Are big changes coming to the Boundary Waters?

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DULUTH — The U.S. Forest Service is kicking off what may be a two-year or longer process to update the management plan for the Boundary Waters Canoe Area Wilderness, the first major revision in 31 years.

Superior National Forest officials are taking public comments through May 17 on what issues should be considered heading into the long process of amending the wilderness chapter of the overall forest plan.

“It’s going to be a foundational look at what may need to change in terms of policy,” said Tom Hall, supervisor of the Superior National Forest, which oversees the 1.1 million acre federal wilderness.

The last BWCAW plan was approved in 1993 and wilderness use has not only increased since then, it’s changed markedly, Hall noted. Just about all management issues are on the table — ranging from towboat use and motorboat quotas to group size, the reservation system and entry point and campsite limits.

The BWCAW is the most-visited wilderness in the federal system, and the Forest Service is often caught in the middle of a constant tug of war between visitors who want a wilder, less crowded experience and businesses that cater to tourism who want to see more unfettered use and fewer restrictions. Hall said the plan also must take into account federal laws regarding wilderness areas in addition to people’s desires for the wilderness.

Increasing visitation and changing trends in use are, in general, “adversely impacting” the BWCAW, forest officials noted in announcing the effort. “Monitoring has indicated both social and ecological impacts, such as crowding, noise, light pollution, lack of campsite availability, littering, campsite and portage erosion, campsite expansions, water quality degradation, and other issues preventing the Forest (Service) from managing to standard. There is a need to update management direction to preserve wilderness character, while providing for opportunities for solitude or a primitive and unconfined type of recreation, restoring naturalness and protecting other features of value across the wilderness.”

People are definitely interested. When the Forest Service asked for comments on the use of towboats — motorboats that ferry canoes, gear and campers across some lakes on the periphery of the wilderness, often at the start of canoe trips — they received more than 1,300 comments. The Forest Service is being sued for allegedly allowing too many towboats to operate, and the forest officials noted that “management direction in the existing Forest Plan concerning commercial towboat may need to be updated to address specific standards and guidelines to continue to preserve wilderness character and ensure compliance with the statutory limits set in the 1978 BWCAW Act.”

Other possible topics include fish stocking, outfitter and guide operations, campsite management, wildfire policy, wilderness education and wilderness research.

(Gary Meader / Duluth News Tribune)

Chris Knopf, executive director of Friends of the Boundary Waters Wilderness advocacy group, said he expects some big changes when the management revision is finished.

“This isn’t just tinkering around the edges. … I see this as an extremely important process. It’s an opportunity to address evolving issues that are important to protect the wilderness for decades to come,” Knopf said, adding that recreational issues — including potentially restricting the number of visitors and types of uses — will likely rise to the top of the list. “We really need better data on usage that provides the basis for future policy.”

Both the number of people allowed in, and how and where they are distributed across the wilderness are likely issues, Knopf noted, such as allowing people to reserve specific campsites and not just specific entry points.

“A lot has changed since 1993. Now we have cell towers around the wilderness … How people take time off, how long their trips are, have changed. Technology has changed,” Knop noted.

Knopf said the Friends group hopes the Forest Service will tackle the issue of climate change impacts on water quality, wildlife and fish. He also hopes the Forest Service uses the new plan to tackle potential water quality issues from impacts within the BWCAW watershed but outside the wilderness proper, such as proposed copper mining near the BWCAW boundary.

Jason Zabokrtsky, owner and operator of Ely Outfitting Co., a guide and outfitting service, said he, too, expects major changes to develop in the plan amendment.

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“Management of the forest has signaled they are willing to make really significant changes to wilderness management. They showed that two years ago when they cut permits by 13%,” Zabokrtsky said. “What I’d really like to see come out of this is some real good research on wilderness use … most of the talk we hear about there being too much use comes from anecdotal stories, not from real data.”

Zabokrtsky said he expects the biggest impacts to involve motor use in the BWCAW, both day-use motor permits and towboat use. But he said the Forest Service should be careful in any efforts to reduce visitors.

“The Forest Service likes to use terms like crowded. But that’s a loaded word. I’ve never really seen it close to being crowded in a real sense,” Zabokrtsky added. “The BWCAW is one of the world’s great outdoor experiences. To say we need to limit people or prevent people from experiencing that to protect it, that doesn’t seem right.”

Informal discussion starts now

The process won’t be quick. The Forest Service is taking public comments on what issues it should study as part of a formal, in-depth environmental impact statement required by the National Environmental Policy Act. That formal process won’t happen until 2025, Hall said, with a draft out late that year for another round of public comments and a final plan not expected until April 2026.

And that’s if there aren’t any unforeseen issues, Hall noted, which could push the final plan out longer.

“Right now, we’re just in the exploration stage. What are the issues people care about? We are working to develop collaborative input to tell us what we should be looking at,” Hall said.

The Forest Service has reached out to Ojibwe bands in the region, local business groups such as outfitters and lodges, as well as local residents and groups focused on protecting the BWCAW in addition to people who canoe, camp, fish, hike, snowshoe and ski there.

What won’t be changing as a result of the process, Hall noted, are the specific rules, restrictions and allowances built into the 1978 federal law that created the BWCAW, drew its boundaries and cemented it as part of the national wilderness system — albeit a unique member of the system since some motorized use is allowed.

Issues that have developed since 1993 — from lawsuits over towboats to complaints about permit quotas and unruly visitor use during the pandemic push to get outdoors — show that a new plan is overdue, Hall said.

“Our implementation and monitoring over the past 30 years, and changes to national wilderness management policy and guidance, has highlighted several issues affecting wilderness character in the BWCAW and the wilderness experience for visitors,” Hall noted.

Submit comments, attend meetings

The Forest Service wants your input on what BWCAW issues they should look at as part of the long revision process for the area’s wilderness plan. Comments on this stage of the process will be accepted through May 17.

Comments can be made online at fs.usda.gov/project/superior/?project=65777 or in print submitted to: Superior National Forest, RE: BWCAW Forest Plan Amendment, 8901 Grand Avenue Place, Duluth, MN 55808.
An in-person open house is scheduled for Thursday, April 11, from 4:30-7 p.m. at the Superior National Forest Headquarters, 8901 Grand Avenue Place in Duluth.
A virtual, online open house is set for April 18, from 4-6 p.m. at tinyurl.com/SNFBWCAW. Meeting ID: 289 483 854 876, passcode: XPqvvs

Did you know?

The BWCAW contains 1,175 lakes varying in size from 10 to 10,000 acres, more than 1,200 miles of canoe routes, 12 hiking trails and over 2,000 designated campsites.

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Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg says Trump’s hush money criminal trial isn’t about politics

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By JAKE OFFENHARTZ Associated Press

NEW YORK (AP) — When he was elected two years ago as Manhattan’s first Black district attorney, Alvin Bragg spoke candidly about his unease with the job’s political demands. A former law professor, he’s more comfortable untangling complex legal questions than swaggering up to a podium.

But when the first of Donald Trump’s four criminal prosecutions heads to trial on Monday, about alleged hush money payments to cover up a sex scandal during the 2016 election, Bragg will be at the center of a political maelstrom with few precedents.

Even before announcing the 34-count felony indictment against Trump last year, Bragg was a lightning rod for conservative critics who said he wasn’t tough enough on crime. The upcoming trial will test the Democrat’s efforts to portray himself as apolitical in the face of relentless attacks from the Republican former president and his supporters, who say the prosecution is the epitome of partisanship.

Echoing the racist tropes he has deployed frequently against his legal adversaries, Trump has called Bragg a “thug” and a “degenerate psychopath,” urging his supporters to take action against the “danger to our country.”

Bragg, who declined to be interviewed for this story, has rejected that, comparing the prosecution against Trump to any other case of financial crime.

“At its core, this case today is one with allegations like so many of our white collar cases,” Bragg said in announcing the indictment last year. “Someone lied again and again to protect their interests and evade the laws to which we are all held accountable.”

FILE – Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg listens at news conference in New York, Feb. 7, 2023. As he prepares to bring the first of Donald Trump’s four criminal prosecutions to trial, Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg finds himself at the center of a political firestorm. (AP Photo/Seth Wenig, File)

The first-ever trial of a former U.S. president will feature allegations that Trump falsified business records while compensating one of his lawyers, Michael Cohen, for burying stories about extramarital affairs that arose during the 2016 presidential race.

The charges — which carry the possibility of jail time — threaten Trump’s campaign schedule as he faces a general election rematch with President Joe Biden.

They have also turned a spotlight on Bragg, who since bringing the indictment has been the target of scores of racist emails and death threats, as well as two packages containing white powder.

“Because he is the first to get Trump to trial, and because he’s been successful so far, the level of hate pointed at Bragg is staggering,” said Norman Eisen, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution who served as special counsel in the first impeachment trial against Trump. “The threat level is just off the charts.”

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Citing Trump’s threatening and inflammatory statements, Judge Juan M. Merchan imposed a gag order last month that bars Trump from publicly commenting on witnesses, jurors or others involved in the case — though not Bragg or the judge personally. Attorneys for Trump have sought to reverse the order, seizing on the issue as one of several arguments for delaying the trial.

The 50-year-old Harlem-raised Bragg got his early political education during visits to the city’s homeless shelters, where his father worked. He said he was held at gunpoint six times while growing up — three times by overly suspicious police officers — and once had a knife held to his throat.

After graduating from Harvard Law School, Bragg began his career as a criminal defense and civil rights lawyer, later joining the federal prosecutor’s office in Manhattan. As a top lawyer in the New York attorney general’s office, he oversaw investigations into police killings and a lawsuit that shut down Trump’s charitable foundation.

Though he said he had little interest in elected office, Bragg joined a crowded race for Manhattan district attorney in 2019, running on a platform of “justice and public safety.”

Compared to many of his opponents, Bragg took a more measured tone in detailing his plans for the investigations into Trump and his businesses, which began under former District Attorney Cyrus Vance Jr.

Once in office, Bragg surprised many by pausing the criminal investigation into Trump, leading to the resignation of two top prosecutors who had pushed for an indictment.

When he resurrected the case last April, the charges of falsifying records were raised to felonies under an unusual legal theory that Trump could be prosecuted in state court for violating federal campaign finance laws. Some legal experts say the strategy could backfire.

“It seems a bit of a legal reach, and the question is why are they doing it?” said Jonathan Turley, a professor at the George Washington University Law School. “It can be hard to escape the conclusion that this effort would not have been taken if the defendant was not Donald Trump.”

From his first days in office, Bragg found himself under a barrage of criticism over a memo instructing prosecutors not to seek jail time for some low-level offenses.

He walked back portions of the directive amid fierce protest from New York Police Department leaders, conservative media and some centrist Democrats, though he later said he regretted not pushing back more forcefully. For many on the right, the image of Bragg as a poster child for Democrat permissiveness stuck.

“When you’re the district attorney, you are also a politician, and there’s been a slight failure to grasp that,” said Rebecca Roiphe, a New York Law School professor who taught alongside Bragg and previously worked in the Manhattan district attorney’s office. “The fact that he’s not attuned to what he needs to do politically to get things done is both a strength and a weakness.”

Though most major crime rates in Manhattan remain lower than before Bragg took office, conservatives continue to accuse him of allowing rampant lawlessness. Republicans convened a congressional field hearing in New York to examine what they said were Bragg’s “pro-crime, anti-victim” policies.

Bragg was pilloried on the right again earlier this year when he declined to seek pretrial detention for some men accused of brawling with police officers in Times Square.

The decision sparked criticism not only from conservatives but also Gov. Kathy Hochul, a Democrat, and top NYPD officials. Bragg defended himself, telling reporters, “the only thing worse than failing to bring perpetrators to justice would be to ensnare innocent people in the criminal justice system.”

He later announced several men initially arrested played only a minor role or were not present at all.

In 2022, Bragg’s office pressured the Trump Organization’s longtime chief financial officer, Allen Weisselberg, into pleading guilty to evading taxes on company perks like a luxury car and rent-free apartment. Later that year, it put Trump’s company on trial, and won a conviction on similar tax charges.

After that, Bragg convened a new grand jury, securing the indictment accusing Trump of falsely recording payments to Cohen as legal expenses, when they were for orchestrating payoffs to porn actor Stormy Daniels and former Playboy model Karen McDougal, to prevent them from going public with claims they had extramarital sexual encounters with Trump.

Trump denies the accusations and says no crime was committed. Now, a jury is on the verge of being picked that will make a historic decision about whether Trump broke the law — or Bragg overreached.

Mother and children who died in Anoka County park incident identified

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A mother and her two young children were the people who died in an incident at a park in Anoka County, the sheriff’s office said Thursday.

Ramsey police and Anoka County sheriff’s deputies responded to a welfare check on Monday about 10 a.m. at Rum River Center Park in Ramsey. They found Jessica Linette Frank, 33, and Solara Rea Frank, 9, deceased in a parked sport-utility vehicle.

Law enforcement discovered Laiken Lea Frank, 4, was injured in the vehicle. He died at a local hospital.

No one was arrested and law enforcement is not looking for any suspects, Tierney Peters, sheriff’s office community relations coordinator, said earlier this week. The sheriff’s office has not released more information about the circumstances of their deaths.

The family lived in Monticello, according to the sheriff’s office.

Solara was a third grader at Twin Lakes Elementary in Elk River and her brother Laiken was in Discovery Learning preschool, according to a letter sent to Twin Lakes Elementary families Monday night.

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O.J. Simpson, former football star accused of murder, has died

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Elaine Woo | Los Angeles Times (TNS)

LOS ANGELES — O.J. Simpson, whose rise and fall from American football hero to accused murderer to prison inmate fueled a rancorous public drama that obsessed the nation and spawned debates over race, wealth, justice and retribution, has died from cancer, according to a family member’s statement on X.

Simpson was once the country’s most admired athlete, a formidable running back who broke records with grace and determination. He became a crossover star, lending his handsome face and affable personality to the slapstick “Naked Gun” movies and classic television commercials for Hertz.

He ended his run as an inmate at Lovelock Correction Center, 90 miles northeast of Reno, Nevada, where he was serving a term of nine to 33 years after his 2008 conviction on armed robbery, kidnapping, conspiracy and other charges stemming from his attempt to recover valuable memorabilia he claimed was stolen from him. His incarceration was widely viewed as long-overdue punishment for the 1994 murders of his ex-wife, Nicole Brown Simpson, and her friend, Ronald L. Goldman.

Although widely presumed to be guilty of the slayings, the former USC Heisman Trophy winner was acquitted in 1995 in a spectacular trial that was rife with vexing questions, none more divisive than the one posed by Simpson’s defense team: whether a black man in America — even one who had crossed racial barriers and attained significant wealth and status — could be tried without prejudice for the murders a white person. Polls showed deep fissures between blacks and whites on the question of his innocence. When a predominantly black jury set him free, it drew those racial suspicions into even sharper relief.

“The only reason that we will care about O.J. Simpson 10 years after, 20 years after, is what it told us about race in this country,” said the New Yorker’s Jeffrey Toobin.

O.J. Simpson shows the jury a new pair of Aris extra-large gloves, similar to the gloves found at the Bundy and Rockingham crime scene 21 June 1995, during his double murder trial in Los Angeles,CA. Deputy Sheriff Roland Jex(L) and Prosecutor Christopher Darden (R) look on. (VINCE BUCCI/AFP via Getty Images)

Simpson’s acquittal was only the first chapter in a long legal saga. In 1997 a predominantly white jury in Santa Monica found him liable for the deaths in a civil suit brought by the Brown and Goldman families. Ordered to pay the families $33.5 million in damages, Simpson gave up his Brentwood estate and moved to Florida, in large part to evade the civil judgment.

His desire to shield his assets set in motion the events that ultimately would bring him down: the robbery in a cheap Las Vegas hotel room in 2007. After a short trial that received minimal media coverage, the judge pronounced him guilty, 13 years to the day after the so-called “Trial of the Century” had set him free.

Orenthal James Simpson was born July 9, 1947 in a housing project in the depressed Potrero Hill section of San Francisco. He was the second of four children of Jimmie, a bank custodian, and Eunice, a night orderly at San Francisco General Hospital. He saw little of his father after his parents separated when he was 5. Simpson said in a 1977 Parents magazine interview that he resented his father’s absence, “especially when I became a teenager and was trying to find out who I was.”

He had rickets as a child and was left with spindly, bowed legs that attracted taunts from neighborhood kids. His mother fashioned a set of home-made leg braces that helped him improve enough to play football at Galileo High School. But his other extracurricular activity was stealing hubcaps and pies with a gang called the Persian Warriors. “I was always the leader — the baddest cat there,” he recalled.

He shaped up enough to enter San Francisco City College, where he scored 54 touchdowns in one season. At USC, he lead the nation in rushing, running for 3,423 yards in two seasons and in 1968, his senior year, captured the highest honor in college football, the Heisman Trophy. He’d been a runner up the year before.

He was snapped up by the Buffalo Bills in the 1969 National Football League draft but became problematic immediately when he demanded the largest contract in professional sports in the U.S. — $650,000 paid out over five years. Initially Simpson disappointed but ended up leading the team in rushing for nine straight years.

O.J. Simpson of the Buffalo Bills in action during a game against the Denver Broncos at Rich Stadium in Buffalo, New York in 1976. (Allsport/Getty Images/TNS)

In 1973 he broke NFL records by becoming the first runner to surpass 2,000 yards in a single season with a then-record 2,003 yards and broke Jim Brown’s single season rushing record, once thought to be unobtainable. He was NFL Player of the Year in 1972, 1973 and 1975 but only reached the playoffs once and never got to the Super Bowl.

His style was idiosyncratic, known for twisting, fleet-footed runs that stymied the opposition. “O.J. gets right on top of you, looks you in the eye and then — pfft — he’s gone,” former Pittsburgh Steelers defensive lineman Joe Greene told Newsweek in 1975.

He went by O.J., but he was also known as “The Juice.”

In addition to his athletic gifts, he had what Newsweek’s Pete Axthelm called “an expanding, well-rounded personality” that was attractive to Hollywood moguls and Madison Avenue advertisers.

By the mid-1970s the charismatic sports icon was acting in movies such as “The Towering Inferno” and “The Cassandra Crossing” and hurtling through airports as the star of a Hertz rent-a-car television campaign.

In 1979 he retired from football after an undistinguished season with the San Francisco 49ers, the same year his 12-year marriage to the former Marguerite L. Whitley ended in divorce.

His first marriage produced three children: Arnelle, Jason and Aaren. In August 1979, Aaren, then 23 months old, drowned in the family swimming pool. Simpson rarely discussed the accident in public.

By the time that tragedy occurred, Simpson was already dating Nicole Brown, whom he had met in 1977 when she was a waitress at a Beverly Hills nightclub, the Daisy. A former homecoming princess at Dana Hills High School in Orange County, she was blond, beautiful and 30 years his junior.

She dropped out of Saddleback College in Mission Viejo to move in with the famous running back and, after living together for several years, they were married on Feb. 2, 1985. Their first child, Sydney, was born that October. A son, Justin, was born in 1988.

When Simpson was inducted into the Pro Football Hall of Fame in 1985, he thanked Nicole, noting that she entered his life “at what is probably the most difficult time for an athlete, at the end of my career. She turned those years into some of the best years I have had in my life.”

He became a sports broadcaster for NBC and ABC, including a brief run as a replacement for broadcaster Howard Cosell on “Monday Night Football.” He played a disaster-prone detective in the slapstick “Naked Gun” movies.

His pursuits enabled him to provide Nicole with a glamorous life. In addition to the $5-million Brentwood estate, they had second homes in Laguna Beach and New York, his-and-hers Ferraris, and frequent vacations to Vail, Aspen and Hawaii.

But theirs was a volatile relationship. They fought and made up with regularity.

On New Year’s Day in 1989, however, an anonymous 911 call summoned police to the Simpsons’ home. When police arrived at 3:30 a.m., Nicole rushed out from the bushes where she had been hiding. Her lip was split, her eye was black, and a handprint was visible on her neck. “He’s going to kill me, he’s going to kill me,” she cried, according to the police report. The famous former athlete emerged from the house, yelling “I got two women, and I don’t want that woman in my bed anymore.”

Simpson pleaded no contest to domestic violence and was ordered to pay a $700 fine, obtain psychiatric counseling and perform 120 hours of community service. He also was placed on two years’ probation. The couple issued a statement calling the altercation “an isolated and unfortunate incident.”

In 1992, the couple divorced. Simpson kept the Brentwood house while Nicole and the children moved into a town house a few miles away. He started to date model Paula Barbieri but friends said he remained obsessed with his former wife.

On a 911 tape from Oct. 25, 1993 — widely aired after the murders — Nicole is heard pleading with the operator for help. She said O.J. had broken her door down and was “going nuts.”

There were several unsuccessful attempts at reconciliation. In late May, Nicole told her family that she was done with O.J.

On June 12, 1994, Simpson attended his daughter Sydney’s school dance recital. According to witnesses, he sat alone and glared at his ex-wife during the performance. When she left for a post-recital dinner party with her children, Simpson was not invited.

This much is certain about what happened over the next hours: After dining at a neighborhood restaurant, Mezzaluna, Nicole took the kids to get Ben and Jerry’s ice cream. Back home, her mother called around 9:40 p.m. to ask Nicole to retrieve a pair of eyeglasses she had left at the restaurant. Nicole reached her friend, Goldman, who was a waiter at the restaurant. He said he would drop the glasses off after he left work around 10 p.m.

A little more than an hour later, a blood-streaked Akita would lead a Good Samaritan to a grisly discovery: two bodies covered in blood outside Nicole’s Bundy Drive condo. When police arrived, they found Nicole, 35, with a deep, wide gash across her throat. Goldman, 25, had stab wounds to his throat, lungs and abdomen.

The children were asleep upstairs.

When the police tried to notify Simpson, they learned he had left on an 11:45 p.m. flight to Chicago for a meeting with Hertz executives. By the next day, his Rockingham Road estate had become a crime scene.

Police had discovered blood stains on the driveway and a bloody glove in the yard that appeared to match one recovered on Bundy Drive. They found traces of blood on a white Ford Bronco parked haphazardly at the curb. The estate’s famous resident quickly became the focus of the investigation.

The enduring image from the days immediately after the murders would be the Bronco cruising down eerily empty freeways, trailed by a fleet of police cars. For seven hours on Friday, June 17, the celebrated former athlete eluded the authorities who had planned to arrest him that morning. Behind the wheel of the Bronco was Simpson’s boyhood friend and former NFL colleague, A.C. Cowlings. In the back, reportedly holding a gun to his own head, was Simpson.

Motorists wave as police cars pursue the Ford Bronco (white, R) driven by Al Cowlings, carrying fugitive murder suspect O.J. Simpson, on a 90-minute slow-speed car chase June 17, 1994 on the 405 freeway in Los Angeles, California. Simpson’s friend Cowlings eventually drove Simpson home, with Simpson ducked under the back passenger seat, to Brentwood where he surrendered after a stand-off with police. (MIKE NELSON/AFP via Getty Images)

Tipped by news reports, crowds gathered along the Bronco’s route as it sliced through Orange and Los Angeles counties. Some bystanders cheered “Go, O.J., go!” as the Bronco passed, as they were witnessing was one of his legendary runs on the football field. Others held up signs: “We Love the Juice,” “Save the Juice.”

An estimated 95 million people — bigger by several million than the number of people who tuned into the Super Bowl that year — watched the slow-speed pursuit on television. Later, some commentators would trace the roots of reality TV to the surreal, 60-mile car chase that transfixed the nation and ended without violence in Simpson’s driveway, where he finally surrendered.

“Don’t feel sorry for me,” Simpson said in a suicide note his friend, attorney Robert Kardashian, read at a news conference earlier in the day. The note ended with a plea: “Please think of the real O.J., and not this lost person.”

Laurie Levenson, a Loyola Law School professor who became a fixture as an analyst for CBS during the trial, said the case and the chase became a cultural touchstone.

“He really does define the combination of modern pop culture with the modern justice system,” Levinson said. “He was the origin of reality TV. You followed the Bronco. You followed the trial. You followed the everything after. It’s like the Bronco chase continues.”

The trial opened on Jan. 24, 1995 in the downtown Los Angeles courtroom of Judge Lance Ito, whose decision to allow the proceedings to be televised was later heavily criticized. Quickly dubbed the “trial of the century,” it offered a cast of slick lawyers — Johnnie L. Cochran Jr. and Robert Shapiro leading the defense and Marcia Clark and Christopher Darden for the prosecution — and intriguing supporting characters, from the sympathetic sister Denise Brown to rumpled houseguest Kato Kaelin. Vanity Fair writer Dominick Dunne called the trial “a great trash novel come to life.”

With no murder weapon or eyewitnesses, the evidence was purely circumstantial. But Clark promised the jury that a trail of blood evidence would lead them directly from the gory crime scene to Simpson’s mansion. The prosecution presented DNA findings that the blood found next to the size-12 shoe prints leaving the scene belonged to Simpson (who wore size 12 shoes), that blood found on a sock in his bedroom belonged to Nicole, and that blood detected in his Bronco belonged to Goldman.

As for motive, the prosecutors portrayed Simpson as a jealous man obsessed with his ex-wife and frustrated he could no longer control her through expensive gifts, threats and beatings. He killed Goldman, Darden said, “because he got in the way.”

The defense demolished the DNA evidence, arguing that police conspired to fabricate and contaminated evidence. It turned a key exhibit, the bloody glove, into a symbol of official malfeasance. Not only did Simpson’s lawyers allege that the glove found in their client’s yard that matched one found at the crime scene had been planted by a racist cop — Det. Mark Fuhrman, whose derogatory references to African Americans and boasts about manufacturing evidence were exposed in court — but the gloves didn’t even fit when Darden asked Simpson to try them on.

“They’re too small,” Simpson said, struggling to pull on the gloves. Those were the only words he uttered to the jury during the 10-month trial.

The dramatic demonstration gave Cochran the line that cemented his closing argument: “If it doesn’t fit,” he intoned, “you must acquit.”

And less than a week later the jury acquitted the celebrity defendant, after deliberating only three hours. But Simpson was never truly free again.

The civil trial took place in 1996 and deepened the portrait of Simpson as an abuser. More liberal rules allowing hearsay evidence allowed lawyers for the Nicole Brown Simpson and Ron Goldman families to use excerpts from the murdered woman’s diaries. The journal entries detailed incidents when Simpson terrorized her with a gun, shouted profanities at her, tried to coerce her into aborting their unborn son and threatened to turn her into the Internal Revenue Service.

This time, Simpson testified.

He denied ever hitting or beating Nicole. Instead, he offered a picture of himself as a concerned husband who nursed her through pneumonia after their divorce and worried about her even after he became involved with someone else.

But his testimony failed to convince the mostly white jury. After deliberating for three days, they returned a unanimous verdict against him. Finding him liable for the deaths of Nicole and her friend was the closest the legal system could get to branding him a murderer.

Simpson was forced to sell his Brentwood home of 20 years at auction several months later; it was razed in 1998. Two years later, he moved to Florida, where the laws made it easier for him to shield his remaining assets. He lived off his $19,000-a-month NFL pension and investments.

In 2006 he wrote “If I Did It,” a bizarre “fictional memoir” about how he might have committed the murders. His potential to profit from the book stirred such outrage that the original publisher, Judith Regan, was fired and thousands of copies were destroyed.

In an effort to collect on the civil verdict, Goldman’s father, Fred, gained the rights to the book and had it published in 2007. The book, which became a bestseller, featured Simpson’s original manuscript but with an introduction by the Goldmans, who viewed the story as Simpson’s confession. Taking the book away from Simpson was a coup for the Goldmans, whose lawyers constantly dogged him to turn over valuables.

Fred Goldman later speculated that losing the book pushed Simpson over the edge.

On Sept. 13, 2007, he assembled a rogue’s gallery of ex-cons to confront memorabilia dealers Bruce Fromong and Alfred Beardsley, whom an intermediary had lured to a room at the Palace Station Hotel & Casino in Las Vegas. Told to expect a “mystery buyer,” they were stunned when Simpson burst into the room with his ragtag band of cohorts, two of whom brandished guns as Simpson demanded the return of a number of items he said belonged to him. He left with a bag full of mementos, including an All-American team football and three game balls inscribed with the dates he used them to break records.

Simpson was arrested three days later on charges including armed robbery and kidnapping.

At his trial, there were empty seats in the courtroom.

At his sentencing, Simpson was contrite.

“In no way did I mean to hurt anybody, to steal anything from anybody. I just wanted my personal things,” he told the judge after hearing his sentence. Then, with wrists shackled to a chain around his waist, he was taken to his cell.

Long before the city woke up on a fall morning in 2017, Trump walked out of Lovelock Correctional Center outside Reno, a free man for the first time in 9 years. He didn’t go far, moving into 5,000-square-foot home in Vegas, with a Bentley in the driveway.

The media had been told he’d be released the following day, so he had the desert morning to himself as he was driven toward Las Vegas. It was a final trick play for a man who’d spent a lifetime running away from trouble.

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