Homeland Security removes age limits for ICE recruits to boost hiring for Trump deportations

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By REBECCA SANTANA

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Department of Homeland Security said Wednesday that it is removing age limits for new hires at the agency responsible for immigration enforcement, as it aims to expand hiring after a massive infusion of cash from Congress.

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The department said in a news release that it would waive age limits for new applicants so “even more patriots will qualify to join ICE,” the agency responsible for finding, arresting, detaining and removing people who are in the U.S. illegally.

The agency is at the center of the Trump administration’s efforts to carry out President Donald Trump’s mass deportation agenda. Earlier this summer Congress passed a spending bill that gives ICE money to hire 10,000 more staff.

Currently, ICE applicants must be 21 years old and no older than 37 or 40, depending on what position they are applying for.

In an interview with Fox & Friends, Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem said applicants could be as young as 18.

“We no longer have a cap on how old you can be or you can continue at age 18, sign up for ICE and join us and be a part of it. We’ll get you trained and ready to be equipped to go out on the streets and help protect families,” Noem said.

The department said all recruits would have to go through medical and drug screening and complete a physical fitness test.

ICE earlier announced a recruiting campaign aimed at finding and hiring the deportation officers, investigators and lawyers it will need to meet its hiring goals.

As part of that campaign the agency is offering an eye-catching bonus of up to $50,000 for new recruits as well as other benefits like student loan forgiveness and abundant overtime for deportation officers.

Army base in Georgia is on lockdown after report of an active shooter, spokesperson tells AP

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SAVANNAH, Ga. (AP) — Parts of the Fort Stewart in southeast Georgia were locked down Wednesday after an active shooter was reported on the sprawling Army post, a spokesperson said.

Fort Stewart said in a Facebook post that “casualties have been reported and the situation is ongoing.” It’s unclear whether casualties include injuries, deaths or both.

“We are currently assessing the situation but we can confirm an active shooter,” Lt. Col. Angel Tomko said.

A post on Fort Stewart’s Facebook page told all personnel in the locked down area to “stay inside, close and lock all windows and doors.”

Located about 40 miles southwest of Savannah, Fort Stewart is the largest Army post east of the Mississippi River. It’s home to thousands of soldiers assigned to the Army’s 3rd Infantry Division and family members.

“Due to the lockdown status all gates on Fort Stewart are currently closed,” the fort said on social media.

Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp is in contact with responding law enforcement, he said in a statement. U.S. Rep. Buddy Carter, whose district includes Fort Stewart, said in an online post that he’s monitoring the shooting.

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Survivors of Israel’s pager attack on Hezbollah last year struggle to recover

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By BASSEM MROUE and SARAH EL DEEB, Associated Press

BAZOURIEH, Lebanon (AP) — Her head heavy with a cold, Sarah Jaffal woke up late and shuffled into the kitchen. The silence of the apartment was pierced by the unfamiliar buzzing of a pager lying near a table.

Annoyed but curious, the 21-year-old picked up the device belonging to a family member. She saw a message: “Error,” then “Press OK.”

Jaffal didn’t have time to respond. She didn’t even hear the explosion.

“Suddenly everything went dark,” she said. “I felt I was in a whirlpool.” She was in and out of consciousness for hours, blood streaming from her mouth, excruciating pain in her fingertips.

At that moment on Sept. 17, 2024, thousands of pagers distributed to the Hezbollah group were blowing up in homes, offices, shops and on frontlines across Lebanon, remotely detonated by Israel. Hezbollah had been firing rockets into Israel almost daily for nearly a year in solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza.

After years of planning, Israel had infiltrated the supply chain of Hezbollah, the most powerful of Iran’s armed proxies in the Middle East. It used shell companies to sell the rigged devices to commercial associates of Hezbollah in an operation aimed at disrupting the Iran-backed group’s communication networks and harming and disorienting its members.

The pager attack was stunning in its scope. It wounded more than 3,000 people and killed 12, including two children.

Sarah Jaffal, 21, who was wounded in the pagers attack carried out by Israel on September 17, 2024, reacts during a therapy session at a rehabilitation center in the southern port city of Tyre, Lebanon, Wednesday, May 28, 2025. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)

Israel boasts of it as a show of its technological and intelligence prowess. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu recently presented U.S. President Donald Trump with a golden pager as a gift.

Human rights and United Nations reports, however, say the attack may have violated international law, calling it indiscriminate.

Hezbollah, also a major Shiite political party with a wide network of social institutions, has acknowledged that most of those wounded and killed were its fighters or personnel. The simultaneous explosions in populated areas, however, also wounded many civilians like Jaffal, who was one of four women along with 71 men who received medical treatment in Iran. Hezbollah won’t say how many civilians were hurt, but says most were relatives of the group’s personnel or workers in Hezbollah-linked institutions, including hospitals.

Ten months later, survivors are on a slow, painful path to recovery. They are easily identifiable, with missing eyes, faces laced with scars, hands with missing fingers — signs of the moment when they checked the buzzing devices. The scars also mark them as a likely Hezbollah member or a dependent.

Rare interviews

For weeks after the attack, The Associated Press attempted to reach survivors, who stayed out of the public eye. Many spent weeks outside Lebanon for medical treatment. Most in the group’s tight-knit community remained quiet while Hezbollah investigated the massive security breach.

The AP also contacted Hezbollah and its association treating those affected by the attacks to see if they could facilitate contacts. The group, at war with Israel for decades, is also one of the most powerful political factions in Lebanon, with members holding nearly 10% of parliament seats and two ministerial posts. It has its own security apparatus and offers extensive health, religious and other social and commercial services in southern and eastern Lebanon and parts of Beirut.

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A representative of Hezbollah’s Association of Wounded did share with AP the contacts of eight people who had expressed readiness to share their stories. The AP independently contacted them, and six agreed to be interviewed. They included Jaffal and another woman, two 12-year-old children and two men, one a preacher, the other a fighter.

All are family members of Hezbollah officials or fighters. All lost fingers. Shrapnel lodged under their skin. The men were blinded. The women and children each lost one eye, with the other damaged.

There were no minders present, and no questions were off-limits. Some declined to answer questions about the identity or role of the pager’s owner, identifying them only as relatives.

The hours of interviews offered a rare glimpse into the attack’s human toll. Survivors described how the incessantly buzzing pagers exploded when picked up, whether they pressed a button or not. Some said their ears still ring from the blast.

”I’ve put up with so much pain I never imagined I could tolerate,” said Jaffal, a university graduate.

The survivors expressed ongoing support for Hezbollah but acknowledged the security breach. They blamed Israel for their wounds.

Mustafa Choeib, 35, who was wounded in the pagers attack carried out by Israel on Sept. 17, 2024, shares a tender moment with his daughter at their home in the village of Borj Rahhal, southern Lebanon, Monday, April 28, 2025. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)

Rights groups have argued the attack was indiscriminate because the pagers detonated in populated areas, and it was nearly impossible to know who was holding the devices or where they were when they exploded. The preacher, Mustafa Choeib, recalled that his two young daughters used to play with his pager and he sometimes found it among their toys.

Israel’s Mossad spy agency declined to comment on AP questions about those allegations. But Israeli security officials have rejected that the attack was indiscriminate, saying the pagers were exclusively sold to Hezbollah members and that tests were conducted to ensure that only the person holding the pager would be harmed.

A turning point for Hezbollah

The pagers were the opening strike in an Israeli campaign that would cripple Hezbollah.

The day after the pager bombings, Hezbollah walkie-talkies exploded in another Israeli attack that killed at least 25 people and injured over 600, according to Lebanon’s health ministry. Israel then launched a campaign of airstrikes that killed Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah and hundreds of other militants and civilians. The war ended with a ceasefire in November.

Nine months later, Israel stunned and weakened Iran with a campaign of airstrikes that targeted Iranian nuclear sites, senior military officials and symbols of the Islamic Republic’s grip.

Hezbollah, meanwhile, has been left reeling. Besides the military blow, the group is left with the financial and psychological burden of thousands who need long-term medical treatment and recovery.

Pagers are widely seen as outdated, but they were a main part of Hezbollah’s communication network. Nasrallah had repeatedly warned against cellphones. Israel could easily track them, he said.

With old pagers breaking down, the group ordered new ones. Israel sold the rigged devices through shell companies.

According to a Hezbollah official, the group had ordered 15,000 pagers. Only 8,000 arrived, and nearly half were distributed to members. Others destined for Lebanon were intercepted in Turkey days after the attack when Hezbollah tipped off officials there.

Hezbollah’s investigation into how its communications networks were infiltrated found that the purchase of the rigged pagers resulted from negligence, and its officials were cleared of suspicions of collaborating with Israel, the official said, speaking on condition of anonymity to discuss the probe.

Some Hezbollah members had complained the new pagers were too bulky. Some didn’t use them because batteries died quickly or heated up.

Zeinab Mestrah, 26, who was wounded in the pagers attack carried out by Israel on September 17, 2024, is seen reflected in a mirror at the very spot where she was injured, in Beirut’s southern suburb of Dahiyeh, Lebanon, Friday, April 25, 2025. A portrait of Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah hangs on the wall above her. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)

Hospitals were like a ‘slaughterhouse’

The simultaneous explosions spread chaos and panic in Lebanon. Hospitals were overwhelmed.

It was like a “slaughterhouse,” Zeinab Mestrah said.

Until she reached a hospital, Mestrah thought an explosion in an electricity cable had blinded her, not the pager of a relative, a Hezbollah member.

“People didn’t recognize each other. Families were shouting out their relatives’ names to identify them,” she recalled from her home in Beirut.

Doctors mainly stopped her bleeding. Five days later, the 26-year-old interior decorator and event planner traveled to Iran for treatment. Her right eye was saved, with shrapnel removed.

The first thing she saw after 10 days of darkness was her mother. She also lost the tips of three fingers on her right hand. Her ears still ring today.

Mestrah said her recovery has delayed plans to find a new career. She realizes she cannot resume her old one.

The next thing she looks forward to is her wedding, to her fiance of eight years.

“He is half my recovery,” she said.

The representative of Hezbollah’s Association of Wounded said none of those injured has fully recovered. He spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to address the media.

Mahdi Sheri, 23, who was wounded in the pagers attack carried out by Israel on September 17, 2024, speaks during an interview with The Associated Press in Beirut’s southern suburb of Burj al-Barajneh, Lebanon, Monday, May 12, 2025. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)

A Hezbollah fighter struck

Mahdi Sheri, a 23-year-old Hezbollah fighter, had been ordered back to the frontline on the day of the attack. Before leaving, he charged his pager and spent time with family. For his security, no mobile phones were allowed in the house while he was there.

There were many drones in the sky that day.

His pager usually vibrated. This time, it beeped. He approached to check for Hezbollah warnings or directives. He saw the message: “Error,” then “Press OK.” He followed the prompt.

He felt a sharp pain in his head and eyes. His bed was covered in blood. Thinking he had been hit by a drone, he stumbled outside and passed out.

He was first treated in Syria, then in Iraq as hospitals in Lebanon struggled to handle the high number of patients. Shrapnel was removed from his left eye socket and he had a prosthetic eye installed.

For a while, he could see shadows with his remaining eye. With time, that dimmed. He can no longer play football. Hezbollah is helping him find a new job. Sheri realizes it’s impossible now to find a role alongside Hezbollah fighters.

He asked his fiancée if she wanted to move on. She refused. They married during a video call while he was in Iraq, a month after his injury.

“Nothing stood in our way,” Sheri said. He moves between southern Lebanon and Beirut’s southern suburbs, where his wife lives and studies to be a nurse.

The community is shaken. Some children fear coming near their fathers, he said.

“It not only affects us but also those around us.”

Hussein Dheini, 12, who was wounded in the pagers attack carried out by Israel on September 17, 2024, stands next to his mother, Faten Haidar, at the entrance of their home in the village of Teir Debba, southern Lebanon, Thursday, May 1, 2025. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)

A boy with a face full of scars

In southern Lebanon, 12-year-old Hussein Dheini picked up the pager that belonged to his father, a Hezbollah member. The explosion cost the boy his right eye and damaged his left. It blew off the tips of two fingers on his right hand. On his left hand, the pinky and middle finger remain.

His teeth were blown out. His grandmother picked them off the couch, along with the tip of his nose.

“It was a nightmare,” said his mother, Faten Haidar.

The boy, a member of Hezbollah scouts, the group’s youth movement, had been talented at reciting the Quran. Now he struggles to pace his breathing. He can read with one eye but is quickly exhausted. The family has moved to a ground-floor apartment so he climbs fewer stairs.

He wears glasses now. Pink scars crisscross his face and his reconstructed nose. He spends more time with other children injured like him, and only goes to school for exams. Dheini can’t go swimming with his father, since sea or river water could harm his wounds.

“Before, I used to spend a lot of time on my phone. I used to run and go to school,” the boy said. “Now I go to Beirut” for treatment.

Impatience to rebuild a life

Jaffal has had 45 surgeries in nine months. More will come, including reconstructive surgery on her face and fingers. Two fingers are fused. Four are missing.

She is waiting for a prosthetic right eye. Further surgeries on her left one have been delayed. She can recognize people and places she knows, though she relies more on memory than vision.

The loss of sensation in her fingertips is disorienting. The nerve pain elsewhere is sharp. Weekly physiotherapy reminds her of how much is still ahead.

The driven, inquisitive woman leans on her faith to summon patience.

“God only burdens us with what we can bear,” she said.

She has spoken in religious gatherings at Hezbollah’s invitation about her recovery and resilience. Her biggest fear is becoming dependent.

An information technology graduate, she used to produce videos of family celebrations and events — a career she wanted to explore. Now she watches videos on her phone, though they are blurry.

She giggles to ease the discomfort, and enjoys taking the lead when meeting with fellow victims because she can see better than most.

“I forget my wounds when I see another wounded,” she said.

Associated Press writer Josef Federman in Jerusalem contributed to this report.

New federal school voucher program poses a quandary for states: Opt in or opt out?

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By Robbie Sequeira, Stateline.org

When President Donald Trump signed the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, he gave state leaders — not federal regulators — the power to decide whether and how to participate in the first-ever national tax credit scholarship program.

That decision now looms largest in blue states, where Democratic governors and lawmakers must weigh whether to reject the law outright on ideological grounds — or try to reshape it into something that reflects their own values.

“This isn’t the federal voucher program we were worried about five years ago,” said Jon Valant, a senior fellow in governance studies at the left-leaning Brookings Institution who testified before Congress on earlier versions of the bill. “It still has serious problems — but states now have tools to mold it into something they might actually support.”

The final law gives states wide discretion, he said. They can opt out entirely. They can opt in passively, leaving the program to operate as written. Or, as Valant suggests, they can try to redraw its footprint — focusing less on private school tuition and more on public school supports like tutoring, transportation and enrichment services in underserved districts.

“My hope is that blue states take a hard look and ask: Can this be used to address our own needs?”

For progressives and education advocates who are wary of school vouchers, the decision is fraught. Opting in could draw criticism for approving what many see as a vehicle for privatization of K-12 education. But opting out could mean turning down federal dollars — education money that states with budding or robust private school voucher infrastructures, such as Arizona and Florida, will gladly take.

“There’s money on the table, and it can be used for more than just private school tuition,” Valant said. “If blue states want to keep that money from reinforcing inequality, they’ll have to get creative, and act fast.”

Since 2020, private school choice programs — once limited to low-income or special needs students — have rapidly expanded.

In 2023, $6.3 billion was spent nationwide on private school choice programs — less than 1% of total public K-12 operational spending, according to EdChoice, a nonprofit that advocates for school choice measures. From 2023-24 to 2024-25, participation in universal private school choice programs surged nearly 40%, growing from roughly 584,000 to 805,000 students in just one school year.

By 2026-27, about half of all U.S. students will be eligible, according to estimates by FutureEd, an independent think tank at Georgetown University.

These trends, combined with new federal tax credit, could fundamentally reshape the education funding landscape across state governments, experts say.

“States will need to decide whether to encourage the redirection of funding to support private and religious schools — either by expanding existing voucher programs or, if they don’t have one, by introducing such a program for the first time,” said Sasha Pudelski, director of advocacy for AASA, The School Superintendents Association. The group opposes the national voucher plan.

State regulations

As of this May, 21 states operated tax credit scholarship programs with varying degrees of funding and oversight. According to the EdChoice Friedman Index, the states of Florida, Arkansas, Arizona and Alabama rank highest in private school access, with 100% of students eligible for school choice programs.

Some states, like Florida and Arizona, already have extensive tax credit scholarship systems. Others, including Texas, are building new infrastructure such as statewide voucher programs and education savings accounts, known as ESAs.

States with no current programs face decisions about participation, regulation and equity, but without clear federal guardrails, education advocates told Stateline.

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The federal policy builds on existing state-level tax credit scholarship programs — such as Alabama’s — but significantly expands eligibility, removes scholarship caps and broadens allowable uses to include not just tuition, but also tutoring, therapy, transportation and academic support services. Beginning in 2027, scholarships will be excluded from federal taxable income.

Valant, of Brookings, told Stateline that some of his initial concerns were addressed in the version of the bill signed into law.

“There was a very realistic scenario in the earlier version of the bill where a small number of very wealthy people could essentially make money off this,” Valant said. “That was mostly addressed.”

The enacted version eliminates stock donations and caps individual tax credits at $1,700. And with states that opt in having the power to shape their own program, Valant said that gives them the chance to establish their own guardrails, such as income eligibility caps or nondiscrimination policies for participating schools.

The scholarship-granting organizations, known as SGOs, would then be subject to new state regulations about where the money can go.

“States could say SGOs can’t give money to schools that discriminate based on sexual orientation. … There’s quite a lot of room here for state regulation,” he said.

Looking ahead, Valant said he’ll be watching how states interpret their regulatory powers — and how effective scholarship-granting organizations are at fundraising under the new rules, which prohibit large stock gifts and rely instead on millions of smaller donations.

“Now it’s a strange pitch: ‘Can you front me $300 to give to the SGO? I swear the IRS will give it back,’” he said. “It’s going to take time to figure out how to sell this to families.”

Concerns over transparency and equity remain. The program allows donors, scholarship-granting organizations and families to direct funds with little public accountability, critics say. And in states without robust oversight, Valant warns that funds could be misused — or channeled to institutions that exclude students based, for example, on identity or beliefs about sexual orientation.

He also emphasized that early participation is likely to skew toward families already in private schools, particularly in wealthier ZIP codes — mirroring patterns seen in programs in Arizona, Florida and Georgia.

“One big risk is that the funds will disproportionately flow to wealthier families — just like we’ve seen in many ESA programs,” Valant said.

What do these programs look like across the country?

FutureEd studied eight states— Arizona, Arkansas, Florida, Iowa, Indiana, Ohio, Oklahoma and West Virginia — where 569,000 students participated in school choice programs at a cost to taxpayers of $4 billion in 2023-24.

The FutureEd analysis found significant differences among the states in design, funding and oversight.

Arizona’s ESA program was the first of its kind in 2011, and also the first to shift toward universal eligibility in 2022.

Florida operated the largest and most expensive program, with broad eligibility, no caps or accreditation requirements, and a major influx of higher-income families, though it mandated some university-led performance reviews. Iowa fully funded ESAs and, like other states, saw mostly existing private school families benefit.

Arkansas had a cautious rollout due to legal delays and geographic clustering of participants, while West Virginia allowed spending across state lines with no performance reporting.

Newcomer North Carolina began with income-based prioritization but quickly expanded under political pressure or demand, while Alabama and Louisiana will launch ESA programs in 2025-26 using general state revenues.

Utah enacted a universal voucher program in 2023, providing up to $8,000 per student for private school or homeschool expenses. A state teachers union sued, arguing that participating schools were not “free and open to all children” and that the program diverted public school funds. A state court this April ruled the program was unconstitutional.

As the new federal law opens the door for tax-credit-funded tuition support, Texas is building its first universal school voucher program, aided through ESAs to begin in the 2026-27 school year. The program is funded with $1 billion over two years, with $10,000-$11,000 per student — up to $30,000 for students with disabilities and $2,000 for homeschoolers.

The Texas comptroller will oversee the program, and private schools must be open for at least two years to be eligible for funds.

Voucher programs can drain state budgets, and budget wonks predict the cost for Texas could rise to around $4.8 billion by 2030, The Texas Tribune reported.

A spokesperson for the Texas comptroller’s office said that details are still being finalized; the state has issued a request for proposals due Aug. 4 to select eligible educational assistance organizations that would help funnel scholarship dollars to schools.

Other states may be more cautious. The Missouri National Education Association filed a lawsuit this summer to block $51 million in state appropriations to private school scholarships through the MOScholars program. The suit argues that using general revenue rather than private donations violates the state constitution and undermines public education funding.

Stateline reporter Robbie Sequeira can be reached at rsequeira@stateline.org.

©2025 States Newsroom. Visit at stateline.org. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.