Readers and writers: Find humor in a restaurant memoir and courage in a novel of betrayal

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A waiter’s valentine to food and his friends at a now-closed Minneapolis restaurant and fiction about a woman who stands up to corporate betrayal give us two good reading options today.

 

“The Last Supper Club: A Waiter’s Requiem”: by Matthew Batt (University of Minnesota Press,.$22.95)

I enjoyed teaching very much, but at the end of nearly every day, most of my students regard my classes as — and this is a direct quote from one of my student evaluations — a course that “I thought was going to suck but didn’t.”

Restaurants, on the other hand — if they’re good ones — well, we don’t just nourish. We delight. — from “The Last Supper Club”

Matthew Batt thought he was going to write a book during his sabbatical from teaching at the University of St. Thomas (he never mentions the name of the college). But he soon found he didn’t have enough money to make it through months outside the classroom, so he turned to what he loved and had a lot of experience with — being a waiter. While growing up in New Berlin, Wis., as well as spending time in Massachusetts, Ohio, Utah and Texas while pursuing undergraduate and graduate degrees, his bills were paid by working in the hospitality industry. It was lucrative, too. He writes that by waiting tables four days a week in Minnesota he was making as much as he did as a tenured associate professor.

Matthew Batt (Mike Ekern / University of St. Thomas)

In his humorous and interesting memoir, Batt tells of participating in the lively, exasperating, exhausting and wonderful experience of working at The Brewer’s Table, a fine-dining restaurant above Surly’s beer hall in Minneapolis. (Although the book doesn’t give any dates, the restaurant opened in 2015 and closed in August 2017.)

Foodies will love Batt’s descriptions of the menu and even those who don’t know anything about enhancing flavors will be interested in how Chef Jorge Guzman (who terrified Batt) paired beer with food. And what food! Surly’s didn’t fool around in training their wait staff, all of whom took weeks of pre-opening training and were expected to know the origin of and ingredients in every one of the 20 dishes on the menu. That included the fatty hog jowls.

Jorge Guzman (Ben Garvin / Pioneer Press)

“Most of us are still attempting to cram our heads with the difference between the six different kinds of olives we’re presenting to each table upon arrival or struggling to recall what the hell egg gribiche or huitlacoche is and which dish they are parts of,” Batt writes. “The rest of the menu’s impenetrability washes over me with a wave of despair. There’s the duck tongue with the tamarine something or other. The fried green tomato with the shockingly simple Frank’s Red Hot Sauce (but in what and how, who knows?). The opaque panzenella with boquerones, pincholines, and espellette powder…”

In spite of 40-something Batt’s fears he’s going to be fired at any minute, he is accepted by his mostly younger co-workers who become his on-the-job family. Together they survive ingredient quizzes from the manager, the “soft opening” and first night of business. He makes friends with food runners and hostesses (“the person who controls the phone controls the room”). Some stress is added because he is also working at an unidentified establishment he calls “the lakeside place,” a new restaurant on Lake Como that is also opening. It is not going well.

Besides The Brewer’s Table story, Batt tells of his years eating in other diners and restaurants beginning in Wisconsin where he and his mother had a fabulous meal at a rural place that was once favored by gangsters.

By the time The Brewer’s Table opens for business, the reader wants to cheer for the staff as they smile while enforcing the chef’s iron-clad rules that make newbie guests mad, including no kids menu, no beer by the pitcher, no food from the casual downstairs brewery. And then there are the clients, including the man who comes alone with a book, always looking to see which women servers are on duty — but in a non-threatening way. One woman said it was her birthday and insists on having french fries, also not on the menu. Her companion sneaks downstairs and returns with a serving of fries, a move Batt is afraid will bring on every bit of Chef’s rage.

In the end, The Brewer’s Table closed and Batt is now back in the classroom. But he has left us an engrossing and tender memoir about life behind the scenes of an elegant dining room where every piece of cutlery and glassware has to be polished. He also has a claim to fame — none of his experienced colleagues had ever heard of someone staying at a restaurant from start to finish.

Batt, who is a friend of Minnesota author Peter Geye, wrote a previous memoir, “Sugarhouse: Turning the Neighborhood Crack House Into Our Home Sweet Home,” about renovating the first home he and his wife, Jenae, bought in Salt Lake City. He used the skills he leaned there to do the same to their century-old fixer-upper in the Como neighborhood.

Batt will discuss his book with Minnesota author Lon Otto at 7  p.m. Tuesday, Oct. 24, at Magers & Quinn, 3038 Hennepin Ave. S., Mpls., and 6 p.m. Tuesday, Nov. 7, at Next Chapter Booksellers, 38 S. Snelling Ave., St. Paul, in conversation with Minnesota writer Brad Zellar.

“A Cowardly Woman No More”: by Ellen Cooney (Coffee House Press, $16.95)

…if I reached a peak too soon in expressing the furious inner maelstrom I intended to work up, and my words turned dull, I’d sit still awhile, on a break, and think about the guy getting the new position instead of me, completely outranking me, if I’d planned to stay on. In his new position of boss-ness, he’d be overlording me, and so I’d let that sink in and churn around, and then return to my protest, exponentially and vigorously, because what happened to me in my company was wrong, wrong, wrong. — from “A Cowardly Woman No More”

Ellen Cooney is the author of the novel “A Cowardly Woman No More.” (Courtesy of Coffee House Press)

Who should read this book? Every woman who has silently screamed after an encounter with an entitled male boss. Every woman who has given years to a job only to be passed over for a promotion. Every woman who has had to train a less-qualified youngster (usually a man), so he can be her boss.

Although there is much in the media these days about women progressing in the business world, Ellen Cooney reminds us in her sharp-tongued and humorous novel that many women are not winners. This is the story of one of them, Trisha Donahue, a 44-year-old computer specialist who’s been a mainstay of her company for 20 years but has always felt after an encounter with a manager that “I could feel myself shrinking inside, convinced for that moment I was incompetent, I was a phony, I did not deserve the job I had, I did not belong there.” So Trisha puts up with every stupid, inconvenient company policy, never complaining about the stress of working and caring for her husband and children.

And then it all goes wrong when Trisha is up for a promotion everyone knows she is entitled to that comes with a large office. She is already contemplating the joys of getting out of her little pod space where she’s constantly interrupted. But she doesn’t get the job. It goes to a less qualified young man.

What happens next is the heart of the novel, which unfolds in one day. Trisha is surprised at being honored at the company’s annual banquet, as though that makes up for not getting the promotion. But instead of smiling in the glaring spotlight she stands up, turns her back on her colleagues and walks out the back door.

The banquet, a cherished company event, is held at the old and slightly dowdy Rose & Emerald restaurant where Trisha spent many hours hanging out as a child. Not knowing where to go or what to do after her walk-out, especially since she had kicked off her shoes under the table, she roams her beloved restaurant meeting all kinds of characters who help her but don’t say much else. There’s something mysterious about these encounters and the dark back rooms. It’s especially spooky when she finds herself in the attic where there are new desks and computer equipment. Nobody will tell her what the office is for, except that it has to do with training.

By the time the day turns to early evening, and Trisha has missed the last bus back to the office, she has become a woman ready to stand up for herself at a new and better job.

Cooney’s writing is a delight and every woman who has gone against her best judgment “to fit in” will love her book.

The author, who lives on the Phippsburg Peninsula in mid-coast Maine, has written 10 previous novels and her stories have been in national publications.

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Michigan State apologizes for displaying picture of Adolf Hitler

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Michigan State University on Saturday apologized for displaying an image of Nazi dictator Adolf Hitler on its scoreboard during a pregame quiz at Spartan Stadium.

“We are deeply sorry for the content that was displayed, as this is not representative of our institutional values,” the university said. “MSU will not be using the third-party source going forward and will implement stronger screening and approval procedures for all videoboard content in the future.”

Screenshots by fans of the photo of Hitler alongside the word “Austria,” where Hitler was born in 1889, went viral.

The university did not specify which “third-party source” had supplied the image of the bloodthirsty orchestrator of World War II and the Holocaust.

It was a bad day all around for Michigan State and its football fans. The Spartans lost to Michigan by a score of 49-0, one of the most humiliating defeats ever to their home-state rival.

Conservatives are increasingly knives out for the nation’s top cyber agency

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An agency set up under Donald Trump to protect elections and key U.S. infrastructure from foreign hackers is now fighting off increasingly intense threats from hard-right Republicans who argue it’s gone too far and are looking for ways to rein it in.

These lawmakers insist work by the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency to combat online disinformation during elections singles out conservative voices and infringes upon free speech rights — an allegation the agency vehemently denies and the Biden administration is contesting in court. The accusations started in the wake of the 2020 election and are ramping up ahead of 2024, with lawmakers now calling for crippling cuts at the agency.

“CISA has blatantly violated the First Amendment and colluded with Big Tech to censor the speech of ordinary Americans,” Rand Paul (R-Ky.), the ranking member of the Senate Homeland Security Committee, which oversees CISA, said in a statement to POLITICO.

The fight over CISA underscores yet another way Trump’s election fraud claims are reverberating into 2024. And though the hard right doesn’t have enough votes to defund CISA today, the growing backlash against it has supporters worried that a hard-right faction could hobble the agency in the years ahead — undermining its efforts not just to secure future elections, but also protect key U.S. and federal networks from major hacks.

CISA had broad bipartisan support in Congress when lawmakers passed legislation creating the agency in 2018. At the ceremony where Trump signed it into law, he called it “very, very important legislation” to protect the U.S. against both nation-state hackers and cybercriminals.

But when Chris Krebs, the then-head of CISA, debunked Trump’s 2020 election fraud claims, the president fired him. And since the GOP assumed control of the House in 2022, like-minded Republicans have been ratcheting up their scrutiny of the agency.

In June, the Republican-led House Judiciary Committee, chaired by Jim Jordan of Ohio, issued a fiery report labeling CISA “the nerve center” of the federal government’s censorship apparatus. Then at the end of September, more than 100 House Republicans launched an unsuccessful bid to dramatically slash CISA’s $3 billion budget by 25 percent. And earlier this month, Republican attorneys general, who had taken CISA and other federal agencies to court over possible First Amendment violations, won new restrictions against it.

The Supreme Court temporarily froze those restrictions on Friday, allowing the government to continue working with social media platforms until it has a chance to review the case itself.

In addition to election security, CISA protects government computer networks and essential private sector institutions, like chemical manufacturers, schools and hospitals, from both physical and digital sabotage. Of the agency’s $3 billion budget, roughly $45 million is dedicated to election security, according to internal figures shared with POLITICO by the agency. A fraction of that, less than $2 million, goes to combating foreign influence operations and disinformation.

“Defunding CISA is inviting a Chinese and/or Russia cyberattack against our government and thousands of costly ransomware attacks against small and medium-sized businesses,” Eric Swalwell (D-Calif.), the ranking member of the Homeland Security Committee’s cyber subcommittee, said in a text message.

Conservatives’ frustrations with CISA stem from work it started five years ago to prevent the brand of online influence operations Russian hackers deployed in the run-up to the 2016 elections.

Up to the 2022 election, CISA coordinated regular calls between social media platforms and federal agencies on election-related disinformation. Through the 2020 elections, it also engaged in a practice known as “switchboarding,” in which the agency forwarded tips about hoaxes it received from state and local election authorities to companies like Facebook and X, (formerly Twitter).

Conservatives now argue that activity has become a smokescreen for left-leaning government censorship. In Congress and within the courts, they contend that pressure from federal agencies like CISA led social media companies to limit the spread of information perceived as damaging to Joe Biden’s campaign, such as stories relating to Hunter Biden.

In a sign of trouble for an agency once boasting strong bipartisan support, 108 Republicans supported the failed push to cut CISA’s budget last month — a near majority within the conference.

Backers of the budget cut included a swathe of increasingly influential hard-right lawmakers, like Jordan and James Comer (R-Ky.), chair of the powerful House Oversight Committee. Those with direct oversight over CISA also backed the vote, such as the chief of the Homeland Security Committee, Mark Green (R-Tenn.), and another panel member, August Pfluger (R-Texas).

CISA vehemently denies the allegations against it. It contends that it acted only as an intermediary and never pressured social media platforms to censor specific posts. “CISA does not and has never censored speech or facilitated censorship,” spokesperson Avery Mulligan said in a statement.

CISA supporters also argue the allegations are overblown and outdated, pointing out that the agency halted its switchboarding activity ahead of the 2022 election. Some argue that CISA’s role in rebutting Trump’s claims in 2020 left Republicans hungry for payback.

“To criticize CISA and this leadership for stuff that happened in the previous administration makes no sense,” said former Rep. Jim Langevin (D-R.I.), a longtime agency supporter who left Congress last year. He added that he hopes whoever becomes House speaker “would do some homework and really look at the facts.”

In the court case against CISA brought by GOP attorneys general, a Republican-dominated appeals court ruled Oct. 3 that the agency “likely violated” the First Amendment in its interactions with social media companies. It concluded the agency’s efforts were improper because it coordinated with the FBI, a law enforcement agency, and opined on the veracity of certain posts flagged to social media platforms.

The Biden administration is now challenging the ruling, which would curb CISA’s communications with Silicon Valley. But the appeals court’s conclusions — which the Supreme Court intends to review by June — have nonetheless emboldened conservatives.

“Federal courts have ordered CISA to stop, but the trust CISA has abused cannot be restored until the agency gives a full accounting of what it has done, and Congress changes the law to create severe penalties for anyone who tries to do the same thing in the future,” Paul said in his statement to POLITICO.

Several influential House Republicans still back CISA, including Mike Gallagher of Wisconsin, the chair of the cyber panel on the House Armed Services Committee, and Nancy Mace of South Carolina, who heads the House Oversight Committee’s cyber subcommittee. The House recently passed an annual appropriations bill that would keep the agency’s funding roughly on par with what Biden sought in this year’s budget request.

Still, CISA supporter Andrew Garbarino (R-N.Y.), the chair of the Homeland Security Committee’s cyber subcommittee, expressed concern about the spread of “misinformation” within his party.

“At a time when America is facing more complex cyber threats than ever before, attempting to kneecap our lead civilian cybersecurity agency is dangerous,” he said in a statement to POLITICO. “Those of us who support CISA are working to educate the members who voted to cut CISA’s funding to ensure its cyber and physical resilience work can continue.”

A key concern for lawmakers like Garbarino and the agency itself is that large funding cuts would hamper other key aspects of its mandate — like protecting government networks, schools and private hospitals from criminal ransomware groups.

“As our nation continues to face complex and urgent cyber threats, funding at levels below the amounts that the administration has requested would put the safety and security of the critical infrastructure Americans rely on every day at serious risk,” CISA’s Mulligan said.

Gerry Connolly (D-Va.), the ranking member of the House Oversight Committee’s cyber panel, told POLITICO: “Any cuts to the agency, whether targeted or across-the-board, will do measurable damage to our ability to protect our critical infrastructure and maintain system security across the federal government.”

Maggie Miller contributed to this report.

An unsanctioned coterie of pro-Israel quasi-lobbyists has descended on D.C.

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This past week, an unlikely pair of men sat down for breakfast at the Capitol Hill Club, a Republican gathering site just a stone’s throw from Congress, to plot ways to help Israel.

On one side of the table was Rep. Paul Gosar, a firebrand Republican who has faced criticism for ties to white nationalists. On the other was Bobby Rechnitz, a Los Angeles real estate developer dubbed a “confidant” of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Over coffee, the two discussed Israel’s former Prime Minister Golda Meir and the situation in Gaza. Rechnitz said he’d come to Washington to share real-time intelligence from Israel and to ensure lawmakers understood the challenges facing leadership there.

“I hope to slightly enlighten the congressman about some of the things that I’m hearing,” he said. Rechnitz said he’s connected lawmakers with members of the Knesset, Israel’s governing body. He also uses a large iPad to show them photos of bullet-riddled bodies of babies and people burnt alive.

The meeting Wednesday appeared to serve its purpose. Gosar said he and Rechnitz were working “symbiotically” on the issue. He has since pledged his support for funding for Israel, although not if it’s tied to aid for Ukraine.

Rechnitz is not a lobbyist. Nor was he sanctioned by the government of Israel to go to Washington. “It’s not an official government representation,” he conceded.

Instead, he is part of a ragtag group of donors, activists and allies who have moved swiftly these past two weeks to help Israel. They have leveraged their political clout, their relationships with lawmakers and their fundraising networks to do so.

Their overarching goal is to shape how elected officials in the U.S. react to the crisis. But their work also underscores how much of the political fight around the nascent war is being done on the fly; and how much is being waged in unconventional theaters: college campuses, corporate boardrooms, K Street offices and stuffy Capitol Hill restaurants.

Among those who have rushed to Israel’s defense is Ronald Lauder, the billionaire heir to the cosmetic empire Estée Lauder who is also president of the World Jewish Congress.

For months, GOP presidential candidates seeking donations have courted the cosmetics magnate in private meetings. But since the attack Oct. 7, Lauder has turned his attention away from the primary and on to the conflict. He recently threatened to halt his giving to the University of Pennsylvania over its handling of antisemitism and a Palestinian literature event. Privately, he’s been making calls to a bipartisan group of lawmakers and world leaders to build support for security efforts.

“Mr[.] Lauder has been in regular contact with foreign leaders across Europe and the Middle East to build support for Israeli and American security efforts,” said a spokesperson for the Estée Lauder heir, who requested anonymity to speak freely.

Lauder’s influence efforts have been supplemented by more formal attempts to get Congress on Israel’s side. The American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, along with an allied Democratic super PAC, were pushing for a funding package to lawmakers before one was introduced by the Biden administration.

AIPAC has spent more than $2.2 million this year on, among other things, currying support for security assistance to Israel, according to public lobbying disclosures. Its target legislation has included the Hamas International Financing Prevention Act, a measure that would sanction those connected to Hamas or the Palestinian Islamic Jihad. It passed the House Foreign Affairs Committee on Thursday.

A number of other major law firms are also registered with the Department of Justice to represent the Israeli government, including Sidley Austin, Arnold & Porter, and Holland & Knight.

Other lobbyists have been doing work on behalf of Israel on an impromptu, non-contracted basis. Jeff Miller, an adviser to former Speaker Kevin McCarthy and one of the most influential K Street denizens in the capital, said he’d been pressing Washington policymakers on Israel’s behalf, even as the House GOP is in chaos over replacing his longtime friend as its leader.

Miller, who sits on the board of the Republican Jewish Coalition, used the forthcoming fight over an aid package to take a whack at Rep. Matt Gaetz, the Florida Republican who engineered McCarthy’s ouster.

“Matt Gaetz’s destructive behavior has rendered our legislative body useless during a time of world instability we haven’t seen in decades,” he said in a statement. “What he did wasn’t just horrible for the Republican Party, it was horrible for our country and the world. Every day that passes where the House cannot function is another day we failed our duty to support our ally, Israel.”

“Matt Gaetz — and Matt Gaetz alone — is responsible for this embarrassing failure,” he said.

The rush to rally lawmakers behind Israel may ultimately not require a major lift. Members of both parties have expressed their support for the country in the wake of the Hamas attacks. Republicans have applauded Biden for his support of Israel, including a trip there amid the war.

But passing aid may be another task entirely. Biden has asked Congress for a $106 billion package that would include money for the war in Ukraine, securing America’s southern border, and funds for Israeli weapons and humanitarian relief in Gaza. Conservative Republicans in the House have bristled at more aid for Ukraine. And there is also the matter of whether the House can even pass such legislation without a speaker in place.

Israel’s defenders are leaving nothing to chance. The super PAC Democratic Majority for Israel, an advocacy group launched in 2019 to try to reinforce the party’s pro-Israel ranks, has been holding briefings for members of Congress, including one on Thursday that featured former Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and Rep. Brendan Boyle (D-Pa.) as guest speakers.

Blue and White Future — an Israeli nonprofit that helped the movement against a contentious judicial overhaul championed by Netanyahu — has begun revamping its own operations in the wake of Oct. 7. The group, which had previously helped coordinate crowdfunding and financing to protest the judicial reforms, is now paying for ads that drum up support for the Israeli cause. In one ad, children discuss violence against Jewish people, with the caption: “This is how TERRORISTS are made.”

Eleanor McManus, of the firm Trident DMG, said Blue and White Future is focused on “helping victims and families of hostages tell their stories in the media about the inhumane and cruel violence inflicted on innocent civilians by a ruthless terrorist aggressor.”

But outside of Washington, the sentiment around the Israel-Hamas war is more fraught. On college campuses, students have called on their school administrators to denounce Israel and held protests for Palestinian liberation. Elite law firms have rescinded job offers to law students who or whose student groups have denounced Israel.

Even inside the Beltway, some lawmakers are calling for a cease-fire or an end to the “apartheid” in the region. Rep. Rashida Tlaib, the only Palestinian American lawmaker in Congress, publicly told Biden that Palestinian and Muslim Americans “will remember where [he] stood” on the conflict. Muslim and Arab leaders have lambasted the Biden administration for failing to protect their communities in the wake of the war and the killing of a 6-year-old Palestinian American boy, in what authorities called a hate crime. One State Department official resigned from his post over the administration’s handling of the conflict.

Biden, in recent days, has moved to address these concerns. He talked up the need for humanitarian assistance, warned against the spread of Islamophobia and called the family members of the 6-year-old boy.

Rechnitz, the Los Angeles real estate developer who dined with Gosar, described his mission slightly differently. It was, he said, an effort not to moderate the rhetoric but to combat negative sentiments of Israel from taking root. He fashions himself as an informal ambassador for the country.

“My heart at all times is with Israel in terms of their perception in the world and how to better the situation and how to advocate on their behalf,” he said.