House GOP seeks to censure Democrat McIver over New Jersey detention center incident

posted in: All news | 0

By LISA MASCARO

WASHINGTON (AP) — A House Republican proposed a resolution Wednesday to censure Democratic Rep. LaMonica McIver over an incident with law enforcement during a congressional oversight visit to a new immigration detention facility in her home state of New Jersey.

Related Articles


Gabbard uses surprise White House appearance to attack Trump’s enemies on the Russia investigation


Tesla profit plunges in latest quarter as Musk’s turn to politics continues to keep buyers away


Twin Cities PBS station TPT lays off dozens, responding to lost federal funding


Supreme Court allows Trump to remove 3 Democrats on the Consumer Product Safety Commission


House subcommittee votes to subpoena Justice Department for Epstein files

Republican Rep. Clay Higgins of Louisiana pushed forward the measure, which also calls for removing McIver from her seat on the Homeland Security Committee, as the House was preparing to recess for the August break. As a privileged resolution, it can be considered for swift action as soon as lawmakers return in September.

Higgins read from the resolution on the House floor, arguing that McIver violated the chamber rules that require a member “to behave at all times in a manner that shall reflect creditably on the House.” He said her continued service on the Homeland Security Committee “would represent a significant conflict of interest.”

The GOP action comes as House Republicans in the majority have been quick to punish Democratic lawmakers for transgressions large and small — and in this situation, before McIver’s case has played out in court. She has pleaded not guilty to charges brought by interim U.S. Attorney Alina Habba, a Republican appointed by President Donald Trump, stemming from the May 9 incident. A trial date has been set for November.

The congresswoman has vowed not to be intimidated by the legal and political actions against her.

“Clay Higgins is a bigot who wants to be back in the news,” McIver said in a statement.

She pointed to the way House Republicans are “running home to hide,” having recessed for August break a day early.

“This resolution aims to kick me off the committee that presides over the Department of Homeland Security and shame me for doing the oversight work that is my job. Good luck, Clay,” she said.

Members of Congress have been conducting oversight of the federal detention centers that are being stood up by the Trump administration across the nation as part of the president’s mass deportation agenda. Lawmakers have been assessing how best to conduct such work amid blowback by the Trump administration.

At the time, McIver, a new lawmaker first elected in 2024, was making the visit with other House Democrats and Newark Mayor Ras Baraka at the privately owned 1,000-bed facility that Immigration and Customs Enforcement is using as a detention center.

McIver was indicted on three counts of assaulting, resisting, impeding and interfering with federal officials. Two of the counts carry a maximum sentence of up to eight years in prison. The third is a misdemeanor with a maximum punishment of one year in prison.

Baraka was also arrested on a trespassing charge that was later dropped and is suing Habba over what he called a malicious prosecution.

A nearly two-minute video clip released by the Department of Homeland Security shows McIver at the facility inside a chain-link fence just before Baraka’s arrest on other side of the barrier, where other people were protesting.

The video shows McIver in a tightly packed group of people and officers. At one point her left elbow and then her right elbow push into an officer wearing a dark face covering and an olive green uniform emblazoned with the word “Police.”

It is not clear from police bodycam video if the contact was intentional, incidental or the result of jostling in the chaotic scene.

The prospect of a House censure used to be rare, with fewer than 30, but has become more frequent in recent years.

Associated Press writer Matt Brown contributed to this report.

Post office arson case for Pat Tillman’s brother suspended for competency exam

posted in: All news | 0

SAN JOSE — Richard Tillman will not be prosecuted for allegations that he tried to destroy a post office with his flaming car — while livestreaming the entire saga — pending a competency exam after his court-appointed attorney raised doubt about his mental fitness.

That prompted the 44-year-old defendant, clad in a yellow jumpsuit in a Santa Clara County Superior Court Judge Hector Ramon’s courtroom, to lash out and vouch for his perception. Richard Tillman insinuated he would fire the deputy public defender, whose office had just been assigned to represent him at an arraignment hearing Wednesday.

“I’ll prove my competency whenever you like,” Richard Tillman said in open court, before remarking, “He’s obviously not my attorney at this point.”

Richard Tillman, youngest brother of the late San Jose-raised NFL star and Army Ranger Pat Tillman, reacts as he speaks with deputy public defender Brandon Camarillo at the Hall of Justice in San Jose, Calif., Wednesday, July 23, 2025. (Thien-An Truong for Bay Area News Group)

Richard Tillman also interrupted a discussion between Deputy District Attorney Emily Lessard and Ramon over whether the defendant should be granted bail, saying, “I don’t need bail.” Lessard and the judge disagreed over whether bail should be denied on the premise that Richard Tillman posed an ongoing public safety threat.

Ultimately, Ramon ordered Richard Tillman back to jail and set his bail at $135,000, which adheres to the court’s bail schedule for the felony arson, vandalism and explosives possession charges filed against him by the district attorney’s office. His next court appearance, in which a doctor will be appointed to conduct a mental competency evaluation, is scheduled for Aug. 15.

After the hearing, Assistant District Attorney Angela Bernhard said: “There was nothing that happened in court today that changes our opinion that Mr. Tillman poses a danger to the public.”

Richard Tillman was arrested Sunday following a fire call made around 3 a.m. at a post office in the 6500 block of Crown Boulevard. The blaze engulfed the building and took about 90 minutes for San Jose firefighters to extinguish.

Angela Bernhard, assistant district attorney, speaks to media in front of the Hall of Justice in San Jose, Calif., Wednesday, July 23, 2025. (Thien-An Truong for Bay Area News Group)

It was firefighters who pointed out Richard Tillman to a responding San Jose patrol officer.

A probable cause affidavit accompanying the criminal charges describes an on-scene interrogation in which the officer determined that about two hours before the fire erupted, Richard Tillman had purchased “insta-logs” and lighter fluid from a Lucky supermarket.

While livestreaming the sequence on YouTube, Richard Tillman is accused of backing his car into the post office, then igniting the firelogs, which had been doused with lighter fluid and scattered throughout the vehicle. At some point, he also spray-painted “VIVA LA ME” on the exterior of the post office, according to the affidavit.

The criminal investigation is being conducted by the United States Postal Inspection Service and the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, in conjunction with San Jose police and arson investigators.

Richard Tillman is the brother of Pat Tillman, the former Arizona Cardinals safety who left the National Football League in 2002 to enlist with his brother Kevin in the Iraq war after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States. After a tour in Iraq as part of Operation Iraqi Freedom, Pat Tillman trained to become an Army Ranger. He was sent to Afghanistan in 2004, where he was struck by friendly fire and killed on April 22, 2004.

Richard Tillman gained notoriety after giving a profane and hostile eulogy at his brother’s funeral, and had a lengthy history on YouTube before his page was deactivated, making videos under the name of Yeshua HaMashiach (a Hebrew phrase that translates to “Jesus the Messiah”) and also listing himself in his profile description as “The Son of the Most High God.”

Tillman eventually began tying his belief that he is the son of God with a mission to bring down the government, and made an unintelligible reference to the government in court Wednesday.

After the court hearing, the defendant’s father, mother and brother declined to speak to reporters. Earlier this week, they issued a public statement saying “it’s no secret that Richard has been battling severe mental health issues for many years … Unfortunately, securing the proper care and support for him has proven incredibly difficult — or rather, impossible. As a result, none of this is as shocking as it should be.”

Flight attendant who police say secretly recorded girls in airplane bathroom sentenced to 18.5 years

posted in: All news | 0

By LEAH WILLINGHAM and MICHAEL CASEY

BOSTON (AP) — A flight attendant accused of taping his cellphone to the lid of an airplane toilet to secretly film young girls was sentenced to just under 20 years in prison Wednesday.

Related Articles


Google’s AI push pays off with solid second quarter, but doubts about company’s future persist


Man who killed Idaho firefighters had been turned away by fire department, Army


Postal Service marks 250th anniversary with stamps honoring Ben Franklin and postal carriers


A former Afghan U.S. translator was seized by ICE agents. Veterans are fighting for his release


Peter Rice to oversee opening and closing ceremonies for 2028 LA Olympics and Paralympics

Former American Airlines flight attendant Estes Carter Thompson III received a sentence of 18.5 years, followed by five years of supervised release. Boston U.S. District Court Judge Julia Kobick called his behavior “appalling” and said child victims’ “innocence has been lost” because of his actions.

Thompson was arrested and charged in January 2024 in Lynchburg, Virginia, after authorities said a 14-year-old girl on his flight discovered his secret recording setup in the lavatory. He was indicted last year on one count of attempted sexual exploitation of children and one count of possession of child sexual abuse images depicting a prepubescent minor.

He apologized in court Wednesday, describing his actions as “selfish, perverse and wrong.”

FILE – In this photo provided by the law firm Lewis & Llewellyn LLP, an iPhone is taped to the back of a toilet seat on an American Airlines flight from Charlotte, N.C., to Boston, Sept. 2, 2023. (Lewis & Llewellyn LLP via AP, File)

Police alleged Thompson, of Charlotte, North Carolina, had recordings of four other girls between the ages of 7 and 14 using aircraft lavatories over a 9-month period.

In a sentencing memorandum submitted in court, U.S. government attorneys said Thompson “robbed five young girls of their innocence and belief in the goodness of the world and the people they would encounter in it, instead leaving them with fear, mistrust, insecurity, and sadness.”

Thompson, who will serve his sentence at FMC Butner in North Carolina, intends to undergo sex offender-specific treatment, his attorneys said. A lawyer for Thompson said via email Wednesday he wouldn’t be commenting.

Opinion: Why NYC Should Fund The Developers Who Stay Invested

posted in: All news | 0

“Nonprofit developers, by virtue of their governance and ownership, are the only segment of the affordable housing sector that’s required to reinvest their financial benefits of development back into their neighborhoods and people they serve.”

The groundbreaking for a city-financed affordable housing project in Sunset Park, Brooklyn in 2019. (John McCarten/NYC Council)

New York City’s “City of Yes” and “City for All” initiatives and the state’s plans for a $1.5 billion investment to expand housing are welcome steps towards addressing the most severe housing crisis we have seen in decades. Coupled with proposals being considered by two City Charter Revision Commissions, these plans, investments and proposals promise to increase housing supply overall.

But there is much more we should be doing to ensure that the public investments we make in the service of increasing housing supply are also sound investments in our communities. At a time when the current administration in Washington is committed to the retreat of government, it’s more important than ever to make sure that New York City’s housing investments support the city’s civic infrastructure and advance equity and inclusion.  

To achieve the city and state’s goals, significant public investments will need to be made, and the public will need to rely on an array of developers to get this housing built. We ought to be mindful that not every dollar of public investment has the same public benefit. Specifically, we should recognize that nonprofit developers, by virtue of their governance and ownership, are the only segment of the affordable housing sector that’s required to reinvest their financial benefits of development back into their neighborhoods and people they serve.   

The public-private model of housing development was born a generation ago, in the face of wavering commitments from the public sector to fully fund the cost of building and operating affordable housing. At that time, we fundamentally shifted our housing policy. Rather than public housing agencies using federal funds to build, own, and operate public housing, we outsourced significant portions of this process in favor of privately owned affordable housing.

Today the public sector sets policy priorities and then makes available the public subsidies and incentives that private developers compete for. Broadly speaking, the public sector finances and regulates, and the private sector builds, owns and operates.   

In New York City, where this new public-private paradigm began, mission-oriented nonprofits were the first private movers. When the Koch Administration in the early 1980s began experimenting with this approach, the city was in crisis.  Neighborhoods like the South Bronx and Central Brooklyn were being abandoned, and the city became a major landowner because of tax foreclosures.

In partnership with the city, local nonprofits bought abandoned properties from the city for a dollar, and then rebuilt and renovated them into affordable housing, bringing neighborhoods back to life.  This proof of concept was encouraged and replicated nationwide, buoyed by the invention of the federal Low Income Housing Tax Credit program in 1986 and other financial tools that accelerated resources available for this type of public-private partnership model of housing development.   

While nonprofits piloted this approach, almost immediately for-profit developers entered the field. They recognized that companies specializing in affordable housing could make a good business out of it. That was by design. To incentivize a broader range of development partners to enter the field and address the need at scale, our policies made it profitable for them to do so. 

It took patience and nerve to navigate the public processes and secure the necessary incentives, but those that could finance and manage the construction process built a real estate asset with limited market risk. Particularly in high-cost markets like New York City, demand for affordable housing outstrips supply by thousands for each unit brought to market.   

Now that we are a generation into this public-private paradigm, we can begin to see how the paths diverged between for-profit companies and nonprofits. Private developers took the financial upside and often reinvested in their businesses, growing their balance sheets and taking on larger projects. Their enterprises took on equity investors to grow their companies.  And many of the early vintage private affordable housing developers cashed out of their companies and became wealthy themselves.  

Nonprofits, however, took a different path. Their organizations were never owned by their principals but governed by volunteer boards. They didn’t take on equity investors. Profits at the enterprise level may have been partially invested back into the enterprises, but more often they were used to subsidize the nonprofit’s other mission or programmatic work, often within the just-completed housing development projects themselves. 

Take the example of the Brooklyn-based Fifth Avenue Committee (FAC), where the authors are executive director (Ms. de la Uz) and board member (Mr. Marks). The organization began in the 1970s as a coalition of local neighbors, merchants, and block associations to address abandonment in Brooklyn’s lower Park Slope neighborhood, which had previously been redlined. Encouraged by the city under the Koch Administration, FAC soon moved into real estate development, and by the end of the 1980s, the organization owned and renovated just over 400 apartments for low- and moderate-income Brooklynites.   

This year the organization celebrates its 47th anniversary, and its real estate activities have fueled not just its affordable housing pipeline (now over 2,000 homes) but its organizational growth as well. Between FAC and its affiliates, their $20 million annual budgets support over 7,000 low-and moderate-income New Yorkers annually through programs in adult education, workforce development, tenant organizing and eviction prevention, financial coaching, community health worker services, and first homebuyer assistance, to name just a few. 

FAC has also become a major voice shaping a more inclusive development and planning agenda for rapidly changing neighborhoods like Gowanus. Its advocacy has resulted in tangible benefits for low- and moderate-income people: 35 percent of the 8,500 units of housing being built in Gowanus as part of the 2021 neighborhood rezoning will be permanently affordable and set aside for low- and moderate-income residents, and as part of its negotiation with the city, FAC and its coalition members secured a commitment of $200 million in much-needed capital upgrades to local public housing.   

The scale and breadth of this work cannot be separated from its real estate activities. Although FAC has secured significant city and state contract funding and private grants to support its programs, generally one-third to half of its revenues in a given year come from earned income, and developer fees are a sizable portion of that. In short, its ability to deliver affordable housing has subsidized its community work. In the last three years alone, FAC has reinvested nearly $3 million of its earned income directly into programs serving low- and moderate-income New Yorkers.   

But for all the resources FAC has plowed back into its community in the form of services and programs, it now operates at a disadvantage when competing for public subsidies against private developers.  While nonprofit organizations like FAC used the resources it earned from projects to build up neighborhoods and support residents,  private developers used their revenue to build up their businesses and attract equity investors.

This puts the private developers at an advantage for securing public subsidies because a key criterion for winning development contracts is the financial capacity of development entities. As the city and state focus on rapidly increasing housing supply, there’s a risk that we will miss an opportunity to build housing that builds neighborhoods, invests in residents, and advances equity at the same time, by prioritizing for-profit development companies that can build at scale.  

To make sure that we don’t miss this opportunity to build neighborhoods, not just buildings, the public sector should weigh investments in nonprofits differently than investments in for-profits.  Consideration should be given to the multiplier effects that investing in nonprofits brings to surrounding communities, the lives touched and improved beyond the residents of the new housing. 

A more focused understanding of mission investment could focus not just on nonprofit developers, but community land trusts, limited equity co-ops, and other forms of mission-ownership that will keep public investment invested in the civic sector for future generations, not just the current one.  

There’s an important role for philanthropy as well. Private foundations, corporate foundations, and individuals should consider building the financial capacity of nonprofits, so they have the capacity and infrastructure to build housing at scale.

What we’re calling for is not simply operating grants but investments in nonprofits at the enterprise level. This funding would help nonprofits build their financial strength, empowering them to develop even more ambitious affordable housing projects that include essential resources for the people and communities in which they are built. 

Michelle de la Uz is executive director of Fifth Avenue Committee, a Brooklyn-based community development organization. Sam Marks is the chief executive officer of FJC – A Foundation of Philanthropic Funds, and serves on the Board of Directors of Fifth Avenue Committee.

The post Opinion: Why NYC Should Fund The Developers Who Stay Invested appeared first on City Limits.