The Supreme Court will evaluate Trump’s expansive claims of presidential power in its new term

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By MARK SHERMAN and LINDSAY WHITEHURST, Associated Press

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Supreme Court is beginning a new term with a sharp focus on President Donald Trump’s robust assertion of executive power.

Pivotal cases on voting and the rights of LGBTQ people also are on the agenda. On Tuesday, the justices will hear arguments over bans passed by nearly half of U.S. states on therapy aimed at changing sexual orientation or gender identity.

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The opening session on Monday has lower-profile cases, including a dispute over the right of a criminal defendant to consult with his lawyer during an overnight break in his testimony. The judge in a Texas murder trial ordered defense lawyers not to talk to their client about his testimony.

A major thrust of the next 10 months, however, is expected to be the justices’ evaluation of Trump’s expansive claims of presidential power.

The court’s conservative majority has so far been receptive, at least in preliminary rulings, to many emergency appeals from Trump’s Republican administration. But there could be more skepticism, however, when the court conducts in-depth examinations of some Trump policies, including the president’s imposition of tariffs and his desired restrictions on birthright citizenship.

The justices are hearing a pivotal case for Trump’s economic agenda in early November as they consider the legality of many of his sweeping tariffs. Two lower courts have found the Republican president does not have the power to unilaterally impose wide-ranging tariffs under an emergency powers law.

FILE – Members of the Supreme Court sit for a new group portrait at the Supreme Court building in Washington, Oct. 7, 2022. (AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite, File)

In December, the justices will take up Trump’s power to fire independent agency members at will, a case that probably will lead the court to overturn, or drastically narrow, a 90-year-old decision. It required a cause, like neglect of duty, before a president could remove the Senate-confirmed officials from their jobs.

The outcome appears to be in little doubt because the conservatives have allowed the firings to take effect while the case plays out, even after lower-court judges found the firings illegal. The three liberal justices on the nine-member court have dissented each time.

Another case that has arrived at the court but has yet to be considered involves Trump’s executive order denying birthright citizenship to children born in the United States to parents who are in the country illegally or temporarily.

The administration has appealed lower-court rulings blocking the order as unconstitutional, or likely so, flouting more than 125 years of general understanding and an 1898 Supreme Court ruling. The case could be argued in the late winter or early spring.

A New School Year is Here—And So Are School Bus Delays

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Approximately 150,000 New York City children ride buses to school, including around 66,000 students with disabilities and students living the shelter system. When there’s a problem with bus service, these groups are usually the ones who suffer most.

In just the first weeks of the 2025-2026 school year, there have been 4,476 no-shows and 8,068 reported bus delays and breakdowns as of last week, city officials said. (Dogora Sun / Shutterstock.com)

As the new school year kicked off last month, iconic yellow school buses are rolling again through the streets of New York City. But some are running behind schedule.

The Road to Better Busing Coalition, made up of advocates and parents affected by bus delays and other issues, are rallying for improvements

New York is the largest school district in the country, so it also has the largest school bus system. Approximately 150,000 children ride these buses, the majority of whom are Latino and Black, according to researchers.

Around 66,000 bus riders are students with disabilities and students living in temporary housing, including those staying in the city’s shelter system. When there’s a problem with bus service, these groups are usually the ones who suffer most.

“Each year, as the school year begins, there’s one thing we can count on: our phones will ring off the hook with calls from families whose children can’t get to school due to school bus service failures,” said Randi Levine, policy director of Advocates for Children of New York, during remarks at a rally outside City Hall in late September.

During the 2023–2024 school year, in a network of 9,000 school bus routes braiding city streets, there were 80,000 delays. In just the first weeks of the 2025-2026 school year, there have been 4,476 no-shows and 8,068 reported bus delays and breakdowns as of last week, city officials said.

Most of the problems in the latter category are delays (7,629) while there were 439 breakdowns in September, according to New York City’s Public Schools (NYCPS, formerly known as the Department of Education).

NYCPS cautioned that the Office of Pupil Transportation (OPT) manages the tracker for school bus delays and breakdowns, and said there may be errors in the data.

When these incidents happen, parents can submit complaints in a few ways: use ServiceNow to call the OPT Service Desk (which offers translation services in multiple languages), use SupportHub to submit online, or send an email to NYCPS.

“We work diligently to resolve any issues families have with their services so that every student gets to school on time,” an education department spokesperson said in a statement. “That’s why we introduced modern GPS tracking for buses, expanded communication tools to families, and made route planning improvements to better meet students’ needs.”

However, Gothamist reported in early September that the GPS for school buses in New York City has flaws: drivers and bus companies do not consistently log into the system, which also relies on self-reported inputs.

Mia Greenidge is a senior manager for youth transition services at IncludeNYC—an organization helping young people with disabilities—as well as the mother of a 5-year-old kindergartener who uses specialized busing. Her son was dropped off at the wrong school building during the first few days of school, she said.

“We were lucky in this situation,” Greenidge said, explaining that her son was delivered to the right location in about 20 minutes. “The school that he got dropped off to was maybe a few blocks away [from his correct school].”

Another time, Greenidge said her son was on the bus for almost two hours, despite living 30 minutes away from his school. “In trying to follow up with the bus company—the dispatcher or the management at the bus company—I never was able to actually speak to anyone there. So a lot of it was me communicating with the school,” she said.

Levine said Advocates for Children of New York has received a lot of complaints about bus services this school year so far, and in 40 cases, had to call the education department to resolve the issue.

Lori Podvesker, director of disability and education policy at IncludeNYC, said the organization has noticed a 20 percent increase in bus complaints compared to the same time last year. Out of 27 calls IncludeNYC received about transportation issues, 13 were about buses that didn’t show up, she said.

The education department, meanwhile, said it has received more complaints for no-show buses than late ones this month: 4,476 and 4,270, respectively.

There are repercussions for students when they arrive late to school or back home, advocates and parents say. They may be missing out both on classroom time and on specialized services. Greenidge said her son goes to applied behavior analysis therapy after school. She schedules the appointments with some leeway, but when the bus delays are long, he ends up missing them.

“That costs money, because when you have to cancel a session, they still charge you,” she said.

Another problem is the duration of many students’ bus trip. Parents to Improve School Transportation, a community-based organization that advocates for better bus services, shared the story of a family whose son’s route zigzags all over Manhattan for more than two hours, causing their child to wet himself on the long ride. 

For many years, advocates and parents have pointed to the 46-year-old contract between the NYCPS and school bus companies, as well as a shortage of drivers, as root causes of the problem. 

Sara Catalinotto, co-founder of Parents to Improve School Transportation, told City Limits that the city needs to better recruit and retain drivers, and should encourage more companies to compete for contracts. Advocates are also calling on the city not to extend busing contracts without accountability.

“As an organization focused on education, we want to spend our time advocating for what happens inside the classroom—ensuring students have the support they need to thrive. But instead, we are forced to spend our energy fighting just to make sure students can get to school in the first place,” Levine said to the crowd during the late September rally. “This has to change.”

To reach the reporter behind this story, contact Daniel@citylimits.org. To reach the editor, contact Jeanmarie@citylimits.org

Want to republish this story? Find City Limits’ reprint policy here.

The post A New School Year is Here—And So Are School Bus Delays appeared first on City Limits.

French PM resigns hours after naming government, plunging France further into political chaos

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PARIS (AP) — France’s new prime minister Sébastien Lecornu resigned less than 24 hours after naming his government and after less than a month in office, plunging the country into a deep political crisis and leaving French President Emmanuel Macron with few options.

The French presidency said in a statement Monday that Macron, who has been hitting record lows in opinion polls, has accepted his resignation.

French outgoing Prime Minister Sebastien Lecornu, who resigned just a day after naming his government, arrives to deliver his statement at the Hotel Matignon in Paris, Monday, Oct. 6, 2025. (Stephane Mahe/Pool via AP)

Lecornu had replaced his predecessor, François Bayrou, in September to become France’s fourth prime minister in barely a year during a prolonged period of political instability.

French politics have been in disarray since Macron called snap elections last year that produced a deeply fragmented legislature and a political impasse. Far-right and left-wing lawmakers hold over 320 seats at the National Assembly, while the centrists and allied conservatives hold 210, with no party having an overall majority.

A faithful ally of Macron, Lecornu said conditions were no longer met to remain in office after failing to build a consensus.

“It would take little for it to work,” Lecornu said in his resignation speech. “By being more selfless for many, by knowing how to show humility. One must always put one’s country before one’s party.”

With less than two years before the next presidential election, Macron’s opponents immediately tried to capitalize on the shocking resignation, with the far-right National Rally calling on him to either call for new snap parliamentary elections or resign.

FILE – Then French Defense minister Sebastien Lecornu, right, and France’s President Emmanuel Macron talk at the end of an address by the president to army leaders in Paris Sunday July 13, 2025, (Ludovic Marin, Pool via AP, File)

“This raises a question for the President of the Republic: can he continue to resist the legislature dissolution? We have reached the end of the road,” far-right leader Marine Le Pen said. “There is no other solution. The only wise course of action in these circumstances is to return to the polls.”

On the far left, France Unbowed also asked for Macron’s departure, while voices on the left called for the revival of a coalition made up of leftists, socialists, greens and communists.

The resignation rattled investors, sending the CAC-40 index of leading French companies plunging. The index was down by nearly 2% on its Friday close.

Ministers appointed just the previous night found themselves in the bizarre situation of becoming caretaker ministers — kept in place only to manage day-to-day affairs until a new government is formed — before some of them had even been formally installed in office.

Agnès Pannier-Runacher, the newly reappointed minister for ecology, posted on X: “I despair of this circus.”

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Lecornu’s choice of ministers has been criticized across the political spectrum, particularly his decision to bring back former Finance Minister Bruno Le Maire to serve at the defense ministry, with critics saying that under his watch France’s public deficit soared.

Lecornu’s main task would have been to pass a budget as France is faced with a massive debt crisis. At the end of the first quarter of 2025, France’s public debt stood at $3.9 trillion, or 114% of GDP. Debt servicing remains a major budget item, accounting for around 7% of state spending.

Other key positions remained largely unchanged from the previous cabinet, with conservative Bruno Retailleau staying on as interior minister in charge of policing and internal security, Jean-Noël Barrot remaining as foreign minister and Gérald Darmanin keeping the justice ministry.

Retailleau, the head of the conservative Republicans party, said he did not feel responsible for Lecornu’s fall despite lashing out at the composition of the new government. Retailleau blamed Lecornu for not letting him know Le Maire would be part of the government. “It’s a matter of trust,” he told TF1 broadcaster. “You promise a break and end up with returning horses. This government embodied all the conditions to be censured.”

Seeking consensus at the National Assembly, Lecornu consulted with all political forces and trade unions before forming his Cabinet. He also vowed that he would not employ a special constitutional power his predecessors had used to force budgets through Parliament without a vote and would instead seek compromise with lawmakers from the left and the right.

Burden of Proof

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Editor’s Note: This is part 2 of a series on Medicaid Estate Recovery Program collections in Texas. For part 1, see our July/August 2024 issue.

In April 2024, Anne-Marie Boyd got a call from her brother, who sounded frantic after opening a letter from Health Management Systems, Inc. (HMS), an Irving company that serves as the State of Texas’ Medicaid estate recovery contractor.

“They’re going to take the house away,” he told her. Her older brother was 60 and, years prior, had suffered a brain injury that made it extra challenging for him to understand the letter’s dense language, so he read it aloud. (He declined an interview, and Boyd requested he not be named.)

Alarmed, Boyd took off on the four-hour drive from her home in Hot Springs, Arkansas, to the tiny northeast Texas town of Hughes Springs, where her brother lived. She felt sick from the stress. Their mother’s death from a heart attack two months earlier had come as a shock, and the funeral was scheduled in only days. On top of that, she now feared that her brother, who’d spent the past 14 years living in the family home and taking care of their mom, would soon have nowhere to go.

When she arrived, her brother was distraught. “He was not himself,” she recalled.

Boyd studied the letter carefully. She had never heard of the Medicaid Estate Recovery Program (MERP), a program created by a 1993 federal law that requires states to recoup funds from the estates of deceased Medicaid recipients, age 55 and over, who had received long-term care services covered by the government. After suffering a stroke, their mother, Marilyn, spent two and a half years in a nursing home paid for by Medicaid. Now the state wanted its money back.

“It was like wild animals pouncing on meat,” Boyd said.

Since 2006, the Texas Health and Human Services Commission (HHS) has hired HMS to handle the MERP administrative process from start to finish, paying the company a 12.5 percent commission on any recovered funds, up to $4.8 million a year, according to the company’s current contract. HMS is owned by Gainwell Technologies, which is owned in turn by a private equity firm, Veritas Capital, worth $50 billion. (Gainwell continues to operate under the name HMS.) Last year, HMS received more than $731,000 as a commission on the MERP claims it recovered in Texas.

The main function of HMS is to act as a bill collector. According to its contract, the company is supposed to handle all paperwork for MERP claims, staff a 1-800 number, and help answer questions. HMS employees are required to understand Texas’ MERP rules and related state laws, but they are not allowed to offer advice. When callers pose even basic questions about how to get claims on their family homes dismissed, they are often left without answers, according to multiple Observer interviews and a trove of complaints obtained through a public records request. This also often means that when families are hit with enormous six-figure claims, no one advocates on their behalf; HMS is there only to collect.

“This program is so cruel.”

Because qualifying for Medicaid means not having more than $2,000 in the bank, the only assets remaining for HMS to target are typically a car and a family home.

Two HMS representatives declined to answer Observer questions about how the company handles complaints or how many calls it receives. Cecile Fradkin, a Gainwell Technologies spokesperson, responded only by writing in an email that “the company does not comment on individual client contracts or agreements.” 

Standard MERP paperwork sent to families briefly mentions two ways to get a claim dismissed: through an exemption or a hardship waiver. For an exemption, families are given two weeks to provide proof that someone living in the home is a surviving spouse of the deceased Medicaid recipient, a child under the age of 21, a blind or disabled child of any age, or an unmarried adult child who had lived in the home for at least a year prior to the death. For a hardship waiver, family members have 60 days to provide proof that repaying the money or forfeiting a home to repay it would cause “undue hardship” (simply losing one’s inheritance does not suffice). Both options require extensive documentation.

Texas currently has nearly 30,000 open MERP cases—ongoing efforts to recoup money—according to data supplied by HHS.

The state requires HMS to field calls from people targeted for MERP collections. Yet the Observer interviewed several Texas family members who appear to have qualified for an exemption or waiver, but who were distressed after losing a loved one and received little to no assistance from HMS in navigating the process. Multiple people said they were ignored by the company and received help with claims only after contacting legislators, the media, or attorneys.

Based on a review of summaries of 172 MERP-related complaints filed with the HHS Office of the Ombudsman, as well as interviews with attorneys, public officials, and five families who became mired in the collections process, the Observer found that HMS has allegedly denied people exemptions for which they appeared to qualify, sent out claim letters to surviving relatives of estates without a home or car, or failed to respond to recorded requests for help made to its 1-800 number.

HMS is the largest MERP contractor in the country, operating in Texas and 12 other states. Referring to states as “customers,” the company promises to use “an aggressive approach to guarding our customers’ Estate Recovery program policies,” according to an HMS proposal.

In Texas alone, HMS has recovered more than $102 million since 2006. 

After reading the collection letter carefully, Boyd saw that her brother qualified for an exemption as an unmarried adult child who had lived in the home longer than a year.

Because her brother struggled with memory issues and didn’t have access to a computer, he asked Boyd, his authorized legal representative, to help gather and submit the paperwork necessary to prove his residency. Boyd tried everything she could to prove her brother deserved an exemption. The process seemed odd to her, since all of the HMS letters were already addressed to him at that house. “I mean, they know where he lives,” she said.

But, to prove residency, the contractor asks for numerous documents. A questionnaire, which was included with the letter, asked for “verification of single status from the Bureau of Vital Statistics, birth certificate, copy of income tax return the year prior to the recipient’s death, copy of Texas driver’s license, copy of bank statements or utility bills in heir’s name verifying the homestead address for one year prior to the recipient’s death, employer’s records verifying the homestead address,” and the unmarried adult child’s birth date and Social Security number.

HMS also wanted to know the fair market value of the home, which added to Boyd and her brother’s fear that the state aimed to recover the only asset of value that their mother had left to them: a ranch-style home on three acres.

They carefully reviewed the long list of requested items and sent everything that they could. But her brother did not have a checking account and didn’t have a utility bill in his name. “Why would he? Everything was in our mom’s name,” Boyd said.

She sent a copy of his driver’s license, birth certificate, car insurance policies, and a bill from DISH Network, certain that would be enough. But, then, they got another letter stating that the documentation was insufficient. Boyd was stunned.

She called the number listed on the letter multiple times, leaving voicemail messages that were never returned. “After eight calls, I lost count,” she said. When someone finally answered, the employee sounded as if they were reading off a script. Boyd tried to convey that this was no small matter, that her brother was in danger of becoming homeless.

But nothing seemed to be enough. After months, angry that she seemed to be getting nowhere, Boyd searched online. “I started Googling HMS. I started Googling Gainwell Technologies, and I Googled MERP and how to avoid it. I made it my mission.” For weeks, she stayed up until 3 a.m., reading everything she could find.

Boyd isn’t the only one who’s had issues interacting with HMS. Through an open records request, the Observer found that from January 2015 to May 2024, 172 people had gone beyond the company’s normal 1-800 troubleshooting line, searched the HHS website, and filled out yet another form to file a formal complaint with the HHS ombudsman regarding MERP.

Other states gather demographic information about MERP claims that shows that people targeted under the program more often live in rural communities and are more often people of color. But the State of Texas compiles MERP collection data only by county—and does not track race or ethnicity of those targeted.

In response to a records request, the Observer was provided only with heavily redacted summaries of the complaints about the MERP collection process. (The agency redacted all names, including those of state legislators who’d called on behalf of constituents.)

The most common issue, according to the redacted complaint summaries, was that HMS did not answer or return calls or answer basic questions about claims. Yet even after finding that HMS was unresponsive, the HHS ombudsman referred some people back to the company’s 1-800 number, the same number they’d been calling to no avail. According to the HHS website, complainants are encouraged to discuss any issues with HMS first because “they can explain specific policies or correct the problem immediately.”

One complainant called the company “incompetent,” stating that it lost his email address after he’d emailed. Another claimed that the contractor said it never received the documents needed for an exemption, even though they were sent via FedEx and the complainant had a confirmation number indicating they had been delivered. Yet another stated that the company re-requested the same documents it had previously confirmed receiving. In at least one case, HMS reopened a closed case of a woman who had already qualified for a hardship waiver.

Several people alleged that HMS mishandled documents, complaint summaries show. Four people received claim letters from the company alleging they owed money because they were deceased when they were, in fact, alive.

One man, who received in-home care, reported “that MERP falsely declared him dead, sent his wife a condolence letter, and asked her to pay $68,000 for services rendered.” The ombudsman summary said he wants HMS to know “he’s not deceased” and “no one is returning his calls.” Another wrote: “I just received a letter from HMS informing me my mother who I just spoke with on the phone TODAY, 7/19/19, died on 02/08/2019. I don’t know where you get your information.”

After dealing with HMS for four years with no resolution, another complainant stated that they’d “lost all confidence in government agencies.”

It’s unclear why Texas families are forced to jump through so many hoops, when, according to the contractor’s own vendor proposal, HMS claims it collects extensive information on Medicaid recipients and their heirs before mailing claim letters. Per its proposal, the company identifies new MERP cases through death certificates, then reviews marital status data from the Bureau of Vital Statistics to determine if there is a surviving spouse who would qualify for an exemption. If so, the proposal says it closes the case to “minimize [its] intrusion on families when they are grieving.”

Additionally, the proposal says HMS also gets referrals from Social Security Administration death reports, nursing homes, attorneys, and anonymous sources to find new recovery cases to pursue. Using a government database, the contractor says it then calculates how much the claim is worth and sends out claim letters. The company begins with a Notice of Intent, which opens with condolences and states there is a claim against the estate.

Roughly a month later, most relatives receive a second document, an Estate Claim Letter, which includes the exact amount of the claim, HMS’ finding that no exemptions exist, and the address for where to send a payment. By that point, HMS has already identified the estimated value of a home and knows whether recovery would be “cost effective.” 

Even though HMS sends a letter shortly after a Medicaid recipient dies, the state usually can’t force debt repayment until family members try to sell a house or go through probate proceedings. 

Yet some complainants say they find the tone of the form letters used for MERP collections to be threatening and hard to understand. The letters use legal jargon, such as referring to a “Class 7 claim,” without much explanation. In Texas, MERP funds are collected through the probate Class 7 claim process, which means that if the deceased person had any debts, the state is the seventh creditor in line to collect money from the estate after others are paid. 

Like Boyd, many people targeted by HMS incorrectly assume the state would put a lien on their family home to collect Medicaid debts. But state officials say this is not allowed in Texas. When the Observer reached out to HHS to ask whether the state would force a home sale or whether residents are forcibly evicted as part of the collections program, Jeremy Fuchs, an HHS press officer, wrote, “In Texas, MERP does not place liens, take possession of property or require heirs to move.” 

However, this critical piece of information is absent from allHMS correspondence reviewed by the Observer. It’s also not found on the HHS website. As a result, some live with the prevailing fear they could be booted out of a family home.

Hannah Diamond, a policy advocate with Justice in Aging, a nonprofit based in Washington, D.C., told the Observer that transparency about the MERP collection process really varies across states. “That’s a choice the state is making by not having clear information or not having those consumer protections up front and center,” Diamond said.

Last year, Democratic state Senator Royce West’s office received a complaint from a constituent who believed the HMS letters were a scam. The letters have the HMS logo, but the email contact is Gainwell Technologies, creating confusion for some. When entering hms.com, people are led to Gainwell’s homepage. West’s office has worked with HHS and the Office of the Inspector General to make sure the letters look more like official state documents. In a statement to the Observer, West said: “The Medicaid Estate Recovery cases my office has worked on have been ones where it was reasonably clear the surviving family qualified for one of the exceptions, and properties were not seized.”

For people like Boyd, the aggressive tone of the letters made it sound inevitable that the state would come for the family home. At one point, the family received five letters a month. The letters were identical except that from May to June, the claim amount increased from around $100,000 to more than $160,000. The letters repeated the claim that to the best of HMS’ knowledge, there was “no unmarried adult child residing continuously in the decedent’s homestead for at least one year prior to the time of the Medicaid recipient’s death.” 

In the margins of one letter, Boyd drew an arrow next to the sentence and wrote, “There is.”

At one point, she remembers pacing around her living room, yelling out loud to herself. “All of a sudden I said a prayer and God started telling me to go to the state attorney general’s office, the governor’s office, the mayor’s office—do whatever you can. I even wrote a letter to the department head of Health and Human Services,” she said.

Critics of MERP say that relatively well-off families tend to know how to shield their assets while still qualifying for Medicaid. The lowest-income families, meanwhile, are disproportionately targeted for collections and can lose their inheritance in one fell swoop. 

That means that MERP collections and housing insecurity go hand in hand. “It’s dual-pronged. Not only are you contributing to increased homelessness, but you’re also preventing individuals from being able to escape poverty by maintaining that critical asset,” Diamond said. “You’re also punishing people for being poor.” 

Last year, U.S. Representative Jan Schakowsky, an Illinois Democrat, introduced the Stop Unfair Medicaid Recoveries Act to repeal the federal law mandating MERP. In a legislative hearing, Schakowsky shared how one of her constituents received funds from Medicaid to be her mother’s in-home personal care attendant. After the mother died, the daughter was hit with a $77,000 MERP claim, essentially clawing back the cost of labor she had provided.

“This program is so cruel,” Schakowsky said at the hearing. “It’s been all over the newspapers about what a scandal it is that they go after the money of dead people.”

Schakowsky also pointed out that the program doesn’t work. According to a 2021 report by the Medicaid and Chip Payment and Access Commission (MACPAC), MERP recouped less than 1 percent of national spending on long-term care services.

Her bill did not pass.

Boyd was surprised that it was easier to reach someone with the Texas Attorney General’s Office than with HMS. She explained her situation to a state attorney and was told that her brother’s driver’s license should have been enough to prove his residence to qualify for the exemption.

In a last-ditch effort to reach someone at HMS, she sent an email last August to a general email account, outlining all the actions she’d taken to try to help her brother apply for an exemption, including everyone she’d contacted and what she’d learned about the company through her research.

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Within a couple of days, she got a call from Jolene Guignet, a high-level attorney at Gainwell. She said Guignet apologized, then requested one more document: an affidavit verifying her brother’s single status. They went to have the affidavit notarized, then sent in that form. A few days later, Guignet emailed a copy of a letter stating that MERP was releasing its claim on the estate.

Boyd said that the stress of dealing with MERP for nearly five months gave her high blood pressure and put a “complete halt” on being able to grieve the loss of her mother. Her brother felt constantly afraid inside the place he’d long called home.

Ultimately, Boyd thinks mentioning in her email to HMS that she’d contacted someone at the attorney general’s office lit a fire that allowed the claim to be dismissed. Though the victory was slow in coming, she concluded that HMS should not have “messed with me.”

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