By COLLIN BINKLEY, AP Education Writer

WASHINGTON (AP) — Before President Donald Trump’s administration started dismantling the Education Department, the agency served as a powerful enforcer in cases of sexual violence at schools and universities. It brought the weight of the government against schools that mishandled sexual assault complaints involving students.

That work is quickly fading away.

The department’s Office for Civil Rights was gutted in Trump’s mass layoffs last year, leaving half as many lawyers to investigate complaints of discrimination based on race, sex or disability in schools. Those who remain face a backlog of more than 25,000 cases.

Investigations have dwindled. Before the layoffs last March, the office opened dozens of sexual violence investigations a year. Since then, it’s opened fewer than 10 nationwide, according to internal data obtained by The Associated Press.

Yet Trump’s Republican administration has doubled down on sexual discrimination cases of another kind. Trump officials have used Title IX, a 1972 gender equality law, against schools that make accommodations for transgender students and athletes. The Office for Civil Rights has opened nearly 50 such investigations since Trump took office a year ago.

Even before the layoffs, critics said the office was understaffed and moved too slowly. Now, many firms that handle Title IX cases have stopped filing complaints, calling it a dead end.

“It almost feels like you’re up against the void,” said Katie McKay, a lawyer at a New York firm that represents victims.

“It feels like a big question mark right now,” she said. “How are we supposed to hold a school accountable once it has messed up?”

An Education Department spokesperson said the office is working through its caseload, blaming President Joe Biden’s Democratic administration for leaving a backlog and rewriting Title IX rules to protect LGBTQ+ students. Trump officials rolled back those rules.

“The Trump Administration has restored commonsense safeguards against sexual violence by returning sex-based separation in intimate facilities,” spokesperson Julie Hartman said. “OCR is and will continue to safeguard the dignity and safety of our nation’s students.”

Students have few other places to turn

The layoffs have slowed work at the Office for Civil Rights across the board, but it has an outsize impact on cases of sexual violence. Students who are mistreated by their schools — including victims and accused students alike — have few other venues to pursue justice.

Many are now left with two options: File a lawsuit or walk away.

One woman said she’s losing hope for a complaint she filed in 2024. She alleges her graduate school failed to follow its own policies when it suspended but didn’t expel another student found by the school to have sexually assaulted her. No one has contacted her about the complaint since 2024.

The woman recently sued her school as a last resort. She said it feels like a David and Goliath mismatch.

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“They have all the power, because there is no large organization holding them accountable. It’s just me, just this one individual who’s filing this simple suit,” the woman said. The AP does not typically identify people who say they are victims of sexual assault unless they grant permission.

The civil rights office is supposed to provide a free alternative to litigation. Anyone can file a complaint, which can trigger an investigation and sanctions for schools that violate federal law.

In 2024, the agency received more than 1,000 complaints involving sexual violence or sexual harassment, according to an annual report.

It’s unclear how many complaints have been filed more recently. Trump’s administration has not reported newer figures. In conversations with the AP, some staffers said cases are piling up so quickly they can’t track how many involve sexual violence.

In December, the department acknowledged the civil rights backlog and announced dozens of downsized workers would be brought back to the office amid a legal challenge to their layoffs. The workers’ return offers some hope to those with pending civil rights complaints. Department officials have vowed to keep pushing for the layoffs.

Historically, the feds have held schools and colleges accountable

Before Trump was elected to his second term, the office had more than 300 pending investigations involving sexual assault, according to a public database. Most of those cases are believed to be sitting idle as investigators prioritize easier complaints, according to staffers who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of retribution.

The details of past cases underscore the urgency of the work.

In 2024, the office took action against a Pennsylvania school system after a girl with a disability told staff she had been sexually touched by a bus driver. She was put back on that driver’s bus later that afternoon, plus the next two days. The district was required to designate a Title IX coordinator for its schools, review previous complaints and consider compensation for the girl’s family.

That year, the office demanded changes at a Montana school where a boy was pinned down by other students and assaulted after a wrestling practice. The students had been suspended for three days after school officials treated it as a case of hazing instead of sexual assault.

In another case, the office sided with a University of Notre Dame student who had been expelled over accusations of sexual misconduct. The student said the college never told him precisely what he was accused of and refused to interview witnesses he put forward.

Cases that get attention from the federal office are being handled under federal rules created during Trump’s first term. Those rules were designed to bolster the rights of students accused of sexual misconduct.

Lawyers who work with accused students see little improvement.

Justin Dillon, a Washington lawyer, said some of his recent complaints have been opened for investigation. He tells clients not to hold their breath. Even before the layoffs, cases could drag on for years, he said.

Others gave up on the office years ago. The LLF National Law Firm said it stopped filing complaints in 2021 in favor of suing schools directly. Lawyers at the firm said the office had become incapable of delivering timely outcomes, which was only worsened by the layoffs.

Complaints can be resolved several ways. They can be dismissed if they don’t pass legal muster. Many go to mediation, akin to a settlement. Some end in voluntary agreements from schools, with plans to rectify past wrongs and prevent future ones.

In 2024, under Biden, the office secured 23 voluntary agreements from schools and colleges in cases involving sexual violence, according to a public database. In 2018, during Trump’s first term, there were 58. Since Trump took office again last year, there have been none.

The dismantling of the Office for Civil Rights comes as a blow to Laura Dunn, a civil rights lawyer who was influential in getting President Barack Obama’s Democratic administration to make campus sexual assault a priority. As the issue gained public attention, the office started fielding hundreds of complaints a year.

“All the progress survivors have made by sharing their story is being lost,” said Dunn, who’s now a Democratic candidate for Congress in New York. “We are literally losing civil rights progress in the United States, and it’s pushing us back more than 50 years.”

The Associated Press’ education coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. The AP is solely responsible for all content. Find the AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.

The dizzying pace of the college football transfer portal is coming to a close, and it’s time to wrap up what it means for the Gophers going into the 2026 season.

Minnesota had 21 players exit after the 2025 season and 19 players come aboard for next year. The portal closes for new entrants on Friday. And while players can still join new programs, the huge majority of Minnesota’s work is done. The recruiting site 247Sports likes the Gophers class overall, slotting Minnesota at 30th in the nation and seventh within the Big Ten.

This analysis breaks down the future pieces, ranking the top 10 and putting the remaining nine adds into two tiers. Daniel House, founder of Gophers Guru, provides analysis on five of the newcomers.

1. TJ Bush, defensive end, California

The best acquisition for the U this winter played nearly 2,000 total snaps, spread evenly between Cal last year and the two previous at Liberty. Minnesota knew it struggled with him in its nonconference game in Berkeley last September, when Bush had four pressures, three tackles and one sack.

The 6-foot-3, 265-pounder had 37 total pressures in 2025, per Pro Football Focus. He can complement Anthony Smith and Karter Menz at both edge spots, which can keep the trio fresh to menace quarterbacks.

House: The best chance of being a high-impact transfer. … Disruptive, tone-setting. … (He) generates knock-back into the quarterback, impeding vision lanes and compressing edges. His aggressive, violent hands stand out while studying film.

2. Naquan Crowder, defensive tackle, Marshall

The Gophers identified a critical need to replenish their interior D-line given the exits of their top four at that position last season. This 6-foot-2 320-pound anchor is considered tops in a trio of new additions. The former Division II player developed at Marshall last season and was considered by PFF to be outstanding in run defense (82.7) in the Sun Belt Conference.

House: Slightly different style of defensive tackle than the Gophers have targeted in the past. He is a big, wide-bodied, space-eater. Played in wider alignment shades within a 3-3-5 defense, so his skills against the run may be completely maximized as he becomes more of a pure nose (tackle) for the Gophers. … I’ve been wondering if the Gophers may become more of a multi-front defense in 2026.

Michigan State defensive back Aydan West (2) and linebacker Darius Snow (23) react after stopping Penn State from gaining a first down during the first half of an NCAA college football game, Saturday, Nov. 15, 2025, in East Lansing, Mich. West committed to the Gophers out of the transfer portal. (AP Photo/Jose Juarez)

3. Aydan West, cornerback, Michigan State

Minnesota had a huge need at CB2 after two portal defections at that position this winter. There is belief within the program the Gophers got a “very good” candidate here to play opposite starter John Nestor. At 5-foot-11 and 190 pounds, West logged 380 snaps as a true freshman for the Spartans. The Gaithersburg, Md., native had two undefeated state championship seasons with Quince Orchard High School.

4. Perry Thompson, receiver, Auburn

Auburn wide receiver Perry Thompson (3) spins away from Georgia defensive back Demello Jones (15) during the first half of an NCAA college football game Saturday, Oct. 11, 2025, in Auburn, Ala. (AP Photo/Butch Dill)

Minnesota needs wideouts who can create space and win contested catches, and this 6-foot-3, 220-pound target with speed will be asked to get open regularly for QB Drake Lindsey next fall.

As a true freshman in the SEC, Thompson had five receptions for 126 yards and a touchdown, followed by 17 grabs for 154 yards as a sophomore.

House: Highly-rated high school player who had limited productivity over two college seasons. … Auburn’s RPO (run-pass option) offense involved a heavy dose of quick routes, so Minnesota’s coaching staff will be tasked with expanding his route tree as he enters a completely different offensive language and system.

5. Bennett Warren, right tackle, Tennessee

The 6-foot-7, 325-pounder was a big-time recruit coming from Houston, but totaled just 116 snaps over two years with the Volunteers. With three years of eligibility remaining, Warren will compete for the starting right tackle spot with redshirt freshman DJ Shipp of Eastvale, Calif., in spring ball.

6. Noah Jennings, receiver, Cincinnati

The 6-foot, 190-pound to-be senior has the second-highest snap count (1,506) in the transfer class behind Bush. After two years at Charleston Southern, he totaled 23 catches for 323 yards with the Bearcats last season. Jennings didn’t play much in the slot last season, but might be a candidate to do so this fall.

7. Xion Chapman, defensive tackle, Florida International

The Allentown, Pa., native signed with Minnesota after visiting Penn State and before he headed to Oklahoma State. The 6-foot-4, 300-pounder will help in the interior D-line and his best PFF grade came as a pass rusher (79.8). He was credited with 24 pressures at FIU a season ago.

House: Solid productivity in key pass rushing metrics. … Chapman’s blend of lateral quickness and size could create some mismatches vs. certain guards. Minnesota will work on unlocking his pad level and consistency against the run as moves up to the Big Ten.

Tulsa’s Zion Steptoe (7) runs off the field during an NCAA college football game in Greenville, N.C., Saturday, Oct. 16, 2025. Steptoe committed to the Gophers out of the transfer portal. (AP Photo/Ben McKeown)

8. Zion Steptoe, receiver, Tulsa

The Gophers are betting to hit on two of the three new wideouts — a final verdict on that success rate will come in December. After starting out as a defensive back at Purdue, this 5-foot-11, 195-pound athlete had more than 900 snaps at Tulsa. Steptoe has speed to stretch the field and has played some in the slot. He had 36 receptions for 475  yards at Tulsa.

9. Mekhai Smith, safety, Lehigh

With star safety Koi Perich off to the Oregon Ducks, Minnesota brought in two new players at that position. But the internal belief within the program is the Gophers like the experienced depth already cultivated at that spot, plus the upside of Zach Harden.

At 6-2 and 210 pounds, Smith had 56 tackles and four interceptions last season at the FCS level. If he can adjust to the higher level in the Big Ten, Smith can compete for playing time.

House: Compared to Minnesota’s scheme, he operated in some stylistically-similar coverage structures at Lehigh. He looks like he’ll be comfortable triggering from depth via zones in the backend, rolling down into the box or being more of a hybrid defensive back. … Displayed solid physicality and open-field tackling fundamentals.

10. Sid Kaba, defensive tackle, Marshall

The 6-3, 290-pound product of Columbus, Ohio didn’t play a ton for the Thundering Herd last season (154 snaps), but was strong against the run (79.9 grade, per PFF). The goal for Kaba appears to be taking a chunk of snaps in the trenches.

Contributors

Tight end Kaden Helms (Oklahoma) comes in as Minnesota lost three at the position from last season. He is considered a freak athlete, but has injury history with the Sooners. The U doesn’t believe that’s chronic. … Running back TJ Thomas (Elon) will see a handful of RBs ahead of him on the depth chart, but fewer clear-cut names competing to be a returner. … Quarterback Michael Merdinger (Liberty) will complete with Max Shikenjanski to be QB2 behind Lindsey. … Linebacker Andrew Marshall (Ohio) might see the field most on special teams and in a pinch if there are multiple injuries at LB. … Kicker Beckham Sunderland (Michigan) will compete with redshirt freshman Daniel Jackson for primary place-kicking duties next season. The U does not plan to add another kicker before next fall.

Developmental

Running back Jaron Thomas (Purdue); safety Parker Knutson (Southwest Minnesota State); cornerback Elisha West (Michigan State); punter Zachary Robbins (Utah State).

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COPENHAGEN, Denmark (AP) — President Donald Trump suggested Friday that he may punish countries with tariffs if they don’t back the U.S. controlling Greenland, a message that came as a Congressional delegation met Danish and Greenlandic lawmakers in Copenhagen and sought to lower tensions.

Trump for months has insisted that the U.S. should control Greenland, a semiautonomous territory of NATO ally Denmark, and said earlier this week that anything less than the Arctic island being in U.S. hands would be “unacceptable.”

“I may put a tariff on countries if they don’t go along with Greenland,” he said Friday, without providing details. “We need Greenland for national security.”

He had not previously mentioned using tariffs to try to force the issue.

Earlier this week, the foreign ministers of Denmark and Greenland met in Washington this week with U.S. Vice President JD Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio.

That encounter didn’t resolve the deep differences, but did produce an agreement to set up a working group — on whose purpose Denmark and the White House then offered sharply diverging public views. Greenland is a semiautonomous territory of Denmark, a NATO ally of the U.S.

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By CHRISTOPHER RUGABER, Associated Press Economics Writer

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Justice Department’s investigation into Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell has brought heightened attention to a key drama that will play out at the central bank in the coming months: Will Powell leave the Fed when his term as chair ends, or will he take the unusual step of remaining a governor?

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Powell’s term as Fed chair finishes on May 15, but because of the central bank’s complex structure, he has a separate term as one of seven members of its governing board that lasts until January 31, 2028. Historically, nearly all Fed chairs have stepped down from the board when they are no longer chair. But Powell could be the first in nearly 50 years to stay on as a governor.

Many Fed-watchers believe that the criminal investigation into Powell’s testimony about cost overruns for Fed building renovations was intended to intimidate him out of taking that step. If Powell stays on the board, it would deny the White House a chance to gain a majority, undercutting the Trump administration’s efforts to seize greater control over what has for decades been an institution largely insulated from day-to-day politics.

“I find it very difficult to see Powell leaving before midnight on Jan. 31, 2028,” said David Wilcox, a former top economist at the Fed and senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics. “This is a mortal threat to the governance structure of the Fed as we’ve known it for 90 years. And I think that Powell does take that threat exceedingly seriously, and therefore will believe that it is his solemn duty to continue to occupy his seat on the board of governors.”

Powell, 72, was appointed as Fed chair by Trump in 2018, and must step down from the position in May because his second four-year term is ending. He has declined several times to comment on his plans beyond that when asked by reporters. A spokesperson declined to comment for this story.

Trump has sought to push out Powell before his time is up, obsessively attacking him for not cutting rates as sharply as the president wants, particularly in light of ongoing concerns about high costs for groceries, utilities, and housing that have remained a salient political issue even as inflation has cooled.

On Tuesday, Trump highlighted that mortgage rates have declined in the past year. “If I had the help of the Fed, it would be easier,” he said. “But that jerk will be gone soon.”

Or maybe not.

Here is a look at the impacts of whether or not Powell stays on the board could have:

What happens if Powell stays on the board

Trump said Tuesday that he hopes to name a new Fed chair in the next few weeks. But that could get held up by the criminal investigation of Powell.

Several Republican senators, including at least two on the banking committee who would have to approve Trump’s nominees to the Fed, have expressed skepticism that Powell committed crimes during his testimony last June regarding the Fed’s $2.5 billion renovation of two office buildings, a project that Trump has criticized as excessive. That testimony is the subject of subpoenas sent to the Fed by U.S. attorney for the District of Columbia Jeanine Pirro.

Sen. Thom Tillis, a North Carolina Republican, said he would not vote for any Fed nominees until the legal cloud around Powell is resolved. That would be enough to delay a nomination from getting out of the banking committee.

If no new chair of the Fed’s board has been confirmed by May 15, then Powell could remain in that post until a replacement has been confirmed. As a result, the Fed might not cut interest rates anywhere near as quickly as Trump wants.

If Powell stays on as a governor even after he is no longer chair, Trump could still name someone to lead the Fed but that would give him a total of three appointments on the board — including two from his first term — and short of a majority.

So even if Trump nominates a chair who seeks to do the president’s bidding regarding interest rates, that person “would have very little persuasive power with his colleagues,” said Wilcox, who is also director of research at Bloomberg Economics. Powell, along with other members of the Fed’s 19-member interest-rate setting committee, could outvote the new chair. That hasn’t happened since 1986.

What happens if Powell leaves the board

In that case, Trump could nominate a fourth person to the board and gain a majority. He could even then add a fifth, if the Supreme Court allows his attempt to fire Governor Lisa Cook to proceed. The high court will hear her case on Wednesday.

A majority on the board would enable the White House to make sweeping changes to the Fed. Trump’s Treasury Secretary, Scott Bessent, has advocated numerous reforms to reduce the central bank’s influence in the economy and financial markets.

Trump’s majority on the Fed’s board could also remove some of the presidents of the 12 regional banks, who are members of the Fed’s rate-setting committee. The New York Fed president has a vote on the committee and four others vote on a rotating basis.

Several of those bank presidents have expressed opposition to the deep rate cuts that Trump has demanded. The board of governors could seek to have them fired if a chair wanted to do so.

What past Fed chairs have done

While nearly all Fed chairs have left the board of governors before their terms were up, there is some precedent for Powell to stay. In 1978, then-Chair Arthur Burns stayed on the board for about three weeks after his chairmanship ended. But in 1948, then-Fed chairman Marriner Eccles remained as a governor for three years after finishing as chair, in part because President Harry Truman asked him to remain.

In 1951, however, he played a key role in undercutting the Truman administration in a dispute over interest rates, which led to the Fed-Treasury Accord that established the modern Fed as a largely independent institution.

Eccles became a symbol of Fed independence, though some academics say that reputation is overstated. The Fed’s principal office building —- currently under renovation and at the center of the criminal investigation of Powell — is named after him.

Truman then appointed a Treasury official, William McChesney Martin, to the Fed chairmanship and assumed he would do his bidding. Yet Martin defied Truman and raised interest rates. Years later, Truman ran into Martin in New York City and called him a “traitor.” The Fed’s second office building in Washington is named after Martin.

“So it’s a cautionary tale also for Trump, thinking he’s going to get his own Fed chair in there,” said Lev Menand, a law professor at Columbia University who studies the Fed. “Martin didn’t do what Truman wanted.”