Florida deputies who fatally shot US airman burst into wrong apartment, attorney says

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MIAMI — Deputies responding to a disturbance call at a Florida apartment complex burst into the wrong unit and fatally shot a Black U.S. Air Force airman who was home alone when they saw he was armed with a gun, an attorney for the man’s family said Wednesday.

Senior Airman Roger Fortson, 23, who was based at the Special Operations Wing at Hurlburt Field, was in his off-base apartment in Fort Walton Beach when the shooting happened on May 3.

Civil rights attorney Ben Crump said in a statement that Fortson was on a Facetime call with a woman at the time of the encounter.

According to Crump, the woman, whom Crump didn’t identify, said Fortson was alone in his apartment when he heard a knock at the door. He asked who was there but didn’t get a response. A few minutes later, Fortson heard a louder knock but didn’t see anyone when he looked through the peephole, Crump said, citing the woman’s account.

The woman said Fortson was concerned and went to retrieve his gun, which Crump said was legally owned.

As Fortson walked back through his living room, deputies burst through the door, saw that Fortson was armed and shot him six times, according to Crump’s statement. The woman said Fortson was on the ground, saying, “I can’t breathe,” after he was shot, Crump said.

Fortson died at a hospital, officials said. The deputy involved in the shooting was placed on administrative leave pending an investigation.

The woman said Fortson wasn’t causing a disturbance during their Facetime call and believes that the deputies must have had the wrong apartment, Crump’s statement said.

“The circumstances surrounding Roger’s death raise serious questions that demand immediate answers from authorities, especially considering the alarming witness statement that the police entered the wrong apartment,” Crump said.

“We are calling for transparency in the investigation into Roger’s death and the immediate release of body cam video to the family,” Crump said. “His family and the public deserve to know what occurred in the moments leading up to this tragedy.”

Crump is a nationally known attorney based in Tallahassee, Florida. He has been involved in multiple high-profile law enforcement shooting cases involving Black people, including those of Ahmaud Arbery, Trayvon Martin, Breonna Taylor, Tyre Nichols and George Floyd.

Crump and Fortson’s family plan to speak at a news conference in Fort Walton Beach on Thursday morning.

The Okaloosa County Sheriff’s Office didn’t immediately respond to an email or voicemail from The Associated Press seeking comment about Crump’s claims. But Sheriff Eric Aden posted a statement on Facebook Wednesday afternoon expressing sadness about the shooting.

“At this time, we humbly ask for our community’s patience as we work to understand the facts that resulted in this tragic event,” Aden said.

The sheriff’s office said in a statement last week that a deputy responding to a call of a disturbance in progress at the apartment complex reacted in self-defense after encountering an armed man. The office did not offer details on what kind of disturbance deputies were responding to or who called them.

The sheriff’s office also declined to immediately identify the responding deputies or their races. Officials said earlier this week that the Florida Department of Law Enforcement and the local State Attorney’s Office will investigate the shooting.

FDLE spokeswoman Gretl Plessinger told The Associated Press on Wednesday that it is highly unlikely the agency will have any further comment until the investigation is complete.

Fortson was assigned to the 4th Special Operations Squadron as a special missions aviator, where one of his roles as a member of the squadron’s AC-130J Ghostrider aircrew was to load the gunship’s 30mm and 105mm cannons during missions.

Fortson’s death draws striking similarities to other Black people killed in recent years by police in their homes, in circumstances that involved officers responding to the wrong address or responding to service calls with wanton uses of deadly force.

In 2018, a white former Dallas police offer fatally shot Botham Jean, an unarmed Black man, after mistaking his apartment for her own. Amber Guyger, the former officer, was found guilty of murder the following year and was sentenced to 10 years in prison.

In 2019, a white former Fort Worth, Texas, officer fatally shot Atatiana Jefferson through a rear window of her home after responding to a nonemergency call reporting that Jefferson’s front door was open. Aaron Dean, the former officer, was found guilty of manslaughter in 2022 and was sentenced to nearly 12 years in prison.

Crump has represented families in both cases as part of his ongoing effort to force accountability for the killings of Black people at the hands of police.

“What I’m trying to do, as much as I can, even sometimes singlehandedly, is increase the value of Black life,” Crump told The Associated Press in 2021 following the conviction a former Minneapolis officer in the murder of George Floyd.

Fort Walton Beach is between Panama City Beach and Pensacola in the Florida Panhandle.

____

Associated Press reporters Curt Anderson in St. Petersburg, Florida, and Aaron Morrison in New York contributed to this story.

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Opinion: NYC Can Give the Perfect Gift This Mother’s Day—Investing in Universal Child Care

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“It is easy to see how mothers are affected by the prohibitively expensive costs of child care, but perhaps less so to understand it as a communal crisis.”

Adi Talwar

A Universal Pre-K class in downtown Manhattan in 2019.

CityViews are readers’ opinions, not those of City Limits. Add your voice today!

As a researcher and a sociologist focused on class and child care in New York City, I am well aware of how our current system of expensive privatized care puts parents on the frontlines of the child care crisis.

As we think about what to give moms this Mother’s Day, forget about candles and hand lotions. What mothers really need is greater political and personal commitment to universal child care from everyone. Better still, not only is this the perfect gift for moms, it is a present that will benefit all of us, whether we have children or not.

In the midst of New York’s child care crisis, families are suffering, mothers most of all. Mothers across incomes have paused their careers, considered leaving the city, and even delayed or decided against having more children because of the untenable cost of child care. The U.S. Department of Labor’s Women’s Bureau reports median annual costs for child care in New York City reaching nearly $24,000 per child. This is more than the median annual rent in the city and nearly three times the cost of in-state tuition at a public university. Worse still, child care costs are only continuing to rise, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.

This issue is especially relevant and politically charged for New Yorkers as the fates of universal 3-K and Pre-K have been mired in uncertainty since Mayor Eric Adams began cutting almost $400 million to these programs since he entered office. While the mayor, thanks to public outcry from parents and support from the City Council, restored some funding in his upcoming budget, there is no guarantee from the mayor that he is truly dedicated to rolling out the universally available free 3-K programs that parents were promised.

While the suspension of cuts to early childhood education funding is a big win, the ways in which this funding was restored—namely by the mobilization of already overworked and overwhelmed parents—reveals a deeper and more insidious injustice: we view child care as a personal problem, one that is relevant and of interest only to parents.

I have seen this bias repeatedly over the last six months as I have conducted my doctoral research about mothers’ child care needs and frustrations. As a female researcher in her early 30s, it is almost invariably assumed by study participants as well as colleagues that I am a mother myself. The fact that I am childless is often met with surprise and confusion. This reveals the extent to which, on a societal level, child care has been internalized as a mother’s issue. However, as a sociologist, I can attest that it is, in fact, a social problem that needs and deserves broad community action.

It is easy to see how mothers are affected by the prohibitively expensive costs of child care, but perhaps less so to understand it as a communal crisis. It is no secret that lack of universal child care is a source of gender and economic inequality as parents, most often mothers, are pushed out of the workforce to provide child care.

However, this trend has ripple effects far beyond the direct impacts on mothers. As parents shoulder the burden of child care themselves, families are forced to limit their spending elsewhere and even consider moving out of the city. A Manhattan-based mother tells New Yorkers United for Child Care (NYUC)—a nonprofit dedicated to protecting and expanding universal child care in New York City—“We have been forced to spend much more than planned on child care and cut down on spending in our community and city.”

Due to high child care costs, families are working less and spending less, and a report by the 5BORO Institute confirms that the economic well being of our city is significantly impacted. In 2022 alone, the city lost $23 billion dollars in economic activity due to parents cutting back on both work and spending to address child care needs. These macro-level economic trends caused by the lack of child care in New York City hurt all of us—parents and nonparents alike.

The success of parents in halting funding cuts to early childhood education proves how powerful New York City constituents are. However, as long as we conceptualize child care as an individual responsibility, parents will continue to fight an uphill battle. Meanwhile, lack of universal child care contributes to higher poverty rates, lower taxable incomes, and reduced spending, and our entire city suffers the consequences.

For the health not only of our city’s children, but our city itself, it is imperative that we all get involved. This Mother’s Day, we can take some of the burden off of mothers by reframing access to universal, high-quality child care as a societal issue that is relevant to all of us. Now is the time to join the fight in expanding early child care for all New Yorkers. 

Get involved with NYUC and sign the petition to expand universal early child care in New York City here

Talya Wolf is a doctoral candidate in sociology at the City University of New York’s Graduate Center. Her research focuses on class and child care in New York City, with the goal of better understanding how universal child care can mitigate inequality and support families across the income distribution.  

Palestinians flee chaos and panic in Rafah after Israel’s seizure of border crossing

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By WAFAA SHURAFA, SARAH EL DEEB and LEE KEATH (Associated Press)

RAFAH, Gaza Strip (AP) — Tens of thousands of displaced and exhausted Palestinians have packed up their tents and other belongings from Rafah, dragging families on a new exodus.

The main hospital has shut down, leaving little care for people suffering from malnutrition, illnesses and wounds.

And with fuel and other supplies cut off, aid workers have been scrambling to help a population desperate after seven months of war.

As the possibility of a full-scale invasion looms, Gaza’s overcrowded southernmost city has been thrown into panic and chaos by Israel’s seizure of the nearby border crossing with Egypt.

Families already uprooted multiple times by the war were uncertain where to go: to the half-destroyed city of Khan Younis, to points even farther north, or to an Israeli-declared “humanitarian zone” already teeming with people with little water or supplies?

The past three days, streams of people on foot or in vehicles have jammed the roads out of Rafah in a confused evacuation, their belongings piled high in cars, trucks and donkey carts. All the while, Israeli bombardment has boomed and raised palls of smoke.

“The war has caught up with us even in schools. There is no safe place at all,” said Nuzhat Jarjer. Her family packed on Wednesday to leave a U.N. school-turned-shelter in Rafah that was rapidly emptying of the hundreds who had lived there for months.

Rafah had 250,000 residents before the war. Its population had ballooned to some 1.4 million as people from across Gaza fled there. Nearly every empty space was blanketed with tent camps, and families crammed into schools or homes with relatives. Like the rest of Gaza’s population, they have been largely reliant on aid groups for food and other basics of life.

Israel on Monday issued evacuation orders for eastern parts of the city, home to some 100,000. It then sent tanks to seize the nearby Rafah crossing with Egypt, shutting it down. At the same time, it has intensified bombardment around the city.

It remains uncertain whether Israel will launch an all-out invasion of Rafah as international efforts continue for a cease-fire. Israel has said an assault on Rafah is crucial to its goal of destroying Hamas after the group’s Oct. 7 attack on southern Israel.

The United States, which opposes a Rafah invasion, has said Israel has not provided a credible plan for evacuating and protecting civilians.

For now, confusion has reigned. Fearing a greater assault, Palestinians fled districts other than the eastern areas they were ordered to leave. Tens of thousands are estimated to have left, according to a U.N. official who spoke on condition of anonymity because agencies were still trying to determine precise figures.

Tent camps in some parts of Rafah have vanished, springing up again further north along main roads. New camps have filled streets, cemeteries and the beach in the central Gaza town of Deir al-Balah, 15 kilometers (10 miles) north, as people flowed in, said Ghada Alhaddad, who works there with the aid group Oxfam, speaking to a briefing by several humanitarian workers.

Others made their way to Khan Younis, much of which was destroyed in a months-long Israeli ground assault.

Suze van Meegen, head of operations for the Norwegian Refugee Council in Palestine, said the Rafah district where she is based “feels like a ghost town.”

The Israeli military told those evacuating to go to a “humanitarian zone” it declared in Muwasi, a nearby rural area on the Mediterranean coast. The zone is already packed with some 450,000 people, according to the U.N. Few new facilities appear to be prepared, despite the military’s announcements that tents, medical centers and food would be present.

The ground is covered in many places with sewage and solid waste, since there are few sanitation facilities, aid workers say. Clean water is lacking and dehydration is a major problem, with temperatures some days already reaching 100 degrees Fahrenheit (38 Celsius).

The water quality is “horrifically bad. We tested some of the water and the fecal content … is incredibly high,” said James Smith, a British emergency doctor volunteering at the European General Hospital in nearby Khan Younis. Acute jaundice is rampant — and probably hepatitis, too, but there’s no capabilities to test, he said.

The newly arrived struggle to find tents because aid groups have had difficulty meeting the high demand.

Before his family left Rafah to the zone, Iyad al-Masry said he had to sell the food they had received from aid groups to buy a tent for the equivalent of nearly $400.

His family set up their tent in Muwasi, smoothing the dirt ground before setting down a cradle to rock an infant in. Al-Masri said he has been searching for water and can’t afford the three shekels — a little less than $1 — that sellers charge for a gallon of drinking water.

“We want to eat … We are just waiting for God’s mercy,” he said.

Aid workers said Rafah’s population is in no condition to move, crippled by malnutrition and illnesses. Nick Maynard, a surgeon with Medical Aid for Palestinians who left Gaza on Monday, called it “nonsense” to move 1 million people in those conditions.

“They get this vicious cycle of malnutrition, infection, wounds breaking down, more infection, more malnutrition,” he said. He said two of his patients – teenage girls – who had survivable injuries died last week because of complications from malnutrition. Other malnourished patients had weakened abdominal walls and, after surgery, the contents of their bowels leaked out onto their bodies, he said.

“When you walk around Rafah, the number of children that you see who have lost one or more of their limbs, who have been maimed, is staggering,” said Alexandra Saieh from Save The Children. “These people cannot just pick up and relocate.”

Rafah’s main Youssef al-Najjar Hospital evacuated on Tuesday. Smith said staff and patients rushed out even though they weren’t under evacuation orders because they feared Israeli troops would raid, just as they did hospitals in northern Gaza and Khan Younis, which were left decimated.

Israeli tank shells Wednesday hit about 300 meters (yards) from the Kuwaiti Hospital, one of the few facilities still operating, and wounded several children, according to hospital officials.

The closure of Rafah crossing and the nearby Kerem Shalom crossing from Israel has cut off the entry of food, supplies, and fuel for aid trucks and generators. Aid groups warn they have only a few days of fuel before humanitarian operations and hospitals around Gaza begin to shut down.

Israel said Wednesday it reopened Kerem Shalom, which was shut after Hamas mortars killed four Israeli soldiers nearby, but aid groups said no trucks were entering the Gaza side. Trucks let through from Israel must be unloaded and the cargo reloaded onto trucks in Gaza, but no workers in Gaza can get to the facility to do so because it is too dangerous, the U.N. says.

Palestinian workers trying to reach the border crossing Wednesday were shot at, and several were wounded, the Israeli military said. It did not specify who opened fire but said it was investigating. Hamas also shelled in the area of Kerem Shalom on Wednesday, saying it was targeting nearby troops.

The U.N.’s World Food Program has been cut off from its Gaza food warehouse near the Rafah crossing, its deputy executive director Carl Skau said. It procured another warehouse in Deir al-Balah but it’s empty until crossings reopen, he said.

“Gaza is a life-sized cage. Nobody and nothing makes in or out without the gate being open,” said van Meegen of the Norwegian Refugee Council. With nothing entering, “how do we even begin to prioritize the dribble of humanitarian aid we have here when almost every single person is being forced to depend on it?”

——

El Deeb and Keath reported from Cairo. Associated Press correspondents Sam Mednick in Jerusalem and Kareem Chehayeb in Beirut contributed.

Can Curbing CUNY’s Carbon Footprint Help Tackle Its Maintenance Problems?

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More than half of CUNY’s buildings are 50 years old or older. That’s a problem for the environment: older buildings tend to consume larger quantities of energy, generating more of the greenhouse gasses that lead to climate change. 

Adi Talwar

The Bronx Community College campus. CUNY has some 300 buildings across the city.

What do the decaying buildings at the City University of New York (CUNY) have to do with climate change? A lot.

More than half of CUNY’s buildings are 50 years old or older. That’s a problem for the environment: older buildings tend to consume larger quantities of energy, generating more of the greenhouse gasses that lead to climate change.

Meanwhile, the administration is racing to meet an ambitious climate mandate that requires city-owned buildings to reduce their carbon emissions 50 percent by 2030. And as the city has over 300 CUNY buildings across 29 million square feet under its care, environmentalists say the decarbonization of this massive footprint must take precedence.

“CUNY is arguably the single biggest piece of the puzzle that New York City has to address in order to reach its climate goals. But it hasn’t really yet gotten the attention that it needs,” said Eli Dvorkin, a researcher at the Center for an Urban Future who co-authored a report on the state of CUNY’s facilities.

Tackling CUNY’s carbon footprint, Dvorkin says, will solve two big problems plaguing the public university: climate change and the need to revive its aging campuses. 

By renovating buildings to make them more energy efficient and resilient, the administration can simultaneously tackle a mounting repairs backlog. Only about 8 percent of CUNY buildings are in a state of good repair, according to the university. 

While the CUNY’s sustainability program is making progress on these fronts, advocates say it will fail to reach its climate goals without more resources. “A big part of the challenge is that the city and state have chronically underfunded CUNY capital needs for decades,” Dvorkin said.

Since January 2022, CUNY faces a cumulative $95 million in recurring annual cuts under Mayor Eric Adams’ Programs to Eliminate the Gap (PEGs).

Over the past five years, CUNY has received $2.9 billion from the state and $500 million from the city to renovate and upgrade its facilities, Dvorkin’s report says. But CUNY’s capital plan says the university system will need $6.8 billion over the next five years to fully address its maintenance backlog and upgrade its aging properties. 

Tackling the billion dollar backlog

Some lawmakers are pushing to funnel more funds towards CUNY’s maintenance problems, and say that factoring in climate change is an important part of the equation.

“Any construction we do should be looked at through the lens of climate change and should be energy efficient,” said Councilmember Eric Dinowitz, who chairs the Council’s Committee on Higher Education and hosted a hearing last month on the state of CUNY’s facilities. 

William Alatriste/NYC Council Media Unit

Dinowitz, at left, with other councilmembers at a 2022 rally calling for greater investment in CUNY.

In their budget response, Dinowitz and his colleagues are calling for over $333 million in capital funding from the Adams administration “to support CUNY in preserving the university system’s infrastructure, recapturing spaces that are under-utilized, improving technology, and meeting energy conservation goals.” 

At the April 17 hearing, students and faculty testified that the state of CUNY’s buildings have gotten worse. In some classrooms, the ceiling is falling apart and black mold has taken over. Jean Grassman, an associate professor at CUNY’s Graduate School of Public Health & Health Policy, testified that heating pipes at Colston Hall in Bronx Community College froze in 2019 and flooded dozens of offices and classrooms, “forcing relocation for six weeks.”

CUNY estimates that it currently faces a $4.3 billion backlog in deferred maintenance costs across its 25 schools.

“The sorry state of its campus is doing a disservice to its largely low income student body,” said John Surico, a professor at CUNY who spoke at the hearing and co-authored the Center for an Urban Future’s report. 

“CUNY is one of the best public institutions for economic mobility that the city has. It’s this incredible engine to get folks into middle or upper class jobs,” he added. “So we have a unique opportunity here to not only fix these buildings and build a better future for CUNY students, but also really chip away at the city’s mission to lower its carbon emissions.”

The university has been hard at work on decarbonization with the existing resources it does have. Last year, CUNY outlined a roadmap in its five-year capital plan for how it intends to reach the carbon emissions targets stipulated by city-wide mandates, and reduce its energy consumption to meet state targets.  

Measures include upgrading LED lighting and optimizing other equipment across the system so it uses up less energy. CUNY has also been deploying submeters to collect data on the building energy performance to plan for upgrades when needed. 

Large-scale public solar projects were also established at both the Borough of Manhattan and Bronx Community Colleges (the latter of which is also getting upgraded boiler and chiller systems thanks to support from the New York Power Authority, or NYPA).

There is also more collaboration with NYPA on the horizon. The agency was authorized at the end of last year to develop “decarbonization action plans” for 15 of the state’s highest emitting facilities, which includes three CUNY campuses.

William Alatriste/NYC Council Media Unit

A building at CUNY’s Hostos Community College in the Bronx.

Between 2006 and 2023, CUNY as a whole has reduced its emissions by 11 percent, according to the university. 

But that progress is too slow, advocates and staff say. “We haven’t been able to implement the changes that are needed. And that’s partly an administrative problem. We just haven’t had enough administrative infrastructure to do it,” said Nancy Romer, climate director at the union Professional Staff Congress (PSC-CUNY). 

While Romer says the Sustainable CUNY team, which oversees environmental efforts, is doing the best it can with the little resources it has, she claims bureaucratic hurdles, low salaries and short staff make it hard to accomplish more.

“CUNY is proud of its work to reduce our carbon footprint, creating greener buildings and campuses. Like any large public institution, we face challenges upgrading our buildings but are committed to continuing to address climate change,” a CUNY spokesperson said in an email. 

Significantly reducing CUNY’s carbon footprint will ultimately come down to political willpower and commitment from City Hall, environmentalists say.

“There’s a lot of talk of decarbonisation, a lot of talk of meeting climate mandates, but their investments need to match that talk,” said Jennille Scott, climate director at the Alliance for a Greater New York (ALIGN). “They need to match the depth of the climate crisis and the impacts that are being felt across CUNY campuses.”

To reach the reporter behind this story, contact Mariana@citylimits.org. To reach the editor, contact Jeanmarie@citylimits.org

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