Opinion: NYC’s ‘Antisocial’ Housing Problem

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“It is antisocial to systematically underfund the management and upkeep of affordable housing. Buildings deteriorate, and health and safety hazards spread, all to the detriment of residents.”

(Adi Talwar for City Limits)

We all know that New York City is in a housing crisis, and needs more quality, affordable, stable housing to meet the needs of residents.  

But we are also experiencing an accelerating crisis in the portion of our housing stock that is dedicated to the social goals of long-term affordability and tenant stability. This is because housing policies and programs have focused on keeping rents low without adequately providing for the ongoing operation and management of housing.

Let’s call this “antisocial housing.”

Why? It is antisocial to systematically underfund the management and upkeep of affordable housing. Buildings deteriorate, and health and safety hazards spread, all to the detriment of residents. 

It is antisocial to tell residents that rents will remain permanently affordable at low levels, without a realistic plan for how the building will continue to operate. When we deny the true costs of operating and maintaining a building, deferred maintenance and capital upgrades are pushed off onto a future generation of residents (or taxpayers). When the future arrives and buildings cannot afford major investments, routine maintenance, or even emergency repairs, residents’ stability and quality of life suffers.  

It is antisocial to implement policies that increase the cost of operating housing while preventing building revenues from keeping up. If rents collected can’t cover increasing salaries, maintenance, repairs, utility bills, facade maintenance, insurance, loan repayment, regulatory compliance, marketing, resident services, and other necessities, no owner can maintain an adequate residential environment. 

Some have suggested that nonprofit ownership of housing could solve the problem. But nonprofit organizations already own and manage much of our regulated affordable housing stock, while rising expenses, diminished rent collections, and numerous other factors are bringing mounting financial and physical distress to rent-stabilized and affordable housing.

Mission-based housing nonprofits often have sophisticated professional staffing and capacity, but when costs exceed revenues, they are no more able to pay the bills than any other landlord. Advocates have begun raising alarms and calling for financial support. Residents and neighborhoods will suffer the worst if nonprofits fail, or if owners default or abandon housing as they did a half-century ago. 

Some others have suggested that government ownership is the solution. But New York City’s public housing provides perhaps the starkest illustration of the consequences of underfunding. Public housing was built without capital reserves to cover long-term costs, then subsidized to support people at the lowest incomes, then starved of the subsidies necessary to support these costs. It is not “social” for people to live in the appalling conditions that too many public housing residents in New York City currently endure.

Still others have suggested that freezing rents is a solution. But freezing rents amidst rising costs is like scratching a mosquito bite—a short-sighted response that will make problems worse. 

The distress plaguing much of the city’s Mitchell-Lama rental housing reveals this. These buildings were intended to be financially self-sustaining, but rents were effectively frozen by a process that made increases untimely and difficult, while costs grew substantially. The promise of flat housing expenses was an illusion, and mounting capital needs and financial distress eventually required rent increases, often so large as to be dislocating to residents.

Faced with a choice between saving their finances or those of residents, many buildings exited the program—diminishing the stock of affordable housing—while others that remained languish in deteriorating conditions that increasingly resemble those of public housing. 

Failing to plan adequately for expenses shortchanges the well-being of residents and the future habitability of housing, regardless of who owns the building. 

Fixing our antisocial housing problem is a matter of math, not politics or ideology. Both tenants and building owners must be able to consistently pay their bills. This requires housing policies that combat rising operating expenses, alleviate administrative burdens, and confront the incremental costs of new regulations.

It requires realistic rent-setting and financial planning for buildings, adequately funding property management, and making effective use of all available government funds for affordable housing.

It requires processes that ensure residents pay their rent, a relentless defense of the federal programs that provide a lifeline for low-income renters—Section 8, SNAP, Medicaid—and bolstering rental assistance. 

At this stage, it will also require broad-based financial assistance to put a potentially large number of buildings back on a sound financial footing. The longer this takes, and the more public policy limits revenues without alleviating costs, the greater the damage will be to our affordable housing supply.

Too many low-income New Yorkers can’t pay the rent needed to keep a roof over their heads. Waiting for the roof to cave in is not a solution. 

Howard Slatkin and Sarah Watson are executive director and deputy director of Citizens Housing and Planning Council, a nonprofit policy organization.

The post Opinion: NYC’s ‘Antisocial’ Housing Problem appeared first on City Limits.

Judge rules some NIH grant cuts illegal, saying he’s never seen such discrimination in 40 years

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By LAURAN NEERGAARD, AP Medical Writer

WASHINGTON (AP) — A federal judge ruled Monday it was illegal for the Trump administration to cancel several hundred research grants, adding that the cuts raise serious questions about racial discrimination.

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U.S. District Judge William Young in Massachusetts said the administration’s process was “arbitrary and capricious” and that it did not follow long-held government rules and standards when it abruptly canceled grants deemed to focus on gender identity or diversity, equity and inclusion.

In a hearing Monday on two cases calling for the grants to be restored, the judge pushed government lawyers to offer a formal definition of DEI, questioning how grants could be canceled for that reason when some were designed to study health disparities as Congress had directed.

Young, an appointee of Republican President Ronald Reagan, went on to address what he called “a darker aspect” to the cases, calling it “palpably clear” that what was behind the government actions was “racial discrimination and discrimination against America’s LGBTQ community.”

After 40 years on the bench, “I’ve never seen government racial discrimination like this,” Young added. He ended Monday’s hearing saying, “Have we no shame.”

During his remarks ending the hearing, the judge said he would issue his written order soon.

Young’s decision addresses only a fraction of the hundreds of NIH research projects the Trump administration has cut — those specifically addressed in two lawsuits filed separately this spring by 16 attorneys general, public health advocacy groups and some affected scientists. A full count wasn’t immediately available.

While Young said the funding must be restored, Monday’s action was an interim step. The ruling, when formally issued, is expected to be appealed. The Trump administration didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.

While the original lawsuits didn’t specifically claim racial discrimination, they said the new NIH policies prohibited “research into certain politically disfavored subjects.” In a filing this month after the lawsuits were consolidated, lawyers said the NIH did not highlight genuine concerns with the hundreds of canceled research projects studies, but instead sent “boilerplate termination letters” to universities.

The topics of research ranged widely, including cardiovascular health, sexually transmitted infections, depression, Alzheimer’s and alcohol abuse in minors, among other things. Attorneys cited projects such as one tracking how medicines may work differently in people of ancestrally diverse backgrounds, and said the cuts affected more than scientists — such as potential harm to patients in a closed study of suicide treatment.

Lawyers for the federal government said in a court filing earlier this month that NIH grant terminations for DEI studies were “sufficiently reasoned,” adding later that “plaintiffs may disagree with NIH’s basis, but that does not make the basis arbitrary and capricious.” The NIH, lawyers argued, has “broad discretion” to decide on and provide grants “in alignment with its priorities” — which includes ending grants.

Monday, Justice Department lawyer Thomas Ports Jr. pointed to 13 examples of grants related to minority health that NIH either hadn’t cut or had renewed in the same time period — and said some of the cancellations were justified by the agency’s judgement that the research wasn’t scientifically valuable.

The NIH has long been the world’s largest public funder of biomedical research.

The Associated Press Health and Science Department receives support from the Howard Hughes Medical Institute’s Science and Educational Media Group and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. The AP is solely responsible for all content.

Trump immigration policies targeting Democratic cities energize organizers, leave others confused

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By SOPHIA TAREEN and DORANY PINEDA

CHICAGO (AP) — To Jose Abel Garcia, a Guatemalan immigrant in the Los Angeles area, President Donald Trump’s latest promise to expand deportations in Democratic-led cities doesn’t change much.

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The 38-year-old garment worker said Trump’s doubling down on Democratic strongholds while pausing immigration arrests at restaurants, hotels and farms doesn’t spare workers who are simply trying to make rent.

“He just talks,” Garcia said. “The raids keep happening and it’s going to be hard for him to follow through on that because he isn’t acting alone.”

In recent days Trump has vowed to shift immigration enforcement away from political allies and toward political foes, prioritizing deportations in Chicago, Los Angeles, New York and cities at “the core of the Democrat Power Center.” At the same time, he’s reversed course and paused arrests in industries that heavily rely on a foreign-born workforce.

Garcia and other immigrants say, either way, fears remain high in their communities, while experts note the Trump administration’s pullback on work site immigration enforcement is a lesson other administrations learned long ago. Meanwhile, Democrats and activists insist Trump’s moves are calculated and something they’ll use as a rallying cry.

Escalating political fight

California Gov. Gavin Newsom, who has been locked in a widening dispute with the Trump administration, said the motivation behind singling out Democratic cities is clear.

“Incite violence and chaos in blue states, have an excuse to militarize our cities, demonize his opponents, keep breaking the law and consolidate power,” Newsom posted Monday on X. “It’s illegal and we will not let it stand.”

Trump again fixed on New York and Chicago on Monday while pointing to Los Angeles demonstrations against his administration policies, and adding many of “those people weren’t from LA, they were from California.”

“I want to focus on the cities,” he said at the Group of Seven Summit in Canada.

The Trump administration has said U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers would target at least3,000 arrests daily, up from about 650 daily during the first months of Trump’s second term. Already, the president and his allies have targeted so-called “sanctuary jurisdictions” with splashy live-streamed arrestslawsuits and summoning mayors and governors to testify at the Capitol.

“It’s clear that Trump is escalating these attacks on Democratic cities because he’s threatened by the mass mobilizations,” said U.S. Rep. Jesus “Chuy” Garcia, a Chicago Democrat. “I expect Democrats will push back harder.”

In the Los Angeles area, a group of advocates continued community-led patrols to watch for ICE arrests and warn neighbors.

Organizer Francisco “Chavo” Romero said they’re also patrolling Metro rail stations and other public transit hubs.

“They double down, we triple down,” he said.

Worksite arrests

Pulling back on worksite enforcement is new for Trump, but not in recent history.

Going after employers on immigration compliance has been a controversial issue, particularly in industries that rely on immigrant labor. For instance, nearly half of those in meatpacking are thought to be born abroad.

Under a 1996 immigration law, the Clinton administration investigated hiring practices to weed out employees without proper U.S. work authorization and to punish employers. But it didn’t last long. Investigations took months. Workers were afraid to come to work. Some farmers complained their crops were suffering. Elected officials began to intervene.

“It pretty much stopped,” said Doris Meissner, a former commissioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, which was the predecessor to ICE.

Now a senior fellow at the nonpartisan Migration Police Institute, she said other presidential administrations have grappled with the same problem.

“That’s always the conundrum: How do you hold the employer accountable?” she said. “You can go and get the workers and in two weeks there are going to be more workers hired.”

Earlier this month, immigration authorities raided an Omaha meat production plant, angering company officials who said they followed the law. Trump’s first administration saw the largest workplace sting in a decade with arrests at seven Mississippi chicken plants.

That made his shift to pause such operations a surprise. He wrote on Truth Social that the arrests were “taking very good, long time workers” away and it was hard to replace them.

How the pause will play out is unclear. A message left Monday with the Department of Homeland Security was not immediately returned.

A demonstrator holds a sign outside of Immigration Court, Monday, June 16, 2025, in Chicago. (AP Photo/Nam Y. Huh)

Immigrants and activists left baffled

Still, Trump’s approach confused many.

“On one hand, he will stay away from certain industries and at the same time double down on Chicago,” said Lawrence Benito, head of the Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights. “I’m not sure how to reconcile those two comments.”

He said the group would continue to help immigrants understand their rights in the case of ICE arrests.

U.S. Rep. Delia Ramirez, a Chicago Democrat, accused Trump of trying to silence dissent.

In a lengthy post on his Truth Social site about cracking down on Democratic cities, Trump said, without any evidence, that Democrats were using immigrants living in the country without legal status to steal elections.

For others, the latest policies were simply another thing to worry about.

Jorge Lima, 32, said his immigrant parents from Mexico are only leaving home to go to their jobs as garment workers in California.

“They don’t go out anymore,” he said. “They’re afraid but they have to eat.”

Pineda reported from Los Angeles. Associated Press writer Rebecca Santana contributed from Washington.

Doctor charged with supplying Matthew Perry ketamine will plead guilty to distributing the drug

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By ANDREW DALTON, AP Entertainment Writer

LOS ANGELES (AP) — A doctor charged with giving Matthew Perry ketamine in the month leading up to the “Friends” star’s overdose death has agreed to plead guilty, authorities said Monday.

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Dr. Salvador Plasencia has agreed to plead guilty to four counts of distribution of ketamine, federal prosecutors said in a statement. They said the plea carries a maximum sentence of 40 years in prison, and Plasencia is expected to enter the plea in the coming weeks.

Plasencia and a woman accused of being a ketamine dealer had been the primary targets of the prosecution, after three other defendants, including another doctor, agreed to plead guilty in exchange for their cooperation.

Plasencia had been scheduled to start trial in August. An email to his attorney seeking comment was not immediately answered.

The “Friends” star Perry was found dead by his assistant on Oct. 28, 2023. The medical examiner ruled that ketamine was the primary cause of death. The actor had been using the drug through his regular doctor in a legal but off-label treatment for depression that has become increasingly common.

Perry, 54, began seeking more ketamine than his doctor would give him. About a month before the actor’s death, he found Plasencia, a doctor who who in turn allegedly asked the other doctor, Mark Chavez, to obtain the drug for him, according to court filings in the Chavez case.

“I wonder how much this moron will pay,” Plasencia texted Chavez, according to court filings from prosecutors. The two met up the same day in Costa Mesa, halfway between Santa Monica, California, where Plasencia practiced and San Diego, where Chavez practiced, and exchanged at least four vials of ketamine, the filings said.

After selling the drugs to Perry for $4,500, Plasencia allegedly asked Chavez if he could keep supplying them so they could become Perry’s “go-to,” prosecutors said.

While Plasencia is accused of supplying the bulk of Perry’s ketamine in his final weeks, another defendant, Jasmine Sangha, who prosecutors allege was a major ketamine dealer, is alleged to have provided the dose that killed the actor. She is also scheduled to go to trial in August. She has pleaded not guilty — making her the only one of the five people charged in Perry’s death who has not entered a plea agreement.

Perry struggled with addiction for years, dating back to his time on “Friends,” when he became one of the biggest stars of his generation as Chandler Bing. He starred alongside Jennifer Aniston, Courteney Cox, Lisa Kudrow, Matt LeBlanc and David Schwimmer for 10 seasons from 1994 to 2004 on NBC’s megahit.