Kremlin calls transportation minister’s death ‘tragic’ but gives no clues about his apparent suicide

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MOSCOW (AP) — The apparent suicide of Russia’s transportation minister brought expressions of shock and sorrow Tuesday from the Kremlin but no new clues as to why Roman Starovoit might have taken his own life amid media speculation that he potentially was facing corruption charges.

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Starovoit, who served in his post for little over a year, was found dead from a gunshot wound — news that broke hours after a decree was issued Monday by President Vladimir Putin that dismissed the 53-year-old Cabinet member.

Starovoit’s body was found in the Odintsovo district just west of the capital that is home to many members of Russia’s elite, according to the Investigative Committee, the country’s top criminal investigation agency. It said that a criminal probe was launched into his death and investigators saw suicide as the most likely cause.

The agency said Starovoit’s body was found in his car, but Russian media that carried images from the scene later reported that he was found dead in a small park next to a parking lot where he left his Tesla and a pistol presented to him as an official gift was at his side.

The reports said Starovoit’s personal assistant was asked to identify his body and she was seen weeping afterward.

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov refused to comment on the circumstances of Starovoit’s death, saying that investigators will have to determine the details.

“Such information is always tragic and sad,” Peskov said, noting that Putin was immediately informed about it. “Naturally, we were shocked by it.”

Russian media reported that Starovoit’s dismissal and his death could have been linked to an investigation into the embezzlement of state funds allocated for building fortifications in the Kursk region, where he was governor for five years before becoming transportation minister.

Starovoit’s successor as governor, Alexei Smirnov, stepped down in December and was arrested on embezzlement charges in April. Some Russian media have claimed that Smirnov had told investigators about Starovoit’s alleged involvement in the corruption scheme and his arrest appeared inevitable.

Some commentators even alleged that Starovoit’s associates in higher echelons could have ordered his killing to avoid exposure.

The alleged embezzlement has been cited as one reason behind the Russian military’s failure to stem a surprise August 2024 incursion in the region by Ukrainian troops that quickly overwhelmed lightly armed Russian border guards and inexperienced army conscripts. The incursion humiliated the Kremlin — the first time the country’s territory was occupied by an invader since World War II.

The Russian military announced in April that its troops had fully reclaimed the border territory nearly nine months after losing chunks of the region. Ukraine had disputed that assertion.

On July 1, former Deputy Defense Minister Timur Ivanov was convicted on charges of embezzlement and money laundering and sentenced to 13 years in prison in a high-profile case that exposed rampant military corruption widely blamed for Moscow’s military setbacks in Ukraine.

Ivanov was the most visible figure in a far-ranging probe into alleged military graft that also targeted several other top officials who were close to former Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu. Shoigu, a veteran official who had personal ties to Putin, survived the purge of his inner circle and was given a high-profile post of secretary of Russia’s Security Council.

Ivanov, 49, was named deputy defense minister in 2016 and oversaw military construction projects, as well as property management, housing and medical support for the troops. He was known for his lavish lifestyle that outraged many in Moscow just as the fighting in Ukraine exposed glaring deficiencies in Russian military organization and supplies that resulted in battlefield setbacks.

Putin named Andrei Nikitin, who served as deputy transport minister, to replace Starovoit. Lawmakers in the lower house of Russian parliament quickly endorsed his appointment on Tuesday.

Starovoit, who was divorced, is survived by two teenage daughters.

Pastors who endorse political candidates shouldn’t lose tax-exempt status, IRS says in filing

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By FATIMA HUSSEIN

WASHINGTON (AP) — The IRS says pastors who endorse political candidates from the pulpit should not have to risk losing their tax-exempt status.

The move effectively calls for a carve out for religious organizations from the rarely used IRS rule called the Johnson Amendment, put in place in 1954 and named after then-Sen. Lyndon Johnson.

In a joint court filing intended to end an ongoing case against the IRS, the tax collection agency and the National Religious Broadcasters Association — a Evangelical media consortium — and other plaintiffs have asked a federal court in Texas to stop the government from enforcing the Johnson Amendment against the plaintiffs.

The Johnson Amendment is a 1954 amendment to the U.S. tax code that prohibits tax-exempt organizations, including churches, from endorsing or opposing political candidates.

The Christian media group and others filed suit against the IRS last August, stating that the amendment violates their First Amendment rights to the freedom of speech and free exercise of religion, among other legal protections. On Monday, the IRS and plaintiffs wrote that the Johnson Amendment should be interpreted “so that it does not reach communications from a house of worship to its congregation in connection with religious services through its usual channels of communication on matters of faith.”

The New York Times was first to report the news of the court filing.

The IRS has generally not enforced the Johnson Amendment against houses of worship for speech related to electoral politics.

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President Donald Trump has said he wanted to get rid of the Johnson Amendment and signed an executive order in 2017 directing Treasury to disregard the rule.

“I will get rid of and totally destroy the Johnson Amendment and allow our representatives of faith to speak freely and without fear of retribution,” Trump said at a National Prayer Breakfast in 2017, which is a high-profile event bringing together faith leaders, politicians and dignitaries.

Representatives from the IRS and the National Religious Broadcasters Association did not respond to an Associated Press request for comment.

Earlier this year, Republican lawmakers introduced legislation to remove the Johnson Amendment.

I Remember the 2002 Fourth of July Hill Country Floods. This Year, the Water Returned.

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On July 4, 2002, my childhood home just south of Kerr County flooded after a heavy rainstorm moved through the Texas Hill Country, hitting the headwaters that feed the Medina and Guadalupe rivers hard. That morning 23 years ago, I, age 8, woke up in a cabin at an overnight summer camp near Kerrville rattled but safe after a night of timber-shaking thunder and rain, not knowing that 20 miles away my mother and brother were taking refuge in the attic of our home as the waters rose around them. 

Twenty-three years later, over this past Fourth of July weekend, I was attending a small family wedding in Boerne, hearing about nearly 30 missing camp girls, around the same age I was all those years ago, who were swept away overnight by a wall of floodwater from the Guadalupe River. It’s a different camp, different year, different creek, but the same story. This story—the one where the Hill Country experiences devastating and unexpected flash floods following an intense period of extended drought—is a familiar one for those of us who grew up in the area. 

There was a six-year drought in the 1950s that ended with floods in the spring of 1957. There was the extreme drought of 1970 and 1971 that ended with floods in August of 1971. There were dry summers in 1967, 1978, 1991, and 1998, all of which were followed by flooding caused by remnants of tropical storms and hurricanes. This isn’t to mention the infamous 1987 flood that washed away a bus carrying 43 campers near Comfort, resulting in the deaths of 10 teenagers, a tragedy that old-timers still talk about today in hushed voices.

Extreme flooding events are nothing new to Texas. Neither are droughts. And the first does tend to follow the second here. This weather reality has likely been exacerbated by climate change, with models projecting warming ocean waters leading to more severe and more frequent rainfall events, partnered with and exacerbated by extreme heat. John Nielsen-Gammon, the Texas state climatologist and a Texas A&M meteorology professor, has found a 20 to 40 percent increase in extreme rainfall over the past century. This trend is in line with global projections of more frequent extreme weather. 

In the parts of the Hill Country known as “Flash Flood Alley,” a geographic area subject to rapid onset flooding, the changing climate, manifested through extreme weather paired with the distinctly harsh and rugged landscape, can lead to particularly deadly scenarios. The Balcones Escarpment, which forms the eastern edge of the Hill Country and runs westward, is a geological feature that has steep terrain, limestone, shallow soils, and narrow river channels: a recipe for fast and erosive flood waters. Paired with frequent drought, the terrain of much of the Hill Country dips, dives, and rolls, crafting perfect funnels for water when it does eventually rain.

In the summer of 2002, much of South Texas and the Hill Country was experiencing a bad drought. On June 30, that changed. It began to rain. A lot. There had been isolated thunderstorms in the days prior, but nothing like what was to follow. Before dawn on July 1, heavy rain began to hammer Bexar and Bandera Counties. The San Antonio International Airport received 9.52 inches of rain, setting a record not just for the historic daily rainfall but for the entire month. July 2 wasn’t much better, with rains hammering the region once more. Heavy rainfall continued off and on until July 6.

Needless to say, Wallace Creek, which flowed through the back edge of our 10 acres, and all other waterways throughout the area flooded. Badly. My family was spread out across the Hill Country—my sister in Comfort with an aunt and uncle, me at a camp near Kerrville, my dad and oldest brother staying a few miles from our house with a fellow volunteer firefighter and family friend, and my mom and my other brother at our house. The water came from the headwaters upriver, farther west and north of our family home. The rain funneled into those tributaries, gathering and spiraling down into and beyond the little valley where our house huddled.

Much like the most recent rains that devastated Hunt, Kerrville, and Ingram, the water came fast and hard. Under the cover of nightfall, Wallace Creek, usually 102 feet across at its widest and one foot deep at its deepest, stretched out of its banks toward our house, over 200 yards away, before swallowing it nearly to the roofline. My brother, having heard the rain hammering the tin roof of our little home, woke up, immediately slipping on his house shoes before shuffling off to my room to look out the window. He stood there, staring into the darkness until lightning flashed, and he was eye-level with swirling brown flood waters lapping against the glass panes. A terrifying beat of confusion, then a scream from my mother across the house as she surely saw the same thing. He pivoted backward, suddenly aware of the water pooling around his feet. They tried to flee, but there was nowhere to go. There was no escape. The house was already underwater. In haste and panic, my mom grabbed her favorite shoes and her chihuahua, Zorro. My brother, his most cherished teapot.

They fled up a rickety drop-down ladder to the attic as they watched the water rise higher and higher, the rain pounding the roof just inches from their heads. My mom and brother spent hours in the attic waiting for the water to drop enough to flee. Emergency services, which were largely volunteers located over 30 miles away, could not reach them. My father, some eight miles away, tried to contact my mom and brother to no avail. When he reached out to other volunteers who were closer to where we lived, he was told that they could only see the roof and that everything else was underwater. He was told there was no sign of his wife or his stepson and that no one was answering the phone. There was no one and nothing to help them.

Eventually, a neighbor with a backhoe drove up to the house when the water dropped to see if anyone was still around, and they were able to evacuate. My brother rode in the bucket as the backhoe navigated the flood waters. They ended up sheltering across Wallace Creek at the Medina Children’s Home. When they turned on the TV, the 1995 film Waterworld was playing.

What happens after the flood and the waters have receded? What comes after all that is left are fractured memories and moldy floorboards? 

The camp I was at got around 30 inches of rain. The cabins, which were on relatively high ground and several hundred yards from the creek, were safe. We were safe. We spent the day doing service work for the camp, picking up dead fish stranded by the receding water and chasing one another around with living crawfish, which we eventually released back into the muddy creek. My mother worked at that camp in the front office. When I went to say hello after breakfast, my mom’s coworker stood out on the porch and told me she took the day off and would be in tomorrow, a strained smile on his face. In reality, she hadn’t called in, and they couldn’t reach her. They had no idea if she was alive. I wasn’t informed about the flooding at home until I was picked up at the end of the week. 

We don’t know exactly how much rain fell on our home. The rain gauge ended up underwater. However, from reports written up after the fact, I can safely assume we received upwards of 35 inches of rain. To put things into perspective, Hurricane Katrina dumped up to 15 inches of rain on New Orleans; the heaviest rainfall during Hurricane Harvey in Houston reached 50 inches. But such measurements can’t quite explain the devastation of such events. 

When I returned home after the creek receded, things were different. Mud and sand lined our floors. I could look up at the water stains, showing the high-water marks well over my head. I found bass the size of housecats dead and rotting out in the fields. There were holes in the walls of our house where flood water and debris forced their way in. The wood flooring buckled from water damage, and the rugs were ruined. There was no power and, ironically, no water. The birthday present given to me later that summer (a stuffed animal mouse) was stained purple halfway up its torso from the flooding: a reminder of rising waters that sticks in my memory to this day. We had a few new kayaks from upriver stuck up in the live oaks. The tree across the highway where my great-grandparents once courted one another had been felled. There was a truck-size hole in the back field from Wallace Creek churning and pulling up massive chunks of soil and carrying them off somewhere downriver. Twelve people died during the 2002 floods. Ours was just one of the 48,000 homes damaged by the flooding. 

What happens after the flood and the waters have receded? What comes after all that is left are fractured memories and moldy floorboards? 

Flash floods seem to come from nowhere—unexpected, sudden, terrifying. They seemingly manifest as sudden and inevitable events. This simply isn’t accurate, though. Weather events such as the one that led to the 2002 floods were exacerbated by a number of things: an ongoing drought, weather patterns leading up to the rain, as well as the implementation of policies and practices of the landowners near the headwaters. There were other things that directly influenced why our house, in particular, was dealt such a hard blow compared to those immediately around us. We lived in a valley where a caliche county road snaked around and behind us, tilting uphill. All of the runoff from the rain that hit our neighbors further up the county road surged down into our little valley at speed. Our house was essentially at the bottom of a funnel crafted long before we lived there. This, all on top of the surging waters from Wallace Creek. The flood did not come from nowhere: It was an effect of larger historical, structural, and environmental processes.

If this is true, though, then who is to be held accountable for the destruction that follows such processes? Everyone? No one?  The federal or state government? Local officials? Individual politicians? Voters? When our home flooded, my father blamed those upriver who built dams, trapping Wallace Creek’s water so they could have a swimming hole, which ultimately dried out our part of the creek. Flood waters spread faster over dry land. My mother blamed everything, including her own bad luck, but she especially blamed the fact that the house hadn’t previously been marked as in a flood zone by the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), which left them unaware of the danger when they bought the house. Things aren’t in a flood plain until, suddenly, they are. But who is to say that any one thing is responsible for flooding events like these? Blame for such sudden and widespread damage and violence is hard to pin down. 

In the weeks after the 2002 flood, I, the youngest in my family by eight years, was sent away to my grandparents for a bright summer spent swimming in their pool, eating popsicles, and playing cards. My older siblings and parents stayed at our house and tried to undo the damage wrought by the flood. There isn’t any way to undo that damage, though. No matter how much you scrub the floors, walls, and windows, there will still be a trace left behind.

The floodwaters infiltrated our home and memories for years to come. The creek that I so loved had caused such drastic damage to my home, entirely changing the landscape. It destabilized my sense of place. Not only did the flood literally change the physical geography of my home, but it also changed my memory. It changed the way I marked time and space. There was a before and after the flood. We were forever remembering the flood.

What happened in Kerrville on July 4, 2025, is both new and familiar. It’s like the stories that I’ve heard recounted at the dinner table, over coffee at the local diner, in newspapers framed on walls, in TikTok stories and Instagram posts. It’s a story eerily similar to what happened in Wimberley in 2015, in Bandera County in 2002, in Comfort in 1987, and in Lampasas in 1957. The list goes on. 

There were people who came to help us try and undo the damage wrought on our lives in 2002. Before I was sent away, I recall FEMA showing up at the end of our long gravel driveway. We—my siblings, parents, and I—were all outside wearing gloves and pulling debris out of the fence line while industrial fans from Home Depot ran at full speed inside the house, trying to dry out the flooring. The FEMA representatives, who never made it past the front gate, asked a few questions about how we were faring before giving us a red plastic bucket and a mop. Even at age 8, I knew the inadequacy of such a gesture, no matter the intent behind it. 

This memory is counterposed by another. A Saturday when family friends, coworkers, and neighbors showed up in force to help clear debris, fix fences, clean, and cook. With the communal labor came a sense of joy and comradery: jokes shared over teetering wheelbarrows, sweaty brows, and calloused hands—smiles and laughter. I may not know who is to be held responsible for such catastrophes, but I have a sense of to whom we, as community members struck by such violence, are responsible. One another. 

We lived in that house for another 15 years, the high-water marks still visible on the cypress trees down by the creek. We built a berm between ourselves and the creek. Every hard rain, we would trek up the little rise and stare at the creek warily, watching and waiting for it to reach out of its banks again. In 2016, my parents sold the home. I haven’t stepped foot in those waters in nearly a decade, but I can still hear the rushing sound echoing across the years and haunting my memory every time a drought ends.

The post I Remember the 2002 Fourth of July Hill Country Floods. This Year, the Water Returned. appeared first on The Texas Observer.

Impostor uses AI to impersonate Rubio and contact foreign and US officials

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By MATTHEW LEE, AP Diplomatic Writer

WASHINGTON (AP) — The State Department is warning U.S. diplomats of attempts to impersonate Secretary of State Marco Rubio and possibly other officials using technology driven by artificial intelligence, according to two senior officials and a cable sent last week to all embassies and consulates.

The warning came after the department discovered that an impostor posing as Rubio had attempted to reach out to at least three foreign ministers, a U.S. senator and a governor, according to the July 3 cable, which was first reported by The Washington Post.

The recipients of the scam messages, which were sent by text, Signal and voice mail, were not identified in the cable, a copy of which was shared with The Associated Press.

“The State Department is aware of this incident and is currently investigating the matter,” it said. “The department takes seriously its responsibility to safeguard its information and continuously takes steps to improve the department’s cybersecurity posture to prevent future incidents.”

It declined to comment further due to “security reasons” and the ongoing investigation.

One of the officials said the hoaxes had been unsuccessful and “not very sophisticated.” Nonetheless, the second official said the department deemed it “prudent” to advise all employees and foreign governments, particularly as efforts by foreign actors to compromise information security increase.

The officials were not authorized to discuss the matter publicly and spoke on condition of anonymity.

“There is no direct cyber threat to the department from this campaign, but information shared with a third party could be exposed if targeted individuals are compromised,” the cable said.

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The FBI warned in a public service announcement this past spring of a “malicious text and voice messaging campaign” in which unidentified “malicious actors” have been impersonating senior U.S. government officials.

The scheme, according to the FBI, has relied on text messages and AI-generated voice messages that purport to come from a senior U.S. official and that aim to dupe other government officials as well as the victim’s associates and contacts.

It is the second high-level Trump administration official to face such AI-driven impersonation.

The government was investigating after elected officials, business executives and other prominent figures received messages from someone impersonating President Donald Trump’s chief of staff, Susie Wiles. Text messages and phone calls went out from someone who seemed to have gained access to the contacts in Wiles’ personal cellphone, The Wall Street Journal reported in May.

Some of those who received calls heard a voice that sounded like Wiles, which may have been generated by artificial intelligence, according to the newspaper. The messages and calls were not coming from Wiles’ number, the report said.

AP writer Eric Tucker contributed to this report.