Top US military adviser visits Caribbean as Trump ramps up pressure on Venezuela

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The nation’s top military officer is visiting American troops Monday in Puerto Rico and on a Navy warship in the region, where the U.S. has amassed an unusually large fleet of warships and has been attacking alleged drug-smuggling boats.

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Gen. Dan Caine, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and President Donald Trump’s primary military adviser, will be joined by David L. Isom, the senior enlisted adviser to Caine. Caine’s office said in a statement that the men will “engage with service members and thank them for their outstanding support to regional missions.”

This will be Caine’s second visit to the region since the U.S. military started building up its presence, which now includes the nation’s most advanced aircraft carrier. Caine and Defense Secretary Pete Hegsethcame to Puerto Rico in September after ships carrying hundreds of U.S. Marines arrived for what officials said was a training exercise.

Hegseth said then that the deployed Marines were “on the front lines of defending the American homeland.”

Caine’s visit this week comes as Trump evaluates whether to take military action against Venezuela, which he has not ruled out as part of his administration’s escalating campaign to combat drug trafficking into the U.S. The buildup of American warships and the strikes, which have killed more than 80 people on 21 alleged drug boats, are seen by many as a pressure tactic on Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro to resign.

The Trump administration also is ramping up pressure by designating the Cartel de los Soles, or Cartel of the Suns, as a foreign terrorist organization, although the entity that the U.S. government alleges is led by Maduro is not a cartel per se.

Until this year, the label of foreign terrorist organization had been reserved for groups like the Islamic State or al-Qaida that use violence for political ends. The Trump administration applied it in February to eight Latin American criminal organizations involved in drug trafficking, migrant smuggling and other activities.

The administration blames such designated groups for operating the boats it is striking but rarely identifies the organizations and has not provided any evidence.

Hegseth said last week that the designation of Cartel de los Soles will provide a “whole bunch of new options to the United States” for dealing with Maduro. In an interview with conservative news outlet OAN, Hegseth did not provide details on what those options are and declined to say whether the U.S. military planned to strike land targets inside Venezuela.

“So nothing is off the table, but nothing’s automatically on the table,” he said.

Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine signed a law legalizing sports betting. He now says he’s opposed to it

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By JULIE CARR SMYTH, Associated Press

COLUMBUS, Ohio (AP) — If Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine could turn back time, he would not have signed the law that legalized sports betting in his state.

FILE – Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine, right, waits to hand out reading certificates to children before a Cleveland Guardians baseball game against the Minnesota Twins in Cleveland, Sunday, Sept. 18, 2022. (AP Photo/Phil Long, File)

With two Cleveland Guardians pitchers and an Ohio-born guard for the Miami Heat snared in separate betting-related criminal probes, the second-term Republican says he now “absolutely” regrets unleashing this unbridled new industry on Ohioans with his 2021 signature.

“Look, we’ve always had gambling, we’re always going to have gambling,” DeWine told The Associated Press last week. “But just the power of these companies and the deep, deep, deep pockets they have to advertise and do everything they can to get someone to place that bet is really different once you have legalization of them.”

His comments reflect a reckoning that’s unfolding across sports and politics as sports betting becomes more ingrained across much of the U.S. The wave of legalization in recent years unleashed a massive industry centered around betting and, more recently, a wave of investigations and arrests tied to allegations of rigged games. It’s a dynamic that DeWine says he doesn’t think lawmakers fully anticipated.

“Ohio shouldn’t have done it,” he said.

DeWine prompted a rare move to limit prop bets

DeWine recently emerged as a key player in the negotiations between Major League Baseball and its authorized gaming operators that resulted in the capping of prop bets on individual pitches at $200 and excluding them from parlays. The deal was announced earlier this month, a day after Guardians pitchers Luis Ortiz and Emmanuel Clase were indicted and accused of rigging pitches at the behest of gamblers. Both have pleaded not guilty.

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“Gov. DeWine really did a huge service, I think — to us, certainly, I can’t speak for any of the other sports — in terms of kind of bringing forward the need to do something in this area,” MLB Commissioner Rob Manfred told reporters last week.

And DeWine doesn’t plan to stop there. Shortly after Ortiz and Clase were first placed on paid leave this summer, he announced he’d be asking the commissioners and players’ unions of all the major U.S. sports leagues to ban prop bets — sometimes called micro-betting — like those implicated in the Guardians scandal. While that goal has not yet been achieved — micro-betting is critical to the business strategy in an industry with over $11 billion in revenue in the U.S. this year — DeWine said limits put in place for baseball are a good first step.

“It needs to be holistic, it needs to be universal,” he told the AP. “They’re just playing with fire. I mean, they are just asking for more and more trouble, their failure to address this.”

The gambling industry’s investments in Ohio politics

DeWine’s recent sentiments mark a notable position shift after he pledged to — and then did — sign a legalization law that was sweeping in scope. The legislation allowed adults 21 and older to place sports bets online, at casinos, at racinos and at stand-alone betting kiosks in bars, restaurants and professional sports facilities. Wagering was permitted under the bill on professional sports teams, motor sports, Olympic events, golf, tennis and even major college sports, including Ohio State football.

It was clear in the run-up to DeWine’s re-election in 2022 that the gambling industry was intensely interested in what was transpiring in the state.

An AP investigation that year found that casino operators, slot machine makers, gaming technology companies, sports interests or their lobbyists donated nearly $1 million in 2021 and 2022 to the nonprofit Republican Governors Association, which supported pro-DeWine committees through its campaign arm. Entities and individuals with ties to the industry also donated more than $22,000 directly to DeWine’s campaign, according to campaign finance reports.

A review of more recent campaign filings finds that industry largesse has continued to flow to Ohio politicians with sway over gaming’s future.

Lobbyists and a PAC with ties to Jack Casino, DraftKings, FanDuel, MGM, Gamewise, Hard Rock, Underdog, Rush Street or Caesars have donated about $130,000 to Ohio state legislators in the past three years, records show — about a third of that directed to top House and Senate leaders. Then-Republican Lt. Gov. Jon Husted, who was positioning as DeWine’s likely gubernatorial successor, had received about $9,000 from industry-connected entities and individuals before being appointed to the U.S. Senate.

At least one powerful state lawmaker, Republican House Finance Chairman Brian Stewart, had vowed to introduce legislation protecting prop bets prior to professional baseball’s crackdown.

“I think that prop bets are a significant part of sports betting in the state of Ohio,” Stewart told cleveland.com in August. “It’s something that clearly a lot of Ohioans have taken part in and enjoy, and I don’t think there’s something that we should eliminate entirely.”

Amid such pushback, DeWine and others now view voluntary buy-in from leagues, players’ unions and sportsbooks as a superior approach to pursuing gambling restrictions on a state-by-state basis, where the authority lies.

Matt Schuler, executive director of the Ohio Casino Control Commission, said the baseball deal DeWine helped broker has shown it can be done.

“He’s using the bully pulpit and he’s able to connect with the right people in that way,” Schuler said of DeWine. “No one thought that everyone could get on the same page, but now they did because everyone realizes the risk. The bets are small, but the risk is big, and so, having observed gaming and regulated it for about 14 years, this is impressive.”

Harassment and scandal in Ohio changed DeWine’s mind

DeWine said his concerns with sports gambling began almost as soon as Ohio’s law took effect in 2023. Very quickly, his office began receiving reports that gamblers were threatening members of the University of Dayton basketball team.

So he contacted NCAA President Charlie Baker, whom he knew from Baker’s time as governor of Massachusetts, and learned that he shared DeWine’s concern. He got Baker to write a letter requesting the removal of collegiate prop bets from the list of legal wagers that sportsbooks operating in Ohio could place, which allowed DeWine to usher the change through the casino commission.

After the Guardians case emerged this summer, DeWine approached Manfred with the same idea. They hadn’t both been governors, but DeWine did have one cache going in: his family’s long-time ownership of North Carolina’s Asheville Tourists. DeWine said Manfred asked him to hold off on pushing unilateral action in Ohio, in hopes of getting the parties to agree to a new national rule.

“I would have preferred to have completely done away with the micro-prop bets, but this is the area that he was able to settle on with them, and I was pleased with that,” DeWine said. “And so, I think that’s progress.”

DeWine, who faces term limits next year, said he would be happy to sign a repeal of Ohio’s sports betting law at this point, but he’s certain there’s not enough support for that at the Ohio Statehouse.

“There’s not the votes for that. I can count,” he said. “I’m not always right, but I can pretty much guarantee you that they’re not ready to do this.”

Instead, he’ll continue to make his case in other ways.

DeWine, an avid baseball fan, particularly of his hometown Cincinnati Reds, said he believes “these sports are playing with dynamite here and the integrity of the sports is at stake.”

“So, you try to do what you can do, and you try and warn people, and try to take action like we did with collegiate, and you try take action like what we’re doing with baseball,” he said. “But we’ve got to keep pushing these other sports to do it, too.”

AP Baseball Writer Ronald Blum contributed to this report.

Pam Perillo’s Sisterhood of the Condemned

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Pam Perillo greets me at the door of her trailer, the yaps of a chihuahua named Peewee nearly drowning out our niceties. Perillo had just been looking for something to put on TV to soothe her animals—the territorial dog, two cats named Karla Faye and Tucker, plus a kitten she just rescued—while she leaves for a few hours. I’m driving her from her home in Prairie View, a nearly 9,000-person town at the far edge of the Houston metro, into the city for an event where she’s speaking.

Perillo, 69, is tiny in height and build, with massive blue-green eyes and numerous facial piercings. Tattoos peek out from the sleeves of her pink business-casual blouse. In the car, she brainstorms what to say; she’s been allotted ten minutes to talk about herself. “I don’t really know what to talk about,” she says on the August morning as we start our drive. “I think ten minutes is a long time.” 

It’s arguably not long enough for her to scratch the surface of her story. And nowhere near as long as the 40 years she spent in prison, half of that on women’s death row. “I guess I could just say I’m a death row survivor,” she muses.

In 1980, a Harris County jury sentenced a 24-year-old Perillo to prison for capital murder. Along with two others, she’d been arrested for the robbery and murder of two men, Robert Banks and Bob Skeens, in Houston on February 23 of that year. Both Perillo and a man named James “Mike” Briddle received the death penalty, Perillo for Skeens’ murder and Briddle for Banks’. The third person charged, Briddle’s then-wife Linda Fletcher, was ultimately re-indicted for aggravated robbery after prosecutors dropped the capital murder charge against her. She testified against Briddle and Perillo and received five years’ probation.

For 20 years, Perillo waited for the state to kill her, twice receiving scheduled dates before eventually getting stays. Then, in 2000, her fate changed. A federal appeals court found major problems with her trial—including a concerning relationship between Perillo’s attorney and her codefendant Fletcher—enough to invalidate the conviction. Rather than re-try Perillo for a 20-year old crime, the State of Texas offered her a deal: life plus 30 years in prison. In 2019, she was released on parole.

Perillo doesn’t celebrate the fact that she walked free after expecting to be executed. She doesn’t think she’s really any different from other, less-fortunate women; she was guilty of the crime she committed. She has no explanation for why she was spared, except that “God must still have a lot of work to do.” She can even exhibit a kind of guilt, as though she believes her second chance should have gone to someone else—another of those women she met on death row who became perhaps the first stable community Perillo had ever known. 

Perillo at the Dominican Sisters of Houston Spirituality Center in August (Michelle Pitcher)

Perillo speaks of her childhood in California as if it were conventional. She doesn’t try to elicit sympathy when she describes the eight foster homes she bounced between after her dad began sexually abusing her when she was nine years old. Her mother was already out of the picture—she’d left the family and died in a car accident about a year prior. Perillo talks favorably about the 19-year-old man she met when she was 13, who taught her “everything” about her body, including how to use tampons and brush her teeth. She was even cordial with her abusive father until he died. 

She doesn’t really have a bad word to say about Fletcher, either, except to acknowledge that it hurt when she testified in court that Perillo deserved to die. Perillo could have reduced her own punishment to a life sentence by testifying against Briddle, but she declined. She’s matter-of-fact about why: “I don’t believe in the death penalty, so why would I testify to get him the death penalty?”

About 15 minutes after we leave Perillo’s place, we pull up in front of a house in nearby Magnolia surrounded by livestock pens, where her friend Kylee Lynn lives. She’s tagging along, too, so she can hear Perillo speak. Lynn knows about her friend’s past, and she also admits she doesn’t know where she stands on the death penalty. “I feel like with Pam, I know she’s done her time,” Lynn says after settling into the back seat. “Basically, I was more on the side of, ‘That’s what you get,’ until I met Pam.”

Perillo was born in Iowa, but her family relocated to Southern California when she was a year old. When the State of California took her from her father, the intervention set her on a tour of her adopted home state. She saw idyllic Pasadena, inland West Covina, and the high desert of Lancaster. Of the eight homes she spent time in, she says two were fairly nice. 

Three years on, at age 12, she landed at a ranch in the desert north of Los Angeles. She had chronic tonsillitis and was still wetting the bed (the latter being why she was removed from her previous foster home). But the ranch was fun. There were plenty of other kids—some the foster parents’ biological children and others state placements like her. There were pigs and donkeys and cows, and Perillo helped with some of the chores, a rare treat for a girl from South LA. 

One night, her foster mom, whom Perillo remembers as a big and comforting woman, asked her why she wasn’t sleeping at night. When Perillo said she was scared that if she fell asleep, she’d wet the bed, “She told me, ‘Honey, we’ll put some plastic on that mattress, and you just pee your heart out if you have to. Don’t worry about it.’ I never peed the bed again.”

She stayed at that home for about eight months before she started getting into trouble at school. Eventually, she ran away—she still isn’t sure why. “I ran from everything. Everything that they tried to help me with: drug programs, foster homes, anything,” she says. “I was just a runner.”

The foster family tried to get her back, but the state refused, placing her in another house in West Covina. That placement didn’t last long before Perillo got into trouble at school. When she was 13, in between foster placements, she met Sammy Perillo. 

Sammy, 19, caught her eye while she was hanging out at a popular park in South Gate. With him, she started shooting heroin. She ended up moving in with Sammy and his parents—she went to court to be emancipated and married him in a ceremony in Mexico. “I was like a grown up,” she says. “They were so out of things to do with me.” Every other option was gone, and Sammy felt like a protector. 

The two began stealing to support their drug habits. Eventually, he got locked up, and she found out soon after that she was pregnant. She was 16. She quit using heroin and, still living with Sammy’s parents, prepared for her life to shift yet again. “That baby was everything to me. She just changed my whole existence.”

Her daughter, Stephanie, was born February 3, 1973. But Stephanie would never see her first birthday. 

The girl died of what was called crib death—now commonly referred to as Sudden Infant Death Syndrome—that June. Perillo remembers the day in flashes. “I can still picture her little body there,” she says. “The little hands were purple.” Perillo spent the next six months in a mental hospital. 

Five years later, in her early 20s, she became pregnant again, this time with twins. The father was her drug counselor at a Pasadena treatment program, and he told her he didn’t want to be involved. After Perillo was in a car accident, the boys were born early. They spent a month in a neonatal intensive care unit, with Perillo only able to sit next to the babies without holding them. She called them Baby A and Baby B—what had been written on their incubators—until she eventually decided on the names Joseph and Joel. Joseph survived; Joel died after contracting meningitis. 

After that, Perillo worked as a dancer at an LA-area bar and made enough money to support herself and Joseph, but eventually she started using heroin again. About a year later, she met two near-strangers, Briddle and Fletcher, and they decided to rob a customer at the bar. It wasn’t a great plan. The customer knew Perillo. 

The three immediately went on the run. Perillo took her son, about a year and a half now, to stay with her dad and stepmom. Then, she flew out to Tucson, Arizona, to join Briddle and Fletcher, who had a plan to hitchhike to Florida. 

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The trio caught rides with truckers, who introduced Perillo to PCP. She remembers the journey to Houston was “crazy,” as she lost herself in new, powerful highs. With each ride east, she got farther away from everything she had ever cared about. 

Perillo and her new friends made it to Houston. They were trying to find a ride near the Astrodome when they first met Robert Banks. He offered them a ride and a place to stay if they helped him move into his new place. It wasn’t too long before they decided to rob him for his money and gun collection—the crime that would determine the next 40 years of Perillo’s life. 

She’s forthright about the details. The trio had been on drugs and hadn’t slept for five days. Perillo and Briddle hid in wait while Banks and Skeens, a houseguest, were out grabbing donuts one morning. They separated the men, tying them up in different rooms, and then they strangled both men to death. (There are conflicting accounts of where Fletcher, whose murder charge was dropped, was during the course of the crime, but she denied participating in the killing.) 

“I think about this stuff now, you know, and what my victims went through and their families and all of that,” Perillo says. “It just eats my head up sometimes.” 

The three fled up to Dallas, then back west to Denver. There, Perillo remembers coming down off the drug binge and thinking about what she’d done. She saw a police car stopped at a light, and she jumped in the back to turn herself in. 

She was the first of the three brought to trial for the robbery and murders. She heard of the death penalty for the first time when her attorneys told her Texas was seeking it against her. In California, where she had spent most of her life, the state hadn’t executed anyone since 1967. She didn’t know exactly what to expect. She assumed that they “just killed you right then.”

Punishment, of course, wasn’t nearly so swift. Perillo was sent to death row at the Goree Unit in Huntsville. Just down the road, more than a hundred prisoners sat on the male death row at the time, but Perillo was one of only two condemned women.

Three years after her first trial, the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals found that there’d been an error during her jury selection, so she went back to the Harris County Jail to await a second trial. While there, life changed fast. She underwent treatment for uterine cancer. She saw her son, now six, for the first time since he was a baby, when he came to Houston from California for her retrial. She started thinking more about God. She couldn’t help but feel like she’d changed since her arrest: “I don’t think I found religion,” she said. “I think I surrendered to it.” 

At the end of her 22-month jail stay, a second jury sentenced Perillo to death. She went back to death row, now located at the Mountain View Unit—later renamed Patrick L. O’Daniel—in Gatesville, and she wasn’t alone. Karla Faye Tucker, convicted of murdering Jerry Dean and Deborah Thornton with a pickaxe in 1983, had also gotten the death penalty. The two had actually met back at the jail. To Perillo, Tucker seemed cold, even scary. The 24-year-old Houstonite got into fights, and Perillo remembers thinking her eyes looked “black” when they met. 

“I’ll tell you what, I have never seen a more real conversion than with Karla,” Perillo says.  

A page from Perillo’s scrapbook: Karla Faye Tucker, bottom-left; Perillo, top-right (Courtesy/Pam Perillo)

Tucker’s story would become the subject of national debate leading up to her controversial execution. Tucker experienced a religious conversion in prison, and to all the world it seemed genuine. People from former presidential candidate Pat Robertson to then-Pope John Paul II opposed her execution, arguing it wasn’t right to execute her after she had changed so profoundly. 

In the meantime, Perillo and Tucker became friends, bonding over their newfound religiosity and creating an almost warm culture behind bars. 

Women’s death row was as clinical as any other part of the prison. The women had separate cells. The common space was a white room, benches bolted to the floor. Separated by a mesh divider, there was a work room where the women sewed stuffed dolls for sale. But Perillo and Tucker softened the space, draping afghans over the uncomfortable seating options and placing handmade cloths on the tables. 

Reverend Linda Strom, Tucker’s spiritual adviser and a frequent visitor during this time, said the setting was a lot more joyful than she expected: “You could tell that they really cared about each other, and I think freely shared their lives with one another.”

Meanwhile, their numbers grew. A jury sentenced Betty Lou Beets to death in 1985 for killing her husband, Jimmy Don Beets. Frances Newton joined in 1988 after a jury convicted her for the murder of her husband and two children, despite her fervent innocence claims. Perillo leaned into being the matriarch, teaching everyone how to knit and crochet.

The first Christmas that Newton was there, Tucker had crocheted baby dolls for each of the women. Perillo says Newton cried when she opened hers, seeing that Tucker had made her doll Black to match her skin tone. “It was such a sweet thing. I think that’s what got Frances to see that we really cared about her,” Perillo remembers. “We were like a family.”

In 1998, Tucker became the first woman executed in Texas since the Civil War.

Today, Perillo’s been out of prison for six years. But she’s still acclimating. She’s on parole for life, which means regular phone interviews, random urine tests, and prior approval any time she wants to leave the state.

She doesn’t have too many reasons to travel far. Her son Joseph Tise, now 47, lives in the Houston area with his wife and two daughters, ages 16 and 9. Perillo arranged for him to move to Texas when he was six years old, wanting to remove him from the environment she’d grown up in. He lived with friends of Perillo’s who became his legal guardians. Tise told me his relationship with his mother was “atypical” growing up—with quality time meaning missing school to visit her on death row—but she always wanted to be part of his life. It’s important to both of them that she’s a part of her granddaughters’ lives, too. 

“To know her, you see that she is not that same person that you meet in the story of her life,” Tise said. “She’s actually changed her life. She wants to be kind to people. She doesn’t hide who she is to anybody.”

Tise couldn’t take his mother in when she was released because of space and logistics, but Perillo had connections she’d made through death row to lean on.

Former prosecutor Shannon FitzPatrick and her son Lewis McCall Bowden have regularly visited the women on death row every month for eleven years. McCall Bowden first reached out to Perillo in 2014, when he was 18 years old and she was at the Lane Murray Unit and had been off of death row for more than a decade. He and FitzPatrick started visiting Perillo—as well as her friends still on the row at the nearby O’Daniel Unit—soon after. Now McCall Bowden refers to Perillo as his “big sis,” even though she’s 40 years his senior.

“The State of Texas makes every inmate seem like the most evil, horrible [person],” FitzPatrick said. “We demonize them, and we don’t see the trauma of people like Pam Perillo.” 

When Perillo went up for parole in 2019, FitzPatrick and her family helped pay for an attorney for the hearing. They also let Perillo move in with them when she got out. 

Another page from Perillo’s scrapbook (Courtesy)

Perillo met nearly everyone she holds dear through death row, in one way or another. People like FitzPatrick and McCall Bowden who visited; the women who were there with her; and even the family members of those women on the outside. She still has friends awaiting executions, including Brittany Holberg, Erica Sheppard, and Darlie Routier. 

She hasn’t visited those friends inside, though, because she—now a lifelong parolee—has to get approval from the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles and the warden in order to schedule a visit. But she looks through the pictures she still has. “We were so close,” she tells me. 

Perillo’s friends and advocates told me repeatedly that she’s paid her due for her crimes, but it’s hard to tell if she believes it. Life outside of prison has had its own challenges—a major breakup, housing troubles, and technological progress that’s nearly impossible to keep up with. She continues to tell her story, to confess her crime again and again to anyone willing to listen. When we first met, in line for the bathroom at an event about the death penalty, she told me her name and immediately volunteered that she’d been on death row.

At the August speaking event that I drove her to in Houston, she did ultimately come up with a way to fill the 10 minutes she’d been allotted to speak about herself. She told the crowd  of death row advocates, local religious leaders, and a few people just curious about the cause about how much she changed on death row. Before she went to prison, she said, all she cared about was the needle in her arm. 

She’d spent years running from any form of community that could help turn around her life—only to find one among the women that Texas had deemed unfit to live.

The post Pam Perillo’s Sisterhood of the Condemned appeared first on The Texas Observer.

Portland Trail Blazers coach Chauncey Billups pleads not guilty in rigged poker games case

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By PHILIP MARCELO, Associated Press

NEW YORK (AP) — Portland Trail Blazers coach and basketball Hall of Famer Chauncey Billups pleaded not guilty on Monday to charges he profited from rigged poker games involving several Mafia figures and at least one other former NBA player.

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The five-time All Star, who won a championship with the Detroit Pistons, was arraigned in a federal court in New York City on money laundering conspiracy and wire fraud conspiracy charges, both of which carry a maximum punishment of 20 years in prison. Some of Billups’ co-defendants are also charged with running an illegal gambling business and engaging in an extortion conspiracy.

Chris Heywood, his attorney, has said Billups is a “man of integrity” and denies the charges.

“To believe that Chauncey Billups did what the federal government is accusing him of is to believe that he would risk his Hall of Fame legacy, his reputation and his freedom. He would not jeopardize those things for anything, let alone a card game,” Heywood said after Billups appeared in federal court in Portland, Oregon, when prosecutors first announced the indictment on Oct. 23.

Billups wore a dark gray suit during the brief arraignment and spoke only to answer the judge’s yes or no questions. He has been free on bond since his initial court appearance in Oregon.

Billups was arguably the most prominent name among more than 30 charged in last month’s sprawling federal takedown of illegal gambling operations linked to professional sports. The other defendants were also expected to appear in the Brooklyn court for Monday’s proceedings, in which the judge, prosecutors and defense lawyers will likely discuss next steps in the case.

Prosecutors say the 49-year-old Denver native, who was inducted into the Naismith Memorial Hall of Fame last year, was involved in a scheme to rig Mafia-backed illegal poker games in Manhattan, Las Vegas, Miami and the Hamptons.

Former NBA player and assistant coach Damon Jones was also nabbed in that alleged scheme, which prosecutors say utilized a range of sophisticated technology that allowed the gambling to be rigged, such as altered card-shuffling machines, hidden cameras in poker chip trays, special sunglasses and even X-ray equipment built into the table to read cards.

Jones was also charged along with Miami Heat guard Terry Rozier in a separate scheme at the same time that allowed gamblers to exploit insider information about players to win bets on NBA games.

Prosecutors say the poker scheme Billups was involved in defrauded victims of an estimated $7 million starting in at least 2019.

They say he served as a celebrity “face card” that could draw wealthy, unsuspecting players to the games. Prosecutors said during one game, the scheme’s organizers exchanged messages saying one of the victims “acted like he wanted Chauncey to have his money” because he was “star struck.”

Prosecutors say Billups, who earned about $106 million from his playing days, received a portion of the ill-gotten gains. After one rigged game in October 2020, for example, they say he was directly wired $50,000.

The scheme organizers also had to share a portion of their proceeds with the Gambino, Genovese and Bonanno mob families for operating within the illegal poker games run by the New York criminal enterprises, prosecutors said.

Mafia members, in turn, helped commit violent acts, including assault, extortion and robbery, to ensure repayment of debts and the continued success of the operation, they said.

Billups was selected as the third overall pick in the 1997 draft by the Boston Celtics after starring in college for the Colorado Buffaloes. He played 17 years in the NBA, with stints with the Toronto Raptors, Denver Nuggets, Minnesota Timberwolves, New York Knicks and Los Angeles Clippers.

FILE – Detroit Pistons Chauncey Billups (1) goes to the basket between Los Angeles Lakers Kobe Bryant (8) and Gary Payton (20) in the first half of Game 3 of the NBA finals at the Palace in Auburn Hills, Mich., June 10, 2004. (AP Photo/Michael Conroy, File)

But he is perhaps most beloved in the Motor City, where he earned the nickname “Mr. Big Shot” for his knack of making clutch shots.

Billups was named the NBA Finals MVP during the Pistons’ title run in 2004 and had his No. 1 jersey retired by the team.

After retiring in 2014, Billups embarked on a career as a TV analyst before pivoting to coaching.

He was hired as Portland’s coach in 2021 and signed a multiyear extension with the Trail Blazers earlier this year after the team missed out on the playoffs for the fourth straight season in 2024. Billups previously served as an assistant coach on the Los Angeles Clippers.

After his arrest, he was placed on unpaid leave and the Trail Blazers named assistant coach and former NBA player Tiago Splitter as interim coach.