New York City Residents, Finish This Sentence: ‘I Want My Next Mayor To…’

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Tuesday marks the final day of voting in a contentious election season. City Limits spoke to residents about what they want the city’s next mayor to prioritize when taking office on Jan. 1. Submit yours, and we’ll share these with whoever takes office at City Hall next year.

Some of the New Yorkers City Limits has spoken to so far say they want the next mayor to lower the cost of rent and housing, provide more resources for youth, improve city shelters and more. (Adi Talwar/City Limits)

Tuesday marks the final day of voting in a contentious New York City election season. After a crowded Democratic primary in June, voters this week can choose between three leading candidates to be the city’s next mayor: former Gov. Andrew Cuomo (running as an independent), Democratic nominee and State Assemblymember Zohran Mamdani, and Republican Guardian Angels founder Curtis Sliwa.

More than 735,000 residents have already cast their ballots via early voting—a record high for a non-presidential election year, according to the New York Times.

RELATED READING: The Candidates for Mayor On Housing, Zoning and NYCHA

For the last several weeks, City Limits has been talking to New York City residents about what they want the next mayor to prioritize when taking office on Jan. 1. We spoke to renters, NYCHA tenants, people who’ve experienced homelessness and others about their top issues on their minds. We heard an array of answers, among them public safety, resources for seniors and youth, and the high cost of living in one of the most expensive cities in the world.

Want to submit your own? Upload a video here, or send us a written answer here. We may include them in our future reporting. Either way, we’ll share the responses we receive with whichever candidate ends up taking over at City Hall come Jan. 1.

I Want My Next Mayor To…

“I would like to see a rent freeze, for one thing,” said Kurt Hill, a rent stabilized tenant in Williamsburg, Brooklyn, at a rally outside Gracie Mansion on Sept. 30—a day before rent increases for tenants in the city’s roughly 1 million stabilized apartments were set to take effect.

RELATED READING: Can Eric Adams Really Block a Mamdani Rent Freeze?

The politics of a rent freeze for regulated units, a key Mamdani campaign pledge, has been a hotly debated issue throughout the election. Under outgoing Mayor Eric Adams, the Rent Guidelines Board that sets those annual rates has increased rents for stabilized apartments by 12 percent over the last four years, what Hill called “simply unacceptable.”

Jeremy Santana, a 40-year-old resident in the Williamsbridge neighborhood of the Bronx and a chef at a Chipotle in Manhattan, said he wants to see lower costs for housing and public transportation, and more police on the subways—especially overnight. “You guys should focus on the real crime, not worrying about little tickets and little like, somebody hopped the train—that’s not something they should be focusing on. They should be focusing on protecting the city.”

In general, though, he said he wants the next mayor to do one key thing: deliver what they promised. “A lot of people who have been elected into the mayoral race give you a lot of false dreams, and they tell you they’re going to do all this stuff, and it just never happens,” Santana said.

“Do what you say you’re going to do,” he said. “That’s what I would like. Make a better New York.”

To reach the reporter behind this story, contact Adi@citylimits.org. To reach the editor, contact Jeanmarie@citylimits.org. Want to republish this story? Find City Limits’ reprint policy here.

The post New York City Residents, Finish This Sentence: ‘I Want My Next Mayor To…’ appeared first on City Limits.

Some Head Start preschools shutter as government shutdown continues

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By MORIAH BALINGIT, MAKIYA SEMINERA and HEATHER HOLLINGSWORTH, Associated Press

The government shutdown is triggering a wave of closures of Head Start centers, leaving working parents scrambling for child care and shutting some of the nation’s neediest children out of preschool.

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Dozens of centers are missing out on federal grant payments that were due to arrive Nov. 1. Some say they’ll close indefinitely, while others are staying afloat with emergency funding from local governments and school districts. The closures mean Head Start students — who come from low-income households, are homeless or are in foster care — are missing out on preschool, where they are fed two meals a day and receive therapy vital to their development.

“Children love school, and the fact that they can’t go is breaking their hearts,” said Sarah Sloan, who oversees small-town Head Start centers in Scioto County, Ohio. Staff told families they planned to close Monday. “It’s hampering our families’ ability to put food on the table and to know that their children are safe during the day.”

A half-dozen Head Start programs never received grants that were anticipated in October, but there are now 140 programs that have not received their annual infusion of federal funding. All told, the programs have capacity to assist 65,000 preschoolers and expectant parents.

Among the preschools closing as of Monday are 24 Migrant and Seasonal Head Start centers spread across five states. Those centers, created to assist the children of migrant farmworkers, typically operate on 10- to 12-hour days to accommodate the long hours parents work on farms.

Children attending the centers in Florida, Georgia, North Carolina, Alabama and Oklahoma recently came home with fliers warning of possible closures, along with other parent notifications. Those centers serving more than 1,100 children will now remain closed until the shutdown ends, said East Coast Migrant Head Start Project CEO Javier Gonzalez. About 900 staff members across the centers also have been furloughed.

In the absence of other options for child care, some parents’ only option may be to bring their young child to the fields where they work, Gonzalez said.

Pause in food aid compounds struggles for Head Start families

Many of the families that qualify for the federal preschool program also depend on food aid through the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, better known as SNAP or food stamps. That program also was on track to run dry of money due to the shutdown, although a pair of federal judges on Friday ordered the Trump administration to keep the program running with emergency reserve funds.

That means many Head Start families have been worried about food aid, along with the child care they rely on to make ends meet. A day without child care means a day without work for many parents — and a day without pay.

In Kansas City, Missouri, Jhanee Hunt teaches toddlers at a Head Start site, the Emmanuel Family and Child Development Center, where her 6-month-old son is cared for in another classroom. The center said it can scrape up enough money to stay open for a few weeks, but the money won’t last much beyond November.

At dropoff, she said, parents often are wearing uniforms for fast food restaurants like Wendy’s and McDonald’s. Some work as certified nurse assistants in nursing homes. None have much extra money. The most urgent concern right now is food, she said.

“A lot of the parents, they’re, you know, going around trying to find food pantries,” she said. “A parent actually asked me, do I know a food pantry?”

More than 90% of the center’s families rely on SNAP food assistance, said Deborah Mann, the center’s executive director. One construction company offered to help fill the grocery carts of some families that use the center. But overall, families are distressed, she said.

“We’ve had parents crying. We’ve had parents just don’t know what to do,” Mann said.

Some centers stay open — for now

Launched six decades ago as part of President Lyndon B. Johnson’s War on Poverty, Head Start programs provide a range of services beyond early education, such as medical and dental screenings, school meals and family support to children from low-income households who can’t afford other child care options.

The initiative is funded almost entirely by the federal government, leaving it with little cushion from funding disruptions.

Some that have missed out on grant payments have managed to remain open, with philanthropies, school districts and local governments filling in gaps. Others are relying on fast-dwindling reserves and warn they can’t keep their doors open for much longer.

“If the government doesn’t open back up, we will be providing less services each week,” said Rekah Strong, who heads a social services nonprofit that runs Head Start centers in southern Washington state. She’s already had to close one center and several classrooms and cut back home-based visiting services. “It feels more bleak every day.”

In Florida, Head Start centers in Tallahassee and surrounding Leon County closed Oct. 27, but then reopened the next day thanks to a grant from Children’s Services Council of Leon County. The local school district and churches have stepped up to provide meals for the children.

“It takes a village to raise a child, and our village has come together,” said Nina Self, interim CEO of Capital Area Community Action Agency.

But children in rural Jefferson and Franklin counties, where the agency runs two small Head Start centers, were not as lucky. They’ve been closed since late October.

The Associated Press’ education coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.

FDA’s top drug regulator resigns after federal officials probe ‘serious concerns’

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By MATTHEW PERRONE, Associated Press

WASHINGTON (AP) — The head of the Food and Drug Administration’s drug center abruptly resigned Sunday after federal officials began reviewing “serious concerns about his personal conduct,” according to a government spokesperson.

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Dr. George Tidmarsh, who was named to the FDA post in July, was placed on leave Friday after officials in the Department of Health and Human Services’ Office of General Counsel were notified of the issues, HHS press secretary Emily Hilliard said in an email. Tidmarsh then resigned Sunday morning.

“Secretary Kennedy expects the highest ethical standards from all individuals serving under his leadership and remains committed to full transparency,” Hilliard said.

The departure came the same day that a drugmaker connected to one of Tidmarsh’s former business associates filed a lawsuit alleging that he made “false and defamatory statements,” during his time at the FDA.

The lawsuit, brought by Aurinia Pharmaceuticals, alleges that Tidmarsh used his FDA position to pursue a “longstanding personal vendetta” against the chair of the company’s board of directors, Kevin Tang.

Tang previously served as a board member of several drugmakers where Tidmarsh was an executive, including La Jolla Pharmaceutical, and was involved in his ouster from those leadership positions, according to the lawsuit.

Messages placed to Tidmarsh and his lawyer were not immediately returned late Sunday.

Tidmarsh founded and led a series of pharmaceutical companies over several decades working in California’s pharmaceutical and biotech industries. Before joining the FDA, he also served as an adjunct professor at Stanford University. He was recruited to join the agency over the summer after meeting with FDA Commissioner Marty Makary.

Tidmarsh’s ouster is the latest in a string of haphazard leadership changes at the agency, which has been rocked for months by firings, departures and controversial decisions on vaccines, fluoride and other products.

Dr. Vinay Prasad, who oversees FDA’s vaccine and biologics center, resigned in July after coming under fire from conservative activists close to President Donald Trump, only to rejoin the agency two weeks later at the behest of Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.

The FDA’s drug center, which Tidmarsh oversaw, has lost more than 1,000 staffers over the past year to layoffs or resignations, according to agency figures. The center is the largest division of the FDA and is responsible for the review, safety and quality control of prescription and over-the-counter medicines.

In September, Tidmarsh drew public attention for a highly unusual post on LinkedIn stating that one of Aurinia Pharmaceutical’s products, a kidney drug, had “not been shown to provide a direct clinical benefit for patients.” It’s very unusual for an FDA regulator to single out individual companies and products in public comments online.

According to the company’s lawsuit, Aurinia’s stock dropped 20% shortly after the post, wiping out more than $350 million in shareholder value.

Tidmarsh later deleted the LinkedIn post and said he had posted it in his personal capacity, not as an FDA official.

Aurinia’s lawsuit also alleges, among other things, that Tidmarsh used his post at FDA to target a type of thyroid drug made by another company, American Laboratories, where Tang also serves as board chair.

The lawsuit, filed in U.S. District Court of Maryland, seeks compensatory and punitive damages and “to set the record straight,” according to the company.

The Associated Press Health and Science Department receives support from the Howard Hughes Medical Institute’s Department of Science Education and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. The AP is solely responsible for all content.

Black Bookstore Owners, Government Spies, and Murder

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Texas has grown a bumper crop of book authors and, with that, an ever-expanding list of literary festivals. San Antonio’s sprawls around its towering tomato-red public library every spring. Lubbock daringly throws its in sweaty August, while Boerne awaits the arrival of typically more bearable October weather. Then there’s the biggest of them all: the Texas Book Festival, which will gather some 250 authors in early November and erect a bibliophilic tent city out front of the state Capitol, perhaps ironically the launching pad of myriad political attacks on supposedly intolerable tomes and sinful librarians.

This year’s Austin fest includes a suite of authors whose work the Texas Observer has covered: Steve Harrigan, with Sorrowful Mysteries, his haunting “sideways memoir”  meditation on Portuguese child mystics;Jim Harrington, who recently penned his account of building the Texas Civil Rights Project; and my own true Texas horror story, The Scientist and the Serial Killer.

The festival lineup adds plenty more to Texans’ 2025 must-read lists. Here are three featured nonfiction tales by Texas authors filled with intrigue, espionage, and previously untold backstories.

Black-Owned: The Revolutionary Life of the Black Bookstore by Char Adams. Tiny Reparations Books. November 2025

Char Adams, until recently an NBC News correspondent in Dallas, has a background in edgy contemporary features: She previously worked for People magazine. But her first book takes a historical turn. It’s a compelling compilation of mini-profiles of many unsung heroes of America’s Black-owned bookstores, from a courageous pioneering abolitionist who ran his own store in the 1800s—surviving many attacks on his business and himself—to contemporary owners, like the two sisters who operate The Dock in East Fort Worth.

In each chapter, Adams delves deep into the owners’ biographies, philosophies, and roles, weaving a tapestry that crosses time and space.

“When I went into this project, I knew I had a really big responsibility—there were so many Black booksellers and historians who were and who are counting on me to tell the story right,” Adams told the Observer. “It truly is the first full-length book to chronicle the history of Black-owned bookstores in this country.”

Her book introduces us to many admirable men—and women. Many were pioneers who stood up for emancipation, civil rights, or (particularly in the 1970s) Black nationalism. They sold books that were banned or were simply unavailable elsewhere. They hosted speakers and events and joined local protests. Some died long ago, yet Adams rooted out their words through documents and brought them to life. There’s David Ruggles, the abolitionist who opened the nation’s first Black bookstore, in Manhattan in 1834, when he was sometimes targeted by runaway-slave catchers. And Lewis Michaux, who ran the African National Memorial bookstore in Harlem from the 1930s to the 1970s. 

Adams tracked down and interviewed contemporary owners like James Fugate, of the celebrity-filled Los Angeles bookstore Isso Wan. And Emma Rodgers, a Texan whose Black Images Book Bazaar was born in 1986 from her own desire for more Black children’s books: As Adams writes, “She drove all over Dallas looking for titles with positive images of Black children to add to party favors for her son’s birthday in the late 1970s. Rodgers ultimately found them, but not without great frustration.”

Sadly, the stories of too many Black-owned stores ended after the shops were damaged or destroyed by looting, vandalism, and arson—in the case of one Detroit store, at the hands of local police. The FBI pops up in these pages for its monitoring of bookstore owners. Indeed, Adams’ book was inspired by an Atlantic article she read about “The FBI’s War on Black-Owned Bookstores” in the 1960s and ’70s.

“My interest was piqued in the sense that I wanted to know what that experience was like for booksellers personally,” Adams said. “So I started just tracking down those booksellers and talking to them and getting a vivid picture.” 

Two Kansas couples whose bookstore was targeted weren’t politically active at all. “They just saw a need in their communities. They just saw that Black kids around them did not have a lot of access to books,” Adams told the Observer.

Adams trains a revealing new lens on American history and on the struggles of Black literary leaders. Each store’s success, as she writes, has relied in part on the owners’ courage, tenacity, and vision—and the faithfulness of its patrons.

Adams is particularly skilled at telling stories about American culture and history—from 2020 until March 2025, she covered race and identity for NBC.She witnessed firsthand how Black-owned bookstores saw business surge after shootings of young Black men by police, especially in 2020 after Houston native George Floyd was restrained and killed by Minneapolis police.

Even as she rushed to complete her research, Adams still frequented Black bookstores near her Dallas home, including the older Pan-African Connection and the Blacklit bookstore, which opened in 2022 in Farmers Branch. (Her book includes a list of U.S. stores and booksellers’ recommended reading.) To her, those two Dallas stores represent generational differences—the first being more spiritual and traditional and the second “a carefully designed event space”—yet she considers both “different branches of a single tree.”

Project Mind Control: Sidney Gottlieb, the CIA, and the Tragedy of MKULTRA by John Lisle. St. Martin’s Press. May 2025

John Lisle, a mild-mannered University of Texas at Austin professor who specializes in the history of science, spends a lot of time in voluminous government archives tracking dark secrets that sound like conspiracy theories. He was busy reviewing records in the Library of Congress for his PhD dissertation when he stumbled on previously unpublished accounts of a top-secret CIA mind-control program—the subject of his new book.

Lisle already knew a lot about the odd life and strange career of Sidney Gottlieb, a shadowy scientist who led a program called MKUltra. Gottlieb oversaw mind-control experiments for about two decades that used an “exhaustive number of drugs” as well as hypnotism and myriad other techniques. But he’d largely evaded scrutiny, partly because he destroyed nearly all of his records in the 1970s. 

In the archives, Lisle found sworn statements that he’d never seen published anywhere. His discovery of depositions from Gottlieb and other CIA figures allowed him to build compelling narratives about Gottlieb and MKUltra—and to disclose previously unknown information.

Some early CIA mind-control experiments were conducted (without permission) on government employees, including Frank Olson, a scientist dosed at a work gathering in Maryland who returned home “a totally different person,” according to his wife. The agency whisked Olson away to New York for emergency mental health treatment, but he threw himself out of a 13-story hotel window. An internal CIA investigation blamed Olson’s death on the flawed experiments, Lisle writes, yet they continued unchanged.

Olson’s family eventually sued and won a settlement. But Lisle’s discovery was of depositions in another lawsuit involving people who sued the CIA after being subjected to MKUltra experiments while incarcerated in the Atlanta Federal Penitentiary. As part of that case, an activist civil rights attorney grilled Gottlieb and other key CIA players. 

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Lisle found 823 pages of material, and he uses it to weave a narrative centered on the bizarre scientist: “From the defense’s perspective, Gottlieb’s depositions were a disaster. From the historian’s perspective, they’re a gold mine,” he writes.

Lisle’s book provides new details from insiders about how America’s mind-control program progressed. It eventually included about 149 subprojects conducted by scientists at mental hospitals, military bases, and safe houses. All were funded by CIA money laundered through shell companies and foundations. One redacted subproject list, eventually made public, suggests some experiments were conducted in Texas, possibly at the University of Texas and Texas Christian University.

The author describes some victims: Harold Blauer, a professional tennis player, who was killed during experiments conducted at the New York State Psychiatric Institute in 1953 and whose family received a settlement. And Jimmy Shaver, a 29-year-old father of two stationed at Lackland Air Force Base, who suddenly kidnapped, raped, and murdered a 3-year-old girl in a 1954 incident that he claimed not to recall. Shaver, who had no prior criminal history, was then examined before trial by Louis Jolyon West, the base’s resident psychiatrist, who had been conducting work funded under MKUltra around that same time. 

Lisle devotes little space to allegations raised in another nonfiction book, CHAOS: Charles Manson, the CIA, and the Secret History of the Sixties,by journalist Tom O’’Neill. O’Neill spent years investigating possible ties between Manson and the CIA’s mind-control program and postulated that Manson, a former federal prisoner, might have met West, who visited San Francisco as part of his LSD experiments. In an interview, Lisle expressed skepticism that Manson’s ability to order other “Family” members to kill could have been linked to the CIA’s conducting MKUltra experiments on him. Instead, Lisle suggested that West, the CIA researcher, could have been trying to learn from the cult leader’s techniques. “Manson was actually a lot better [than West] at manipulation,” Lisle told the Observer.

Lisle found only scant information about what happened to the many victims who received the bizarre treatments, including the former Atlanta Federal Penitentiary prisoners who sued the CIA. “I had a really hard time looking up people who were involved in this. It was difficult to find major figures, anyone involved with them, anyone who is willing to talk,” he told the Observer.

I couldn’t help but wonder: What else was in the files Gottlieb purged? 

She Kills: The Murderous Socialite, the Cross-Dressing Bank Robber, and Other True Crime Tales by Skip Hollandsworth. HarperCollins. October 2025

Fans of Skip Hollandsworth, famed chronicler of true crime, will find much to love in this new collection of compelling narratives featuring the dark side of Texas womanhood. It includes many page-turning Texas Monthly features that I had never forgotten, including the 2007 tale of soft-spoken Vickie Dawn Jackson, the goody-two-shoes-nurse-turned-serial-killer dubbed the “Angel of Death” and the 2021 story of “The Notorious Mrs. Mossler,” a deadly high-society Houstonian.

Often, Hollandsworth uses his considerable skills to delve deep beneath the skin of the most complex and bizarre characters, and he frequently uncovers common ground and unexpected insights. He introduces Jackson to his readers, for example, explaining how carefully she tapped small-town resources to make herself pleasing to patients, including those she eventually killed. “Her hair, which she dyed herself at her kitchen sink with Lady Clairol Pale Blonde, would be neatly brushed and pulled back in a little knot on the top of her head—Vickie believed it was important that a nurse never let her hair get in the way of her work—and because she also thought that patients liked nurses who smelled good, she would be wearing a dab of Charlie on her neck, which she’d buy on sale at Wal-Mart.”

His ability to connect and convey folk in far-flung Texas is also apparent in his masterful “Midnight in the Garden of East Texas,” but that story’s disqualified for this collection given that the killer is male. (Fortunately, Richard Linklater made a film about Bernie.)

My favorite part of this story collection is the personalized notes that Hollandsworth uses to stitch it together. In the introduction, Hollandsworth shares how his fascination with crime began and his life changed in the summer of 1974, when he was a preacher’s kid and read about an unsolved crime in his hometown of Wichita Falls.

“When church members asked me what I planned to do when I grew up, I told them I would most likely become a Presbyterian pastor. … Then, on the morning of June 22, I walked into the kitchen and glanced at the local newspaper, the Wichita Falls Record News, that my father had brought in from the yard. Spread across the front page, in heavy two-inch-high block print, was the headline: Millionaire Oilman, Wife Found Dead; Couple Fatally Shot in Home Here.

Throughout the rest of the book, Hollandsworth provides information on that case and other crimes he’s spent his life chronicling. Another standout tale is “The Fugitive,”  his 2008 story about yet another nurse, Deborah Murphey, an apparently law-abiding wife and mother in East Texas who was suddenly arrested by out-of-state bounty hunters to the shock of her friends and neighbors. “‘The nicest lady in the world turned into an escapee from the law,’ marveled Linda Veitch, the owner of the town’s biggest beauty salon, the Hair Depot,” he wrote.

Hollandsworth’s investigation of Murphey’s unusual arrest revealed she’d been convicted of armed robbery as a teen more than three decades prior. She’d subsequently managed to escape from a Georgia prison, only after being repeatedly abused by a trio of guards. He found evidence of a broader culture of abuse of female prisoners in those years. An attorney who filed suit on behalf of other victims told Hollandsworth that several inmates had “mentioned [Murphey] and the abuse she had been forced to endure.” 

That compelling tale became a game-changing investigation. Outraged readers contacted the governor’s offices in Georgia and Texas, creating a wave of support for Murphey. Ultimately, the Georgia Department of Corrections didn’t pursue extradition, and Murphey, according to Hollandsworth’s postscript, was able to continue her life as a law-abiding Texan.

Hollandsworth’s previous book, Midnight Assassin, chronicles an unidentified ax murderer—Austin’s own Jack the Ripper, a complex historic mystery that he investigated and told without being able to interview a single living witness. Still, I think Hollandsworth’s superpower is his ability to connect with people and get them to make surprising or even shocking admissions.

I’m hoping Hollandsworth’s next book is a memoir. I’d like to hear more about the lessons he’s learned as a Texas true crime writer and how his own life changed by forging deep connections with so many notorious, tragic, eccentric, and downright strange characters. Sometimes, as he told me, he winds up “inside their lives.”

For more Observer books coverage, see texasobserver.org/topics/books.

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