% for Evers in 2022.

Like Avant in Georgia, Styza said that Democratic newcomers sometimes pose a threat to the suburban lifestyle that drew them there in the first place.

“They say, ‘Well, I gotta get out of there because of what’s going on,’ and then they vote for the same thing in a different place and then wonder why things turn out poorly,” Styza said.

In the Western swing states of Arizona and Nevada, the politics are similar, but the largest cities are still growing fast. Arizona’s Maricopa County, home of Phoenix, voted Democratic in 2020 for the first time since 1948, when Harry Truman carried the county.

In Nevada, Clark County, the home of Las Vegas, has voted Democratic for president since 1992, but the Republican vote has been growing since 2008, reaching 44% for Trump in 2020. Some of the new Republican strength could be transplants from California’s conservative inland region east of Los Angeles, said David Damore, a political science professor at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas.

“In contrast, Reno, which has been voting more Democratic in recent cycles, is attracting more liberal Californians from Sacramento and the Bay Area,” Damore said. “Statewide, the vote share that the Democrats lost in Las Vegas, they gained in Reno.”

Some conservative scholars argue that residential moves from blue to red areas show a political preference or at least an attraction to the results of conservative policies.

“Every day, Americans appear to have a clear preference about the sort of state government they want. Far from flocking to states that have imposed mandates and lockdowns, they have freely chosen to move to states that focus on securing the mandates of liberty,” Jeffrey Anderson, president of the conservative nonprofit American Main Street Initiative, wrote in an analysis of state-by-state moving statistics published in City Journal in January.

Other demographers see the movement of people as a search for housing and jobs that doesn’t take politics into account.

“Domestic migration [moving] across state and metro areas is not strongly affected by politics but by labor market and housing conditions,” said William Frey, a demographer at The Brookings Institution. He added that movers from blue to red states “could make their destination states less red — Arizona and Nevada are good examples.”

Stateline is part of States Newsroom, a national nonprofit news organization focused on state policy.

Burden of getting medical care can exhaust older patients

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Judith Graham | (TNS) KFF Health News

Susanne Gilliam, 67, was walking down her driveway to get the mail in January when she slipped and fell on a patch of black ice.

Pain shot through her left knee and ankle. After summoning her husband on her phone, with difficulty she made it back to the house.

And then began the runaround that so many people face when they interact with America’s uncoordinated health care system.

Gilliam’s orthopedic surgeon, who managed previous difficulties with her left knee, saw her that afternoon but told her “I don’t do ankles.”

He referred her to an ankle specialist who ordered a new set of X-rays and an MRI. For convenience’s sake, Gilliam asked to get the scans at a hospital near her home in Sudbury, Massachusetts. But the hospital didn’t have the doctor’s order when she called for an appointment. It came through only after several more calls.

Coordinating the care she needs to recover, including physical therapy, became a part-time job for Gilliam. (Therapists work on only one body part per session, so she has needed separate visits for her knee and for her ankle several times a week.)

“The burden of arranging everything I need — it’s huge,” Gilliam told me. “It leaves you with such a sense of mental and physical exhaustion.”

The toll the American health care system extracts is, in some respects, the price of extraordinary progress in medicine. But it’s also evidence of the poor fit between older adults’ capacities and the health care system’s demands.

“The good news is we know so much more and can do so much more for people with various conditions,” said Thomas H. Lee, chief medical officer at Press Ganey, a consulting firm that tracks patients’ experiences with health care. “The bad news is the system has gotten overwhelmingly complex.”

That complexity is compounded by the proliferation of guidelines for separate medical conditions, financial incentives that reward more medical care, and specialization among clinicians, said Ishani Ganguli, an associate professor of medicine at Harvard Medical School.

“It’s not uncommon for older patients to have three or more heart specialists who schedule regular appointments and tests,” she said. If someone has multiple medical problems — say, heart disease, diabetes, and glaucoma — interactions with the health care system multiply.

Ganguli is the author of a new study showing that Medicare patients spend about three weeks a year having medical tests, visiting doctors, undergoing treatments or medical procedures, seeking care in emergency rooms, or spending time in the hospital or rehabilitation facilities. (The data is from 2019, before the covid pandemic disrupted care patterns. If any services were received, that counted as a day of health care contact.)

That study found that slightly more than 1 in 10 seniors, including those recovering from or managing serious illnesses, spent a much larger portion of their lives getting care — at least 50 days a year.

“Some of this may be very beneficial and valuable for people, and some of it may be less essential,” Ganguli said. “We don’t talk enough about what we’re asking older adults to do and whether that’s realistic.”

Victor Montori, a professor of medicine at the Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minnesota, has for many years raised an alarm about the “treatment burden” that patients experience. In addition to time spent receiving health care, this burden includes arranging appointments, finding transportation to medical visits, getting and taking medications, communicating with insurance companies, paying medical bills, monitoring health at home, and following recommendations such as dietary changes.

Four years ago — in a paper titled “Is My Patient Overwhelmed?” — Montori and several colleagues found that 40% of patients with chronic conditions such as asthma, diabetes, and neurological disorders “considered their treatment burden unsustainable.”

When this happens, people stop following medical advice and report having a poorer quality of life, the researchers found. Especially vulnerable are older adults with multiple medical conditions and low levels of education who are economically insecure and socially isolated.

Older patients’ difficulties are compounded by medical practices’ increased use of digital phone systems and electronic patient portals — both frustrating for many seniors to navigate — and the time pressures afflicting physicians. “It’s harder and harder for patients to gain access to clinicians who can problem-solve with them and answer questions,” Montori said.

Meanwhile, clinicians rarely ask patients about their capacity to perform the work they’re being asked to do. “We often have little sense of the complexity of our patients’ lives and even less insight into how the treatments we provide (to reach goal-directed guidelines) fit within the web of our patients’ daily experiences,” several physicians wrote in a 2022 paper on reducing treatment burden.

Consider what Jean Hartnett, 53, of Omaha, Nebraska, and her eight siblings went through after their 88-year-old mother had a stroke in February 2021 while shopping at Walmart.

At the time, the older woman was looking after Hartnett’s father, who had kidney disease and needed help with daily activities such as showering and going to the bathroom.

During the year after the stroke, both of Hartnett’s parents — fiercely independent farmers who lived in Hubbard, Nebraska — suffered setbacks, and medical crises became common. When a physician changed her mom’s or dad’s plan of care, new medications, supplies, and medical equipment had to be procured, and new rounds of occupational, physical, and speech therapy arranged.

Neither parent could be left alone if the other needed medical attention.

“It wasn’t unusual for me to be bringing one parent home from the hospital or doctor’s visit and passing the ambulance or a family member on the highway taking the other one in,” Hartnett explained. “An incredible amount of coordination needed to happen.”

Hartnett moved in with her parents during the last six weeks of her father’s life, after doctors decided he was too weak to undertake dialysis. He passed away in March 2022. Her mother died months later in July.

So, what can older adults and family caregivers do to ease the burdens of health care?

To start, be candid with your doctor if you think a treatment plan isn’t feasible and explain why you feel that way, said Elizabeth Rogers, an assistant professor of internal medicine at the University of Minnesota Medical School.

“Be sure to discuss your health priorities and trade-offs: what you might gain and what you might lose by forgoing certain tests or treatments,” she said. Ask which interventions are most important in terms of keeping you healthy, and which might be expendable.

Doctors can adjust your treatment plan, discontinue medications that aren’t yielding significant benefits, and arrange virtual visits if you can manage the technological requirements. (Many older adults can’t.)

Ask if a social worker or a patient navigator can help you arrange multiple appointments and tests on the same day to minimize the burden of going to and from medical centers. These professionals can also help you connect with community resources, such as transportation services, that might be of help. (Most medical centers have staff of this kind, but physician practices do not.)

If you don’t understand how to do what your doctor wants you to do, ask questions: What will this involve on my part? How much time will this take? What kind of resources will I need to do this? And ask for written materials, such as self-management plans for asthma or diabetes, that can help you understand what’s expected.

“I would ask a clinician, ‘If I chose this treatment option, what does that mean not only for my cancer or heart disease, but also for the time I’ll spend getting care?’” said Ganguli of Harvard. “If they don’t have an answer, ask if they can come up with an estimate.”

___

(KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs of KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling and journalism.)

©2024 KFF Health News. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.