Supreme Court will decide whether Trump is immune from federal prosecution. Here’s what’s next

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By ERIC TUCKER, ALANNA DURKIN RICHER and MARK SHERMAN (Associated Press)

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Supreme Court is hearing arguments this week with profound legal and political consequences: whether former President Donald Trump is immune from prosecution in a federal case charging him with plotting to overturn the results of the 2020 election.

In addition to establishing a potentially historic ruling about the scope of presidential power, the court’s decision — whenever it comes — will undoubtedly go a long way in determining a trial date for Trump in one of the four criminal prosecutions that the presumptive Republican presidential nominee faces.

A quick decision in the Justice Department’s favor could conceivably put the case on track for trial this fall. But if the court takes until late June to resolve the question, then the likelihood rises substantially that the November presidential election will happen without a jury ever being asked to decide whether Trump is criminally responsible for efforts to undo an election he lost in the weeks leading up to the violent Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the U.S. Capitol.

A look at what’s ahead:

WHAT IS THE COURT DECIDING?

A straightforward but legally untested question: whether a former president is immune from federal prosecution for official acts.

Trump is the first ex-president to face criminal charges, making his appeal the first time in the country’s history that the Supreme Court has had occasion to weigh in on this issue.

Though Justice Department policy prohibits the indictment of a sitting president, there’s no bar against charging a former one. Special counsel Jack Smith’s team says the Founding Fathers never intended for presidents to be above the law and that, in any event, the acts Trump is charged with — including participating in a scheme to enlist fake electors in battleground states won by President Joe Biden — aren’t in any way part of a president’s official duties.

Trump’s lawyers, by contrast, say former presidents are entitled to absolute immunity. They warn of a potential floodgate of prosecutions against former presidents if they’re not entitled to immunity and say the office cannot function if the commander-in-chief has to be worried about criminal charges. And they cite a previous Supreme Court ruling that presidents are immune from civil liability for official acts, saying the same analysis should apply in a criminal context.

HOW DID THIS ISSUE REACH THE COURT?

The Supreme Court will actually be the third set of judges to address the question in the last six months.

Trump’s lawyers last October asked U.S. District Judge Tanya Chutkan, the trial judge overseeing the case, to dismiss the indictment on presidential immunity grounds.

The judge squarely rejected Trump’s claims of absolute immunity, saying in December that the office of the presidency does not confer a “lifelong ‘get-out-of-jail-free’ pass.”

An appeals court in February held the same, with a three-judge panel saying that for the purposes of this case, “former President Trump has become citizen Trump, with all of the defenses of any other criminal defendant.”

Trump appealed to the high court, which after several weeks, announced that it would consider “whether and if so to what extent does a former President enjoy presidential immunity from criminal prosecution for conduct alleged to involve official acts during his tenure in office.”

WHAT ARE THE COURT’S OPTIONS?

The justices have multiple paths to decide the case. They’ll probably meet in private a short time after arguments to take a preliminary vote on the outcome. Chief Justice John Roberts would be a prime candidate to take on the opinion for the court, assuming he is in the majority.

They could simply reject Trump’s immunity claim outright, permitting the prosecution to move forward and returning the case to Chutkan to set a trial date.

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They could also reverse the lower courts by declaring for the first time that former presidents may not be prosecuted for conduct related to official acts during their time in office. Such a decision would stop the prosecution in its tracks.

There are other options, too, including ruling that former presidents do retain some immunity for their official actions but that, wherever that line is drawn, Trump’s actions fall way beyond it.

Yet another possibility is that the court sends the case back to Chutkan with an assignment to decide whether the actions Trump is alleged to have taken to stay in power constitute official acts.

A court ruling in Trump’s favor should have no bearing on the hush-money trial now underway in New York in part because that state-level case involves actions Trump took before he became president. And though Trump’s lawyers have made the same immunity argument in a federal case in Florida charging him with hoarding classified documents, that case accuses Trump of illegally retaining the records and obstructing efforts to get them back after he left office — rather than during his presidency.

HOW WILL THE RULING BEAR ON A TRIAL DATE?

How quickly the court moves after arguments could depend on how much agreement there is among the justices. Unanimous opinions almost always take less time to write than those that sharply divide the court.

If the justices rule against Trump and in favor of the government, the case would be returned to Chutkan, who would then be empowered to restart the clock on trial preparations and set a trial date.

Any trial would still be several months away, in part because of Chutkan’s decision last December to effectively freeze the case pending the outcome of Trump’s appeal. She’s also committed to giving prosecutors and defense lawyers time to get ready for trial if the case returns to her court.

That means that outstanding legal disputes that have been unresolved for months will again take center stage, not to mention new arguments and court fights that have yet to even surface but will also take up time on the calendar.

The trial is likely to take months, meaning it would likely threaten to run up against the election if it doesn’t begin by August. Smith’s team has said the government’s case should take no longer than four to six weeks, but that doesn’t include any defense Trump could put on. And jury selection alone could take weeks.

WHY DOES TRUMP WANT TO DELAY THE TRIAL?

The timing of the trial — and whether Trump will be forced to sit in a Washington courtroom in the weeks leading up to the election — carries enormous political ramifications.

If Trump secures the GOP nomination and defeats Biden in November, he could potentially try to order a new attorney general to dismiss the federal cases against him or he could even seek a pardon for himself — though that is a legally untested proposition.

Smith’s team didn’t mention the election in its filing urging the Supreme Court to reject Trump’s effort to further delay the case. But prosecutors noted that the case has “unique national importance,” adding that “delay in the resolution of these charges threatens to frustrate the public interest in a speedy and fair verdict.”

Trump, meanwhile, has accused Smith of trying to rush the case to trial for political reasons. Trump’s lawyers told the Supreme Court in their filing that holding the trial “at the height of election season will radically disrupt President Trump’s ability to campaign against President Biden — which appears to be the whole point of the Special Counsel’s persistent demands for expedition.”

Gophers point guard Elijah Hawkins requests to enter NCAA transfer portal

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The Gophers men’s basketball team said less than two weeks ago that starting point guard Elijah Hawkins would return for next season.

“PG1 is back,” the program posted on social media.

But those posts have since been scrubbed from the X platform.

Hawkins has requested to enter his name in the NCAA transfer portal, a source confirmed to the Pioneer Press on Monday. Joe Tipton of On3 Sports first reported the U-turn development.

Hawkins would have been an integral piece of a Gopher team looking take the next step and earn a bid for the NCAA tournament in March 2025.

The 5-foot-9 native of Washington, D.C., averaged 9.5 points and 7.5 rebounds across 33 games last season. He was tied for second in the nation in assists per game last year, alongside Braden Smith of Purdue and just behind Marquette’s Tyler Kolek (7.7).

The Gophers had at least four open scholarships after Canisius forward Frank Mitchell signed with Minnesota last week. The exit of Hawkins would make it five vacancies.

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Supreme Court to hear oral arguments on abortion and Trump

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Michael Macagnone | CQ-Roll Call (TNS)

WASHINGTON — The Supreme Court will close out oral arguments for the term this week with two high-profile cases: whether federal law guarantees access to abortion in emergency rooms and whether former President Donald Trump is immune to federal criminal charges.

The cases are emblematic of a term in which the conservative-controlled court is poised to broaden its impact on American law and politics in ways that could reverberate for years — as well as the remaining months before this fall’s presidential election.

This term doesn’t have cases that could match up to the court’s 2022 decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization that overturned the constitutional right to an abortion, said Laurie Levenson, a law professor at Loyola Marymount University.

But the court’s decision in the Trump immunity case could come close, she said. Oral arguments in that case are scheduled for Thursday, the last in a term that could reshape abortion access, gun rights, the balance between federal agencies and the courts, and more.

“I think the election year adds to the significance of it,” Levenson said of the Trump case. “I mean, you can’t take the intellectual issues in the Trump case and say, ‘Well, those are interesting issues.’ We have one here where there can be a chain reaction that actually affects an election. That’s beyond the usual impact, the direct impact that we see from the Supreme Court.”

After Thursday’s arguments, all that remains for the court are about four dozen cases argued this term on which the court has yet to decide. The justices are expected to issue decisions before the conclusion of the term at the end of June.

The Supreme Court’s remaining cases this term deal with the fallout of previous decisions like Dobbs or affect how the federal government would work, such as a case that could change the balance of power between courts and federal agencies.

“There are some reasonably big cases still to be decided. That’s not unusual,” Levenson said. “But we will have some real blockbusters in there too.”

Trump immunity

The most high-profile oral arguments will be over whether Trump’s presidency makes him immune to federal charges tied to his effort to overturn his loss in the 2020 election.

The prosecution has remained on pause while Trump appeals the issue and the Supreme Court’s decision could determine whether Trump faces trial before the election.

Levenson said the Supreme Court’s decision in the case could determine whether Trump faces trial before the election. Even if the justices ruled against Trump, they could return the case to the lower court for more deliberation and forestall a trial, she said.

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Earlier this year a three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit ruled against Trump, finding the Constitution did not support Trump’s claims of blanket immunity from federal prosecution.

The political implications of the justices’ handling of the case surfaced repeatedly in the briefs and Trump’s accusations of “election interference” for bringing the case in the first place. More than a dozen states weighed in on Trump’s behalf, accusing prosecutors led by special counsel John L. “Jack” Smith of playing politics with the prosecution.

The brief lumped the four criminal cases that Trump faces this year, including a state trial in New York that began Monday, and said that “the United States of America is rushing to try the sitting President’s leading challenger in time for the 2024 election.”

Republican senators weighed in to defend Trump through the National Republican Senatorial Committee, the party’s campaign arm, arguing that he should not face prosecution.

Smith, who has defended the charges and argued Trump is not immune to prosecution, said the trial could take place as soon as three months after the Supreme Court decides the case.

Abortion case

On Wednesday the court is scheduled to hear arguments in Moyle v. United States, a dispute over whether a federal law guaranteeing emergency care, known as Emergency Medical Treatment and Active Labor Act, or EMTALA, supersedes Idaho’s law banning most abortions.

The case comes as the ripple effects of the court’s decisions have frequently outpaced Congress, for instance leaving more than 300 members on both sides of the aisle arguing over how a statute passed in 1986 to guarantee emergency room care should apply in Idaho.

After the court’s Dobbs decision in 2022, the state enacted its near-total ban on abortions, with exceptions for rape, incest and the life of the mother. The law has faced court challenges since, and a federal judge in Idaho ruled that the law likely conflicted with EMTALA.

After an appeal, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit put the state law on pause and Idaho successfully asked the Supreme Court to intervene. In January, the justices agreed to hear the case and allowed the state to enforce the law in the interim. The state argued that the federal emergency care law at issue is meant to prevent “patient dumping” — hospitals turning away sick patients who could not pay for care — and not to allow the federal government to dictate state law.

That argument had backing from more than 100 Republicans in Congress who filed a brief arguing the federal statute was never meant to mandate abortions. Led by Idaho’s Republican congressional delegation, the group said the law should not be read to go as far as abortion.

“Congress enacted EMTALA to address the systemic problem of patient dumping, and particularly safeguard women in ‘active labor’ (hence the title) as well as their unborn children,” the brief stated. “The Department of Justice is attempting to rewrite EMTALA to devise federal protections for abortion.”

But the Biden administration has said that view of the law would have doctors wait for their pregnant patients to deteriorate, despite knowing that deterioration was inevitable, to satisfy the state’s mandate for life-or-death decisions.

“Delaying care until the woman’s condition deteriorates and the doctor can say that termination is necessary to prevent her death, as Idaho law requires, stacks tragedy upon tragedy with little additional likelihood of fetal survival,” the Biden administration argued.

More than 200 Democrats from both chambers asked the court to side with the Biden administration. The brief argued that Idaho could not mandate that doctors allow their patients to come to harm before they act.

“Federal law does not allow Idaho to endanger the lives of its residents in this way,” the brief said.

The case is one of two concerning abortion this term. The other concerns the availability of mifepristone, the most prescribed medication abortion drug.

Levenson said the Dobbs decision in 2022 was a “momentous” case that “opened the door” to cases like the dispute over Idaho’s law and mifepristone.

©2024 CQ-Roll Call, Inc. Visit at rollcall.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

PÓDCAST: ¿Puede el presidente Biden cerrar unilateralmente funciones clave de la frontera?

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La administración de Joe Biden estaría considerando hacer uso de la autoridad de la Sección 212(f) de la Ley de Inmigración y Nacionalidad, que otorga al presidente un amplio margen de maniobra para bloquear la entrada de determinados inmigrantes si ello fuera “perjudicial” para los intereses nacionales de los Estados Unidos.

Foto oficial de la Casa Blanca por Adam Schultz

El Presidente Joe Biden en una rueda de prensa en la que abogó por un acuerdo bipartidista sobre seguridad fronteriza en febrero.

En los últimos meses, varios medios de comunicación en los Estados Unidos como CBS, CNN, NBC y más recientemente Axios han reportado sobre la intención de la administración de Joe Biden de usar acciones ejecutivas para limitar la entrada por la frontera sur del país en las próximas semanas.

Luego de que el proyecto de ley bipartidista sobre inmigración propuesto por el Senado se hundiera este año, la administración Biden ha estado debatiendo sus opciones mientras el tema de inmigracion sigue acaparando más interés, y la probabilidad de que se apruebe una reforma migratoria en el Congreso antes de las elecciones de noviembre es casi nula.

Lo que la administración Biden estaría considerando es hacer uso de la autoridad de la Sección 212(f) de la Ley de Inmigración y Nacionalidad (INA por sus siglas en inglés), que otorga al presidente un amplio margen de maniobra para bloquear la entrada de determinados inmigrantes si ello fuera “perjudicial” para los intereses nacionales de los Estados Unidos.

Según esto, el presidente tiene la autoridad de “suspender la entrada de todos los extranjeros o de cualquier clase de extranjeros” siempre que este “considere que la entrada de cualquier extranjero o de cualquier clase de extranjeros a los Estados Unidos sería perjudicial para los intereses de los Estados Unidos”.

Esta disposición, en algunas circunstancias, permitiría la exclusión de ciertas categorías específicas de individuos, pero no permite el cierre a gran escala de todo un programa de asilo en la frontera.

La administración Trump utilizó repetidamente su autoridad bajo la Sección 212(f) con acciones ejecutivas para moldear la política de inmigración en el país, y estas fueron usadas por su administración para prohibir el ingreso de personas procedentes de varios países de mayoría musulmana —conocida en inglés como ”Muslim ban”— y pese a las demandas, la Corte Suprema la ratificó en una decisión de 5-4. 

En 2021, horas después de ser juramentado como el nuevo presidente, Joe Biden firmó una serie de órdenes ejecutivas, una de ellas la anulaba.

En una entrevista a Univision que se publicó el 9 de abril, Enrique Acevedo le preguntó al presidente Biden si ya había tomado una decisión final sobre una orden ejecutiva sobre la frontera y este le respondió que estaban examinando si tenía o no ese poder.

“No hay garantía de que tenga todo ese poder por mí mismo sin legislación,” dijo Biden durante la entrevista. “Y algunos han sugerido que simplemente debería intentarlo. Y si me detiene el tribunal, me detiene el tribunal. Pero estamos tratando de trabajar en eso, trabajar en eso ahora mismo”.

Así que para darnos un contexto sobre esta opción que está analizando la administración Biden, invitamos a César Cuauhtémoc García Hernández abogado especializado en inmigración de la Universidad Estatal de Ohio.

Más detalles en nuestra conversación a continuación.

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