Will a STAAR-Crossed Legislature Finally Enact Real Testing Reform? 

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Claudia de Leon describes her son Diego’s kindergarten class at Houston’s Helms Elementary School as “magical.” His teacher taught the students to examine each feature of their face and then sketch them one by one to create life-like self portraits. Another teacher played songs on his guitar to aid the kids’ learning. Diego’s next two years at Helms Elementary were filled with similar joyous hands-on learning in the core subjects. So in the third grade, when Diego told his mom he didn’t want to go back to school, de Leon assumed he was being bullied. 

She later found out Diego, an A and B student, feared he would fail third grade. His teachers had told him that he would be held back if he didn’t pass the state standardized test, known as the STAAR test, and that teachers at the school would receive a poor evaluation and be fired if their students’ scores were low. 

That year, 2012, was the first year the STAAR test—formally called the State of Texas Assessments of Academic Readiness—was administered to students as a singular test that was meant to measure what students learned all year in particular core subjects. It was then that de Leon started a campaign for parents in the Houston Independent School District to opt their children out of taking the STAAR test. 

For the next 10 years until Diego graduated high school in 2022, he never took the STAAR. “I felt that the whole system was unjust and immoral,” de Leon said. She said she supports testing when it’s used to improve student learning, not to punish students, teachers, and schools. “Instead, people were going to lose their jobs; heads were going to roll, and it was all on the backs of the kids.” 

As the culture and curriculum at Helms Elementary and other schools became more consumed with test prep—worksheets replaced science labs; STAAR excerpts replaced whole books; multiple-choice tests replaced essay writing—more parents and students joined Houston’s opt-out movement, which has largely been organized by the parent organization Community Voices for Public Education. It’s also spread across the state. Scott Placek has been guiding parents on how to opt out of STAAR since 2013 through the group Texans Take Action Against the STAAR, whose Facebook group has more than 80,000 members. He says the high-stakes testing culture has become so intense that school administrators have threatened parents with arrests and calls to Child Protective Services to discourage families from opting out. 

“The state is using the assessment to punish campuses and teachers and other students … and parents don’t want to be a part of that system,” Placek told the Texas Observer

As the opt-out movement has grown over the years, Texas legislators from both parties have proposed bills that would eliminate or otherwise replace the STAAR test. (Students are required to take a total of 20 STAAR tests between 3rd and 12th grades). In 2021, the House passed a bill that would have eliminated standardized tests not required by federal law and allowed districts to replace exit exams with national standardized tests, like the ACT or the SAT. But that bill died in the Senate, as did a similar bill filed this regular session. After the House and Senate failed to reach a compromise on STAAR legislation during the regular session, Governor Greg Abbott made replacement of the STAAR test one of the 18 items on his special session call. 

The fate of that measure, and many others, has been temporarily thrown into uncertainty after House Democrats left the state to break quorum and stall passage of the GOP’s new redistricting map. But many parents who have long fought to reform the STAAR and how it’s used to evaluate students, teachers, and schools remain on guard, warning that the latest proposals are still far cry from their demands to lower the stakes of standardized testing. 

The two chamber’s primary testing bills in the current special session, Senate Bill 8 and House Bill 8, would replace the STAAR test with three shorter tests at the beginning, middle, and end of each school year, with requirements to generate the results more quickly, and update the test every five years to increase its level of difficulty. The stakes would be even higher for individual schools and school districts as he state’s A-F school rating system would still be largely tied to standardized test results and the Texas Education Agency’s (TEA) power to sanction local ISDs under would increase. The TEA commissioner currently has the power to set school rating standards, assign ratings, and takeover school districts if just one campus receives a failing rating for five consecutive years. Under the proposed bill, the commissioner would have the sole authority to modify school rating standards at any time and the power to assign schools a rating every year regardless of the circumstances. School districts would also be prohibited from using public dollars to challenge state ratings in court—a clear reaction to the lawsuits filed by Texas school districts in the last two years. Disputes would instead be heard by a standing legislative committee. 

During the regular session, House lawmakers fought provisions in the Senate bill that would further empower the state education commissioner and sought measures that would mandate legislative approval before the TEA makes changes to the rating system. But House Republicans have apparently abandoned that effort as the Public Education Committee Chairman Brad Buckley jointly filed an identical bill with the Texas Senate last week. 

“What gets measured gets fixed,” said SB 8 author Senator Paul Bettencourt during the Senate Committee on Education hearing on the bill last Wednesday. “This bill measures student success in a fair way, while ending the era of STAAR stress and taxpayer-funded lawsuits against the public accountability system in Texas.”

Rachael Abell, a representative of the Texas PTA disagreed. “Reforming the test without adjusting how it’s used in ratings won’t fix the pressure schools are under. And that pressure shows up in our kids’ classrooms, and until we fix the student assessment and the student school accountability system, students will continue to be taught to the test,” Abell testified at the hearing. 

While there have been other iterations of Texas standardized tests since the 1980s—such as the TABS, the TEAMS, the TAAS, and then the TAKS—the stakes became higher in 1993 when Texas passed a law to measure campus performance using state standardized test scores. In 2001, George W. Bush brought this education policy with him to Washington as a model for the No Child Left Behind Act, ushering in a high-stakes testing culture in schools across the country. 

By 2012, then-TEA Commissioner Robert Scott told school officials in a public address that the state’s testing system had gone too far and had become a “perversion of its original intent.” Among his criticisms was the oversized reliance on the STAAR test to determine ratings for schools and school districts.

“What we’ve done in the past decade, is we’ve doubled down on the test every couple of years, and used it for more and more things, to make it the end-all, be-all,” he said. “You’ve reached a point now of having this one thing that the entire system is dependent upon. It is the heart of the vampire, so to speak.”

His remarks helped to spur a nationwide rebellion. That summer, more than 830 school districts in Texas signed a resolution stating that standardized testing was “strangling” education and calling for an overhaul of the high-stakes testing system. In 2013, Texas parents successfully pushed the Texas Legislature to remove a provision that required 15 percent of a course grade to be based on standardized test scores and to reduce the number of state-mandated high school exit exams from 15 to five. In 2016, parents with Community Voices for Public Education succeeded in ending the practice of using STAAR scores to promote students to certain grades in Houston ISD, although it wasn’t until 2021 when the state finally eliminated this practice altogether. 

In 2015, No Child Left Behind was repealed and replaced by the Every Student Succeeds Act, which, while still requiring states to have a school accountability system and standardized tests, granted states more flexibility in setting academic standards, standardized assessments, and rating systems. Since then other states have steadily moved away from using high-stakes testing to punish students and schools. 

That same year, though, Texas doubled down on its punitive school rating system by enacting a law that empowers the Texas Education Agency to either close down campuses or takeover a school district and depose its elected school board when just one school receives a failing rating for five consecutive years. In 2017, it established the A-F rating system; previously, schools were either rated as “passing” or “improvement required.”

The Lone Star State remains one of only six states to still require high school students to pass a standardized test to graduate and, according to the policy group Education Commission of the States, Texas is also one of only six states to use the A-F system to rate schools. In contrast, 14 states use a “federal tiers of support” system to indicate what type of aid schools need to provide for students scoring lower on standardized tests.

In 2021, the state passed another law making it easier for the agency to seize school districts after Houston ISD legally challenged TEA’s attempt to take over. That 2021 law expanded failing ratings to include D and not just F ratings and granted the TEA commissioner “final and unappealable” authority to take over school districts.

In 2023, TEA took over Houston ISD, appointing Mike Miles to lead the school district and replacing its elected board with a state appointed board of managers. Under Miles, parents and teachers have complained the high-stakes testing culture has only intensified—students now end each class everyday with a timed multiple choice test. 

Miles has boasted that his reforms in Houston ISD have raised STAAR scores in the district. During last Wednesday’s hearing TEA commissioner Mike Morath stated other districts “should be copying [the changes] that we see in Houston.” He didn’t mention recent news reports that revealed Miles boosted biology STAAR scores by forcing students at struggling schools to take that STAAR exam a year later or by preventing students at schools targeted for reform from taking advanced math and science courses. 

“They’re erasing a generation of STEM likely students of color in the largest school district in Texas,” said Ruth Kravetz, the executive director of Community Voices for Public Education and a former educator and school administrator in Houston ISD. “The test is so high-stakes now that it eliminates anything else that is also beneficial for kids.”

A month after TEA took over Houston ISD, more than 120 school districts sued TEA claiming TEA Commissioner Mike Morath changed school rating standards without providing sufficient notice or transparency. In 2024, 30 school districts again sued TEA over concerns that the new automated system would unfairly assess the STAAR, particularly its essay portion. Both efforts failed. 

The Senate’s version for the STAAR replacement in the regular session permitted TEA to assign a conservator to school districts that sued TEA. While that provision was dropped in the new versions, districts would have even more hurdles to clear under the bill if they want to challenge state ratings. 

TEA will release ratings for the most recent two school years on August 15. In April, the Texas Tribune reported that one in five Texas schools received a D or F rating in 2023 under Morath’s revised performance standards and that most of those schools enroll predominantly low-income students. Based on the 2023 scores, Fort Worth ISD, which is the 10th largest school district in Texas, is at risk of state takeover. 

At the Senate education committee hearing, Morath said that he is discussing options with Fort Worth ISD leaders and would visit its schools ahead of making a decision. “The goal of whatever decision-making is to do the least invasive thing that does the most good for the kids; and sometimes the least invasive thing that does the most good for the kids is a [appointed] Board of Managers.” 

The post Will a STAAR-Crossed Legislature Finally Enact Real Testing Reform?  appeared first on The Texas Observer.

Recipe: Grilled Chicken Caprese is a delightful, summery dish

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This Caprese Grilled Chicken dish pairs boneless, skinless bird with torn wedges of fresh mozzarella cheese and basil oil. It’s a summery concoction that adds a delicious touch of acidity and sweetness by adding a quick pickle topping of cherry tomatoes. The halved tomatoes take about 25 minutes to prepare, most of that time unsupervised with tomato halves resting in a pleasing brine that stars white balsamic vinegar.

White balsamic vinegar is made from the same Trebbiano grape as dark balsamic vinegar. The white vinegar has a milder, less sweet taste than its darker counterpart.

Grilled Chicken Caprese with Basil Oil

Yield: 4 servings

INGREDIENTS

1 small garlic clove, peeled

1 cup packed fresh basil leaves, plus more for garnish

1/2 cup plus 2 tablespoons extra-virgin olive oil, divided use

Kosher salt

1/2 cup white balsamic vinegar

1 1/2 tablespoons granulated sugar

1 1/2 tablespoons coriander seeds, divided use

8 ounces yellow cherry tomatoes, halved from top to bottom

4 (7-ounce) boneless, skinless chicken breasts, see cook’s notes

1 teaspoon chopped fresh thyme leaves, plus fresh thyme leaves to garnish

1/2 teaspoon crushed red pepper flakes

Ground black pepper

Vegetable oil for brushing grate

1 pound red cherry tomatoes, preferably on the vine

8 ounces fresh mozzarella, see cook’s notes

Flaky sea salt, such as Maldon, to taste

Cook’s notes: The original recipe calls for four (7-ounce) boneless, skinless chicken breasts, but I like to use five because I enjoy the leftovers. I also use more mozzarella than is noted in the recipe, 12 ounces rather than 8 is more to my cheese-loving liking.

Grilled Chicken Caprese features boneless, skinless grilled chicken breasts topped with thyme, basil and marinated cherry tomatoes. (Photo by Cathy Thomas)

DIRECTIONS

1. With the motor running, drop garlic clove through the feedtube. Once garlic is minced, add basil and 1/2 cup olive oil; process until finely minced, about 1 minute. Stir in 1/4 teaspoon salt. Set aside.

2. In a medium saucepan, combine vinegar, sugar, 1/2 tablespoon coriander seeds and 1/2 teaspoon kosher salt. Bring to a boil over medium-high heat, whisking to dissolve sugar. Stir in yellow tomatoes and remove from heat. Cool to room temperature, about 20 minutes. Strain and discard liquid.

3. While tomatoes marinate, preheat the grill to high (450- to 500-degrees). Place remaining 1 tablespoon coriander seeds in a mortar and pound or grind using pestle until coarsely ground (this can also be accomplished by putting seeds in a zipper-style plastic bag and pounding with a skillet). Sprinkle chicken breasts with 1 tablespoon olive oil; sprinkle with thyme, crushed red pepper, 1/2 teaspoon black pepper, 1 1/2 teaspoon salt, and crushed coriander. Brush heated grill grate with a wire brush to clean it. Fold a paper towel into a small square and grasp with tongs. Dip paper into a small bowl of vegetable oil and use the paper held by the tongs to wipe grate. Grill chicken until it just starts to lightly char on the bottom, 5 to 6 minutes. Turn and grill until chicken registers 160 degrees in thickest part using an instant read thermometer, about 4 to 5 minutes. Transfer to a platter and cover loosely with aluminum foil. (Internal temperature will continue to rise to 165 degrees.)

4. Drizzle red tomatoes with the remaining 1 tablespoon olive oil; sprinkle with salt and pepper to taste. Grill tomatoes until they barely start to wrinkle, about 4 minutes. Place mozzarella between chicken; spoon on basil oil. Top with grilled tomatoes and pickled tomatoes. Sprinkle with flakey salt. Garnish with additional fresh basil and fresh thyme.

Source: Adapted from “Food and Wine Annual Cookbook 2024” from Food and Wine Books

Award-winning food writer Cathy Thomas has written three cookbooks, including “50 Best Plants on the Planet.” Follow her at CathyThomasCooks.com.

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Sorting out COVID vaccine confusion: New and conflicting federal policies raise questions

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By Michelle Andrews, KFF Health News

If you want a COVID-19 shot this fall, will your employer’s health insurance plan pay for it? There’s no clear answer.

Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., a longtime anti-vaccine activist, has upended the way COVID vaccines are approved and for whom they’re recommended, creating uncertainty where coverage was routine.

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Agencies within HHS responsible for spelling out who should get vaccinated aren’t necessarily in sync, issuing seemingly contradictory recommendations based on age or risk factors for serious disease.

But the ambiguity may not affect your coverage, at least this year.

“I think in 2025 it’s highly likely that the employer plans will cover” the COVID vaccines, said Jeff Levin-Scherz, a primary care doctor who is the population health leader for the management consultancy WTW and an assistant professor at Harvard’s T.H. Chan School of Public Health. They’ve already budgeted for it, “and it would be a large administrative effort to try to exclude coverage for those not at increased risk,” he said.

With so much in flux, it’s important to check with your employer or insurer about coverage policies before you roll up your sleeve.

Here’s what we know so far, and what remains unclear.

Q: How have the recommendations changed?

What used to be straightforward is now much murkier. Last year, the Moderna and Pfizer-BioNTech COVID vaccines were recommended for anyone at least 6 months old.

This year, the recommendation by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention is narrower. Although the vaccines are broadly recommended for adults 19 and older, they are no longer recommended for healthy pregnant people or for healthy children 6 months through 17 years old.

Kennedy announced the changes in a video in May, citing safety risks for young people and pregnant people as justification.

But his claims have been widely disputed by experts in vaccines, pediatrics, and women’s health. An analysis by FactCheck.org found that the secretary “misrepresented scientific research to make unfounded claims about vaccine safety for pregnant people and children.”

In addition, recently announced changes to the vaccine approval framework have further chipped away at eligibility.

Moderna announced July 10 that the FDA had fully approved its Spikevax COVID vaccine— but approval is restricted to adults 65 and older, and for people from 6 months through 64 years old who are at increased risk of developing a serious case of COVID.

Two other COVID vaccines expected to be available this fall, Novavax’s Nuvaxovid and Moderna’s mNexspike, are also restricted. They are approved for people 65 or older and those 12 to 64 who have underlying health conditions that put them at higher risk of developing severe COVID.

Notably, Pfizer’s Comirnaty COVID vaccine is still approved or authorized for people 6 months of age and older without any restrictions based on risk factors for COVID — at least for now. But the FDA could change that at any time, experts said.

Increasing restrictions “is definitely the direction they are moving,” said Jen Kates, a senior vice president at KFF who authored a KFF analysis of vaccine insurance coverage rules. KFF is a health information nonprofit that includes KFF Health News.

HHS did not provide an on-the-record comment for this article.

Q: How might these changes alter my insurance coverage for the vaccine?

That’s the big question, and the answer is uncertain. Without insurance coverage, people could owe hundreds of dollars for the shot.

Most private health plans are required by law to cover recommended vaccines, whether for COVID, measles, or the flu, without charging their members. But that requirement kicks in after the shots are recommended by a federal panel— the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices — and adopted by the CDC director, according to the KFF analysis. The committee hasn’t yet voted on COVID vaccine recommendations for this fall. Its next meeting is expected to occur in August or September.

Still, employers and insurers can opt to cover the vaccines on their own, as many did before the law required them to do so. But they may require people to pay something for it.

In addition, the narrower recommendations from different HHS agencies might result in some health plans declining to pay for certain categories of people to get certain vaccines, experts said.

“I don’t think an employer or insurer would deny coverage,” Kates said. “But they could say: You have to get this product.”

That could mean a 45-year-old with no underlying health conditions raising their COVID risk might have to get the Pfizer shot rather than the Moderna version if they want their health plan to pay for it, experts said.

In addition, up to 200 million people may qualify for the vaccines because they have health conditions such as asthma or diabetes that increase their risk of severe disease, according to a commentary published by FDA officials in the New England Journal of Medicine.

Health care professionals can help people determine whether they qualify for the shot based on health conditions.

Tina Stow, a spokesperson for AHIP, which represents health plans, said in a statement that plans will continue to follow federal requirements for vaccine coverage.

Q: What are the options for people who are pregnant or have children they want to have vaccinated?

Many parents are confused about getting their kids vaccinated, according to a KFF poll released on Aug. 1. About half said they don’t know whether federal agencies recommend healthy children get the vaccine this fall. Among the other half, more said the vaccine is not recommended than recommended.

Meanwhile, Kennedy’s recommendation that healthy children not get vaccinated has a notable caveat: If a parent wishes a child to get a COVID vaccine and a health care provider recommends it, the child can receive it under the “ shared clinical decision-making” model, and it should be covered without cost sharing.

Some policy experts point out that this is the way care for kids is typically provided anyway.

“Outside of any requirements, vaccines have always been provided through shared decision-making,” said Amanda Jezek, senior vice president of public policy and government relations at the Infectious Diseases Society of America.

There’s no similar allowance for pregnant people. However, even though Kennedy has stated that COVID vaccines are no longer recommended for healthy pregnant people, pregnancy is one of the underlying medical conditions that put people at high risk for getting very sick from COVID, according to the CDC. That could make pregnant people eligible for the shot.

Depending on the stage of someone’s pregnancy, it could be difficult to know whether someone should be denied the shot based on their condition. “This is uncharted territory,” said Sabrina Corlette, co-director of Georgetown University’s Center on Health Insurance Reforms.

Q: How will these changes affect access to the vaccine? Will I still be able to go to the pharmacy for the shot?

“If far fewer are expected to be vaccinated, fewer sites will offer the vaccinations,” Levin-Scherz said. This could be an especially notable hurdle for people looking for pediatric doses of a COVID vaccine, he said.

In addition, pharmacists’ authority to administer vaccines depends on several factors. For example, in some states they can administer shots that have been approved by the FDA, while in others the shots must have been recommended by the ACIP, said Hannah Fish, senior director of strategic initiatives at the National Community Pharmacists Association. Since ACIP hasn’t yet recommended COVID shots for the fall, that could create a speed bump in some states.

“Depending on the rules, you still may be able to get the shot at the pharmacy, but they might have to call the physician to send over a prescription,” Fish said.

Q: What do these changes mean long-term?

It’s impossible to know. But given Kennedy’s vocal skepticism of vaccines and his embrace of long-disproven theories about connections between vaccines and autism, among other things, medical and public health professionals are concerned those views will shape future policies.

“The recommendation changes that were made with respect to children and pregnant women were not necessarily made in good science,” Corlette said.

It’s already a challenge to convince people they need annual COVID shots, and shifting guidelines may make it tougher, some public health experts warn.

“What’s concerning is that this could even further depress the uptake of the COVID vaccines,” Jezek said.

Michelle Andrews: andrews.khn@gmail.com,@mandrews110

©2025 KFF Health News. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

Why more women are switching to reusable menstrual products

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By CALEIGH WELLS, Associated Press

It was six months ago that Selin Celikoyar bought her last tampon and switched to a reusable menstrual disc.

“I had already been wary of tampons from an environmental perspective and also from a biological perspective. I felt that they were very wasteful and expensive to consistently keep buying,” she said.

The flexible discs and other reusable menstrual products are gaining traction as alternatives to the billions of single-use pads and tampons that get tossed into landfills every year. Products such as the discs, silicone cups and period underwear can be reused for years, so they’re cost-effective and long-lasting in addition to helping people reduce waste. The popularity of the reusable alternatives has grown since the pandemic, when it was easier to experiment with period products in the privacy of a home bathroom, according to women’s health experts.

Celikoyar said she used tampons and pads for years because those are the options she grew up knowing about. But when she saw her friend make the switch to a menstrual disc, she decided to try it too.

“The experience has been such a game changer,” she said.

FILE – Tammy Compton restocks tampons at Compton’s Market, in Sacramento, Calif., June 22, 2016. (AP Photo/Rich Pedroncelli, File)

Single-use products wind up in landfills

About 12 billion disposable pads and 7 billion tampons go into U.S. landfills every year, according to Dr. Luwam Semere, chief of obstetrics and gynecology at Kaiser Permanente Santa Clara. Pads are mostly plastic. Once they’re in the landfill, they take up to 800 years to degrade, according to the National Institutes of Health.

Single-use pads and tampons are by far the most popular period products. Women’s health expert Dr. Navya Mysore said that’s not because they’re better, they’re just usually the first options kids are shown.

“It was often like, ‘What did your mom use? What did your grandma use?’ And that’s how you were introduced into period hygiene,” said Mysore, a primary care physician based in New York City.

Advantages and drawbacks to switching

The most popular is the menstrual cup, which gets inserted much like a tampon. The discs get inserted farther in, so they don’t interrupt intercourse. Both can hold several times more than a tampon and can stay inserted for up to 12 hours, instead of the four to eight hours recommended for tampons. Semere also said the risk of Toxic Shock Syndrome commonly associated with tampons is much lower with menstrual cups and discs.

The cons? The products require some technique to put them in right, and doing it wrong can get messy. The cups and discs also have to be cleaned regularly with soap and water.

“It’s hard to do that if you’re at work and you’re in a shared, public restroom. It’s not the most convenient,” said Mysore.

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Cups prevent leakage by creating a suction, so people who use intrauterine devices for contraception risk dislodging them if they pull out a menstrual cup without breaking the seal.

The placement of discs, which don’t use suction, can also take some getting used to.

“It’s high up there, you don’t feel it, but it can be sometimes harder for women to pull them out,” said Dr. Annemieke van Eijk, an epidemiologist with the Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine.

But for Celikoyar, the advantages of the discs outweighed the drawbacks. She said that longer changing window has gotten her through a back-to-back concert and red-eye flight without any concern.

“There’s an ease of use there for the modern woman that is significantly better than traditional methods,” she said.

Comparing costs

Menstrual cups and discs typically cost between $15 and $40 and come in different shapes and sizes. They’re available online and at pharmacies and big box stores.

“Ideally, you would like to experiment a bit with what type of cup works best for you. And the cost can be kind of prohibitive to do that,” van Eijk said.

A reusable product can help save money over the long term. Celikoyar estimates that she was using three tampons every day for seven days, or about 20 per month. With tampons costing 20 to 25 cents each, someone who switched to a reusable product would likely break even after a few months.

For people who prefer pads, the most common reusable option is period underwear, which is comparable to regular-looking underwear with an extra absorbent lining.

“Those are nice because we do see people getting irritation from pad use,” said Semere. “Because of the different materials that are in the disposable pads.”

The downside, just like with pads, is the inability to tell when it’s absorbed all that it can.

Mysore said that’s why some of her patients use the underwear as a backup, and pair them cups, discs or tampons.

“You can sort of mix and match different period products, depending on how heavy your flow is and what your period is like for you,” she said.

The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.