CBS News CEO Wendy McMahon quits amid potential Trump lawsuit settlement

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CBS News CEO Wendy McMahon said Monday that she is resigning after four years, the latest fallout at the network as its parent company considers settling a lawsuit with President Donald Trump over a “60 Minutes” with his former political opponent.

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McMahon, who has led both the network news division and news for the CBS-owned stations, said in an email message to staff that “it’s become clear that the company and I do not agree on the path forward. It’s time to move on and for this organization to move forward with new leadership.”

McMahon has made clear she opposes settling with Trump — just like “60 Minutes” executive producer Bill Owens, who quit last month.

Trump has sued CBS, alleging it edited an interview with 2024 Democratic opponent Kamala Harris last fall to benefit her. CBS News has denied that. CBS’ parent company, Paramount Global, is in talks to potentially settle Trump’s lawsuit. At the same time, Paramount Global is seeking administration approval of a merger with Skydance Media.

George Cheeks, co-CEO of Paramount and head of the CBS network, said McMahon’s top deputies, CBS News president Tom Cibrowski and CBS Stations president Jennifer Mitchell, will report directly to him.

McMahon, in her note, said that “the past few months have been challenging.”

“I have spent the last few months shoring up our businesses and making sure the right leaders are in place, and I have no doubt they will continue to set the standard,” she said.

In addition to the tussle with Trump, Paramount’s controlling shareholder, Shari Redstone, has expressed unhappiness over some network coverage of Israel’s war in Gaza, including a “60 Minutes” piece this winter. Paramount began supervising “60 Minutes” stories in new ways, including asking former CBS News President Susan Zirinsky to look over some of its stories before they aired.

That extra layer contributed to Owens’ resignation. One of the show’s correspondents, Scott Pelley, said on the air that “none of us is happy” about the changes.

CBS News is also trying to establish the new anchor team of John Dickerson and Maurice DuBois at its flagship “CBS Evening News” broadcast amid ratings troubles.

In his note to staff members, Cheeks praised McMahon for expanding local news at CBS stations and improving their competitive positions, along with improving the network’s digital offerings.

Trump order targets barcodes on ballots. They’ve long been a source of misinformation

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ATLANTA — President Donald Trump’s executive order seeking to overhaul how U.S. elections are run includes a somewhat obscure reference to the way votes are counted. Voting equipment, it says, should not use ballots that include “a barcode or quick-response code.”

Those few technical words could have a big impact.

Voting machines that give all voters a ballot with one of those codes are used in hundreds of counties across 19 states. Three of them — Georgia, South Carolina and Delaware — use the machines statewide.

Some computer scientists, Democrats and left-leaning election activists have raised concerns about their use, but those pushing conspiracy theories about the 2020 presidential election have been the loudest, claiming without evidence that manipulation has already occurred. Trump, in justifying the move, said in the order that his intention was “to protect election integrity.”

Even some election officials who have vouched for the accuracy of systems that use coded ballots have said it’s time to move on because too many voters don’t trust them.

Colorado’s secretary of state, Democrat Jena Griswold, decided in 2019 to stop using ballots with QR codes, saying at the time that voters “should have the utmost confidence that their vote will count.” Amanda Gonzalez, the elections clerk in Colorado’s Jefferson County, doesn’t support Trump’s order but believes Colorado’s decision was a worthwhile step.

“We can just eliminate confusion,” Gonzalez said. “At the end of the day, that’s what I want — elections that are free, fair, transparent.”

Target for misinformation

Whether voting by mail or in person, millions of voters across the country mark their selections by using a pen to fill in ovals on paper ballots. Those ballots are then fed through a tabulating machine to tally the votes and can be retrieved later if a recount is needed.

In other places, people voting in person use a touch-screen machine to mark their choices and then get a paper record of their votes that includes a barcode or QR code. A tabulator scans the code to tally the vote.

Election officials who use that equipment say it’s secure and that they routinely perform tests to ensure the results match the votes on the paper records, which they retain. The coded ballots have nevertheless become a target of election conspiracy theories.

“I think the problem is super exaggerated,” said Lawrence Norden of the Brennan Center for Justice. “I understand why it can appeal to certain parts of the public who don’t understand the way this works, but I think it’s being used to try to question certain election results in the past.”

Those pushing conspiracy theories related to the 2020 election have latched onto a long-running legal battle over Georgia’s voting system. In that case, a University of Michigan computer scientist testified that an attacker could tamper with the QR codes to change voter selections and install malware on the machines.

The testimony from J. Alex Halderman has been used to amplify Trump’s false claims that the 2020 election was stolen, even though there is no evidence that any of the weaknesses he found were exploited.

Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, a Republican, has defended the state’s voting system as secure. In March, the judge who presided over Halderman’s testimony declined to block the use of Georgia’s voting equipment but said the case had “identified substantial concerns about the administration, maintenance and security of Georgia’s electronic in-person voting system.”

Can the executive order ban coded ballots?

Trump’s election executive order is being challenged in multiple lawsuits. One has resulted in a preliminary injunction against a provision that sought to require proof of citizenship when people register to vote.

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The section banning ballots that use QR or barcodes relies on a Trump directive to a federal agency, the U.S. Election Assistance Commission, which sets voluntary guidelines for voting systems. Not all states follow them.

Some of the lawsuits say Trump doesn’t have the authority to direct the commission because it was established by Congress as an independent agency.

While the courts sort that out, the commission’s guidelines say ballots using barcodes or QR codes should include a printed list of the voters’ selections so they can be checked.

Trump’s order exempts voting equipment used by voters with disabilities, but it promises no federal money to help states and counties shift away from systems using QR or barcodes.

“In the long run, it would be nice if vendors moved away from encoding, but there’s already evidence of them doing that,” said Pamela Smith, president of Verified Voting, a group that focuses on election technology and favors ending the use of QR and barcodes.

Counties in limbo

Kim Dennison, election coordinator of Benton County, Arkansas, estimated that updating the county’s voting system would cost around $400,000 and take up to a year.

Dennison said she has used equipment that relies on coded ballots since she started her job 15 years ago and has never found an inaccurate result during postelection testing.

“I fully and completely trust the equipment is doing exactly what it’s supposed to be doing and not falsifying reports,” she said. “You cannot change a vote once it’s been cast.”

In Pennsylvania’s Luzerne County, voting machines that produce a QR code will be used in this year’s primary. But officials expect a manufacturer’s update later this year to remove the code before the November elections.

County Manager Romilda Crocamo said officials had not received any complaints from voters about QR codes but decided to make the change when Dominion Voting Systems offered the update.

The nation’s most populous county, Los Angeles, uses a system with a QR code that it developed over a decade and deployed in 2020 after passing a state testing and certification program.

The county’s chief election official, Dean Logan, said the system exceeded federal guidelines at the time and meets many of the standards outlined in the most recent ones approved in 2021. He said postelection audits have consistently confirmed its accuracy.

Modifying or replacing it would be costly and take years, he said. The county’s current voting equipment is valued at $140 million.

‘Train Wreck’ in Georgia?

Perhaps nowhere has the issue been more contentious than Georgia, a presidential battleground. It uses the same QR code voting system across the state.

Marilyn Marks, executive director of the Coalition for Good Governance, a lead plaintiff in the litigation over the system, said her group has not taken a position on Trump’s executive order but said the federal Election Assistance Commission should stop certifying machines that use barcodes.

The secretary of state said the voting system follows Georgia law, which requires federal certification at the time the system is bought. Nevertheless, the Republican-controlled legislature has voted to ban the use of QR codes but did not allocate any money to make the change — a cost estimated at $66 million.

Republicans said they want to replace the system when the current contract expires in 2028, but their law is still scheduled to take effect next year. GOP state Rep. Victor Anderson said there is no realistic way to “prevent the train wreck that’s coming.”

Associated Press writer Christina A. Cassidy contributed to this report.

Kramon is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Report for America is a nonprofit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on undercovered issues. Follow Kramon on X: @charlottekramon.

‘You Don’t Have to Kill Us. You Don’t Have to Throw Us Away.’

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Clinton Young stepped out of the Midland County Jail, the way station between his previous address for the last 18 years and the free world, on the afternoon of January 20, 2022. He’d been anxious all day, sitting in the cell block with an ankle monitor already affixed to his leg, awaiting release on bond. 

When he finally exited the building, he hugged his little sister—now a woman in her 30s—for the first time since she was 11. Their last hug had taken place when Young was 19 years old, and on trial for capital murder. 

It was below freezing in West Texas, but Young wasn’t worried about the temperature. Even as he greeted his family and supporters, he was already fixated on time: He figured he should leave the jail as soon as possible in case authorities changed their minds. 

After all, Young’s home for nearly two decades hadn’t been a house or even a typical prison cell. He’d been kept in isolation after being sent to Texas’ death row, a Midland jury having weighed the likelihood of his “future dangerousness” and determined—based on his alleged crimes and conduct—that the state should execute him because he was too dangerous to be allowed to live.

Young had two hours to shop for clothes and other necessities before he needed to be at the Midland apartment where he’d been approved to stay. At the mall, the open space and throngs of people didn’t bother him, but he sped through anyway—grabbing duplicate pairs of jeans without much thought, as if prison guards or police were in pursuit. He knew already, as he puts it, that the eyes of Texas were upon him. 

He made it to the temporary apartment in time, even after a wrong turn that could have raised alarm bells for anyone tracking his ankle monitor. After hours of disbelief, hurried reunions, and apprehension, the tension began to dissipate.

“41 YEAR-OLD ME WOULD NEVER MAKE THAT DECISION THAT 18-YEAR- OLD ME MADE.”

Then 38, Young had not been in the free world for decades. He’d been convicted in 2003 following the 2001 shooting deaths of two men, Doyle Douglas and Samuel Petrey, in Midland and Harrison counties. According to the state, Young and three other young men were involved.

Young has always maintained he was not the shooter in either case. But, in Texas, Young could be sentenced to death without ever pulling a trigger, based on the so-called “law of parties.” 

Under the law, juries can convict someone of capital murder if they believe that person was involved in planning or carrying out a crime—such as robbery—and should have known someone could die in the process. In Young’s case, only he was tried for murder, while the others allegedly involved testified against him and received lesser sentences for their parts in the crimes. Two accepted plea deals: Mark Ray was convicted of second-degree kidnapping and was sentenced to 15 years in prison, and David Page got 30 years for aggravated kidnapping. Darnell McCoy, who, according to court documents, was present at the first murder, was not charged. 

As Young’s appeals made their way through the courts, he slowly gained international allies. In 2014, advocates in the Netherlands who’d learned about his case and considered his sentence unfair launched the Clinton Young Foundation. That foundation would be instrumental in backing his legal fight—and supporting him during his time on bond. 

Over time, Young’s case gained even more attention because of the bizarre misconduct of one prosecutor. In 2021, the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals (CCA), the state’s highest criminal court, threw out his 2003 conviction after the Midland County District Attorney’s Office revealed that, during Young’s trial, its employee Weldon “Ralph” Petty Jr. had been quietly working for both the prosecution and the judge. Petty, while working on cases including Young’s, drafted judicial opinions and orders that agreed with his arguments, often getting them rubber-stamped by the judges. He held these dual roles for nearly two decades. Only after he left did the DA’s office finally tell Young’s defense lawyers about this long-hidden conflict of interest.

Petty’s misconduct sullied the case against Young, who’d come within eight days of an execution in 2017 before receiving a stay from the CCA. In October 2021, a month after the CCA ultimately vacated his conviction, he was transferred from death row to Midland County Jail, where, after a three-month stay, he was ultimately released on a $150,000 bond, pending word on whether he would once again be tried for capital murder.

Young knew he had won release against extremely long odds: Since 1977, the Death Penalty Information Center reports that 18 Texans formerly on death row have been ordered released and won their freedom. Four were acquitted, while the rest saw charges dismissed based on overzealous prosecutions, inadequate evidence, ineffective defense, or flawed forensics.

Still, Young hoped that, during his time as a free man, he could demonstrate he’d changed. He aimed to prove he no longer presented the threat of “future dangerousness,” a legal requirement for the Texas death penalty. He wanted to establish that he wouldn’t squander his second chance at life. 

“Death row becomes what prison is supposed to be but often isn’t,” Young mused to the Texas Observer in a January letter. “Death row is a place of reformation, rehabilitation, and correction. Ironically the one place where it matters the least.”

In the years Young spent in a high security prison in Livingston, 274 people were executed by the state, while 183 new people were condemned by Texas juries. 

In the last half-century, approximately 300 former death row occupants have had their convictions overturned or sentences reduced to life or even a lesser sentence, according to the Texas Department of Criminal Justice. But rarely were these people released on bond while the courts worked out their cases. 

On that January day, Young became an outlier, an exception to the rule, which states that the main exit from Texas death row is through lethal injection. 

“I made a little video of me touching grass,” Young told the Observer in a January interview. “But unfortunately, I was in West Texas, so the grass was dead. It was kind of anti-climactic.” 

Young spent about a month in his Midland County apartment, his rent funded by the Dutch foundation, determined to successfully navigate his early days of freedom on his own. 

Then, he got permission to return home—to East Texas’ Marion County, where he was raised and near where one of the two killings that changed his life took place. He temporarily moved in with his younger sister, Jessi Gonzalez, about 20 minutes from the tiny town where both grew up. Gonzalez watched her three sons—now 17, 12, and 9—develop a relationship with the uncle they’d only seen during prison visits.

“I’d seen my nephews grow up behind glass,” Young told the Observer. He said he enjoyed “the little stuff” he’d missed like playing video games, which required a crash course since they’d grown much more sophisticated in two decades.

The family settled into as comfortable a routine as possible in close quarters. Young got his driver’s license, played with his nephews on the trampoline and zipline in the backyard, and helped with household chores.

He and Gonzalez tried to navigate the sudden rekindling of their day-to-day sibling dynamic. They had grown up together until Young, as a teenager, was taken into custody by the Texas Youth Commission for juvenile offenses. Gonzalez said her brother has always been energetic, having trouble sitting still. He’s extremely intelligent, and he knows it: “Hard-headed,” Gonzalez fondly calls him. “Sometimes you can’t win with him,” she laughed. “He’s gonna be right.” 

Young in a prison visitation booth (Michelle Pitcher)

After a few weeks, Young moved back to their childhood home nearby. The cedar-and-log house with a green metal roof that Young’s parents built had been expanded and renovated. But his parents, with no children at home, had moved and left the big house empty. Lake O’ The Pines is visible from the porch. Young could take in the view, but he still wore the ankle monitor, which at first only allowed him to go up to 100 feet away from his house. He could see the water, but he couldn’t reach it without tripping an alarm. 

Young set himself up in the living room, the largest space, after too many years confined to a cell. He pushed the couch up against the back wall, and he spread out his things.

Alone again, he noticed that the place held ghosts. “I can’t say I had a lot of good memories as a kid,” he said. This particular homecoming “wasn’t really a joyful experience.” He also worried that unwelcome people from his past—those he knew when he was involved in crimes as a juvenile and young adult—might arrive.

“They’re still stuck 20 years ago, and that’s how they still picture me,” he said. “They don’t know the man who’s had an execution day [and] dealt with people all over the world. My world views have changed drastically.” 

Young got a job with an oil and gas company. He was able to move around more for work, and he began to earn money. He eventually switched to a larger company, which paid for him to get his commercial driver’s license. It was a well-paying gig, with health insurance, and he could cross state lines while working. He still feared his time as a free man might be limited, but each day on the outside took him one step further from death row.

In August 2022, he and some coworkers cut through Mississippi on their way to a work site in southeast Louisiana. They’d stopped to get something to eat, when their work trucks were surrounded by police cars. Young’s coworker turned to him and said, “Man, I think they’re here for you.” 

Young, it turned out, had been indicted by a special grand jury in Harrison County for capital murder for one of the 2001 fatal shootings. The new indictment came as a shock. Young had previously been tried for both cases only in Midland County. 

“I was living good,” he told the Observer. “Everything was great. I had shaken off the side effects of prison and solitary confinement for the most part. And then, boom.”

Young was jailed for two weeks in Vicksburg, Mississippi, far from his home and job. The judge initially set bail at $5 million, but his lawyers got it reduced to $150,000, the same amount as his original bond. That meant his supporters, who were already helping to pay his legal bills and had secured prominent criminal defense attorney Dick DeGuerin to represent Young in his retrial, had to raise more funds.

Eventually, they secured enough donations and paid the new bail—all $150,000 in cash—and Young was once again released on August 29, 2022. 

He returned to work in the oil fields. Juan Gonzalez, Young’s supervisor for several months in 2024, called Young a hard worker who spoke openly about his life. “I believe that what he was accused of just can’t be him,” Gonzalez told the Observer in December. “He is a well-spoken, very smart guy. Good attitude, always a little smile on his face.”

Young began to see a therapist at the suggestion of a judge and his own attorneys. He found a post-traumatic stress specialist who had done time in federal prison, and he saw him for several months. 

To his supporters, Young was doing surprisingly well in his years as a free man after so long behind bars. DeGuerin, who’s practiced criminal law for nearly 60 years, said many people in prison with extreme sentences become “defeated” and lose initiative.

“But Young used that time to educate himself,” DeGuerin told the Observer. “He spent 20 years locked up, and all of a sudden you can see the sky and you can walk barefoot on grass. It’s a completely new experience. It’s impressive to me that he was able to handle that.”

While out on bond, Young advocated for others on death row. In February 2023, he testified in front of the Texas House Committee on Criminal Jurisprudence about the death penalty appeals process. In November 2023, he participated in the Annual March to Abolish the Death Penalty in Austin. “Why I do everything is to be heard, to convey my sense of what’s right,” Young told the Observer.

“MY WHOLE MINDSET HAS ALWAYS BEEN LIKE, ‘Y’ALL AIN’T GONNA BREAK ME.’”

He filed a lawsuit against Midland County officials, including Petty, whose conflict of interest had led to Young’s conviction being reversed. His lawsuit is temporarily stayed while Texas courts wait to see if the U.S. Supreme Court will take up a similar case stemming from Petty’s misconduct.

“The thing I’m most struck by is the fortitude of [Young’s] spirit,” attorney Alexa Gervasi, who’s representing Young in his civil case, told the Observer. “He is still fighting and he’s not giving up.” 

Young had found love, too. In the heady early days of freedom, he began a romance with a friend, got married, and on a stormy night in March 2024—26 months after his release—he became a father. 

He drove his wife to the hospital in heavy rain, his hazard lights flashing and four-wheel drive engaged. The birth wasn’t smooth—the doctors had to perform an emergency caesarean, and the baby was born with fluid in his lungs. The newborn spent time in a neonatal intensive care unit. It was a tense period of waiting, hoping for an outcome almost too precious to imagine—a supremely anxious desire for life somewhat akin to the hope Young had experienced before his release. The baby boy was eventually released to Young and his wife, who asked not to be named to maintain their son’s privacy. 

“My son is going to break the cycle,” Young said. “My son is not having the life I have. My biggest concern is protecting my son. … When people see him, they’re not going to think ‘Clinton Young’s son.’ He’s gonna have his own identity, his own life.”

While Young charted his new path as a free man, and a father, preparations for his return to court were underway. In fact, the process had begun before he ever stepped foot out of the Midland County Jail. Shortly after his release, the state attorney general’s office took over his case and began planning its strategy for reprosecuting the now decades-old crimes. 

In October 2023, state lawyers attempted to revoke Young’s bond because he had visited old friends who had also been released from prison and were affiliated with a prison gang in which he’d once been active. Young told the Observer he joined the gang when he was in the juvenile justice system, looking for belonging and security, and that “41 year-old me would never make that decision that 18-year-old me made.” Young is no longer affiliated with the prison gang, and he got his tattoos removed while out on bond. 

Young’s new Midland County trial, independent of the surprise Harrison County indictment, was slated for October 2024. By then, he would have shown for nearly three years that he could be a productive member of free society. Young believed that the state’s case against him was thin, but he’d sat at the defense table before, and he knew what could happen once a trial got underway. 

The state was originally planning to seek a new death sentence, but in late 2023 prosecutors announced they would pursue a life sentence instead for only one murder. Because Young was being tried for a crime that took place in 2001, before life without parole was available in Texas, a life sentence with the possibility of parole was the harshest penalty a jury could impose.

During the trial, the public seats in the courtroom weren’t packed, despite the notoriety of Young’s conviction reversal, and the retrial proceeded relatively quietly. 

The state presented much of the same evidence it had at the original trial, including testimony from one of his co-defendants. The original trial testimony of one now-dead witness who claimed he’d interacted with Young the night of the murders—but who had recanted in the years since—was entered into evidence without mention of the reversal.

Young, who’d been optimistic prior to trial, knew that when the jury members left the courtroom to deliberate, they would likely vote to send him back to prison for life.

As they weighed his fate, Young stepped outside the courthouse and smoked a cigarette, replaying the trial in his mind. He knew some people expected him to flee, but even if he somehow escaped, he would never again see his son, who’d crawled for the first time the day prior. Young had spent the past few years trying to show people that reform and rehabilitation were possible, and he didn’t want to jeopardize that.

“The hardest thing I did in life was turn around and walk back in that courtroom,” Young told the Observer. “I wanted to show that people aren’t what you make them out to be. You don’t have to kill us. You don’t have to throw us away for the rest of our life. We’re capable of changing and making the right decisions in life.”

Young kisses his son. (Courtesy/family)

The jury convicted Young once again for the 2001 murder in Midland County of Samuel Petrey, this time sentencing him to life in prison with the possibility of parole. He may face another trial for the Harrison County murder, the result of the indictment he received while out on bond. 

After hearing the verdict, Young tried to look calm for his family and supporters. But the mask fell when he was handed his baby boy. Young knew he wouldn’t be considered for parole for years and might never be free again.

“My whole mindset has always been like, ‘Y’all ain’t gonna break me,’” he told the Observer. “When I said goodbye to my son in that courtroom, I broke.”

Within 48 hours, Young was back in the custody of the Texas Department of Criminal Justice. In November, just a month later, he began a blog post, published with the help of the foundation, with his trademark humor. “Now as I was saying: before being interrupted by freedom, life and more legal drama. The problem with the justice system is…”

When he spoke with the Observer in January, he wore the standard-issue white uniform, and he had the grown-out buzz cut and light facial hair worn by so many others housed at the massive Coffield Unit in Anderson County, southeast of Dallas. Yet, he smiled through the conversation, cracking jokes and speaking with an easy candor. He teared up only when asked about his son. He sees him every week, but he’s not allowed to touch him or his wife; he has no-contact visits, given his current custody level. 

Young continues to pursue legal appeals and to advocate for those still on death row. “The fight goes on,” he said, just a few minutes before prison officials announced the interview was over. “I got nothing but time.”

The post ‘You Don’t Have to Kill Us. You Don’t Have to Throw Us Away.’ appeared first on The Texas Observer.

The US hasn’t seen a human bird flu case in 3 months. Experts are wondering why

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By MIKE STOBBE and JONEL ALECCIA

Health officials are making a renewed call for vigilance against bird flu, but some experts are puzzling over why reports of new human cases have stopped.

Has the search for cases been weakened by government cuts? Are immigrant farm workers, who have accounted for many of the U.S. cases, more afraid to come forward for testing amid the Trump administration’s deportation push? Is it just a natural ebb in infections?

“We just don’t know why there haven’t been cases,” said Jennifer Nuzzo, director of the Pandemic Center at Brown University. “I think we should assume there are infections that are occurring in farmworkers that just aren’t being detected.”

The H5N1 bird flu has been spreading widely among wild birds, poultry and other animals around the world for several years, and starting early last year became a problem in people and cows in the U.S.

In the last 14 months, infections have been reported in 70 people in the U.S. — most of them workers on dairy and poultry farms. One person died, but most of the infected people had mild illnesses.

The most recent infections confirmed by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention were in early February in Nevada, Ohio and Wyoming.

California had been a hotspot, with three-quarters of the nation’s infections in dairy cattle. But testing and cases among people have fallen off. At least 50 people were tested each month in late 2024, but just three people were tested in March, one in April and none in May so far, state records show. Overall, the state has confirmed H5N1 infections in 38 people, none after Jan. 14.

The possible natural reason bird flu cases are down

During a call with U.S. doctors this month, one CDC official noted that there is a seasonality to bird flu: Cases peak in the fall and early winter, possibly due to the migration patterns of wild birds that are primary spreaders of the virus.

That could mean the U.S. is experiencing a natural — maybe temporary — decline in cases.

This undated electron microscopic image provided by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention shows two Influenza A (H5N1) virions, a type of bird flu virus. (Cynthia Goldsmith, Jackie Katz/CDC via AP)

It’s unlikely that a severe human infection, requiring hospitalization, would go unnoticed, said Michael Osterholm, a University of Minnesota expert on infectious diseases.

What’s more, a patchwork system that monitors viruses in sewage and wastewater has suggested limited activity recently.

New infections are still being detected in birds and cattle, but not as frequently as several months ago.

“Given the fact that the number of animal detections has fallen according to USDA data, it’s not surprising that human cases have declined as well,” the CDC said in a statement.

Are government cuts affecting bird flu monitoring?

Dr. Gregory Gray said he wasn’t concerned about the CDC not identifying new cases in months.

“I don’t think that anybody’s hiding anything,” said Gray, an infectious disease speicialist at the University of Texas Medical Branch in Galveston.

But Osterholm and some other experts think it’s likely that at least some milder infections are going undetected. And they worry that the effort to find them has been eroding.

Resignations at the U.S. Department of Agriculture and the Food and Drug Administration’s Center for Veterinary Medicine could slow the government’s bird flu monitoring, said Keith Poulsen, director of the Wisconsin Veterinary Diagnostic Laboratory.

Three of 14 experts accepted deferred resignation offers at the National Animal Health Laboratory Network, which responds to disease outbreaks with crucial diagnostic information, he said. They are among more than 15,000 USDA staff to accept the offers, an agency spokesperson said.

And dozens of staff were fired at the FDA’s Veterinary Laboratory Investigation and Response Network, which investigates animal diseases caused by problems including contaminated pet food. Cats in several states have been sickened and died after eating raw pet food found to contain poultry infected with H5N1.

Angela Rasmussen, a virologist at the University of Saskatchewan in Canada, said “targeted surveillance has really dropped off precipitously since Trump took office.”

She wonders if immigrant farmworkers are too scared to come forward.

“I can’t argue with anyone who would be risking getting shipped to a Salvadoran gulag for reporting an exposure or seeking testing,” she said.

CDC says the risk to the general public remains low

The CDC characterizes the risk to the general public as low, although it is higher for people who work with cattle and poultry or who are in contact with wild birds.

Earlier this month, an agency assessment said there is a “moderate risk” that currently circulating strains of bird flu could cause a future pandemic, but the CDC stressed that other emerging forms of bird flu has been similarly labeled in the past.

Still, research is continuing.

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Texas A&M University scientists have collected blood samples from dairy workers in multiple states to test for signs of past H5N1 exposure, said David Douphrate, a workplace health and safety expert leading the project. The yearlong study is funded by a nearly $4 million grant from the CDC and is expected to conclude in July.

Douphrate said he leveraged two decades of relationships with dairy producers and workers to gain access to the farms.

“We have had very good participation,” Douphrate said. “They have been very willing.”

Similar surveillance is “urgently needed” among domestic cats, said Kristen Coleman, a researcher at the University of Maryland at College Park who studies emerging animal diseases. She recently released a paper reviewing bird flu in infections in cats between 2004 and 2024.

Barn cats that died after drinking raw milk were one of the first signs that dairy cows were becoming infected with bird flu in 2024. Since then, the Agriculture Department has confirmed more than 120 domestic cats infected with the virus across the U.S.

Infections have mostly been found in cats that died. Less is known about milder infections, whether cats can recover from bird flu — or whether the virus can spill over into people.

Coleman has been collecting blood samples from cats across the U.S. to see if they have evidence of previous exposure to the virus. But the process is slow and research funding is uncertain.

“It’s easy to downplay something because that’s usually what humans do,” she said. “But what we really need to be doing is ramping up.”

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