A House Defeated? Abbott, Paxton, Patrick Bag Rebellious State Legislators

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In one of the ugliest and most contentious Republican primaries in Texas history, an array of insurgent challengers—sent forth into battle by the governor and his school voucher allies and a vengeful attorney general with his radical right-wing base—got what they wanted: change, turmoil, and unease. 

Come the 2025 legislative session, the Republican-controlled state House is likely to be a much different entity. While many GOP incumbents prevailed in the face of well-funded challengers, others did not. By the end of the night, nine incumbent GOP state representatives had lost their races outright—and eight more were forced into runoffs. 

That includes the embattled Republican House Speaker Dade Phelan, of Beaumont, who was forced into a runoff after narrowly trailing his main primary rival in his southeast Texas district. 

Phelan has been at war with Attorney General Ken Paxton and Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick for months over the House’s impeachment of Paxton, plus various political disputes between the House and Senate. Both Paxton and Patrick prominently backed Phelan’s primary challenger, who was also endorsed by former President Donald Trump. Governor Greg Abbott has left the speaker to fend for himself in that melee, angered that Phelan’s House blocked a school voucher bill. Phelan is the first speaker to face a runoff in their home district since 1972, when Democratic Speaker Rayford Price ultimately lost his seat in a fractious intra-party battle over the ethics scandal known as Sharpstown. 

Overall, Abbott came out ahead in his high-stakes campaign to take down Republican state House incumbents—many from rural Texas—who had the temerity to stand firm against his aggressive voucher push during an onslaught of special legislative sessions last year. At least six of Abbott’s anti-voucher targets lost, with three more forced into runoffs. Only a few won outright. 

Dade Phelan in the House Chamber in 2023 AP Photo/Eric Gay

Paxton also came up big in his post-impeachment vengeance campaign. Though he didn’t succeed in ousting most of his targeted House incumbents who voted to impeach him—including former allies in his home Collin County—he did pick off a couple. In particular, Mitch Little, who became famous for his ruthless interrogation of witnesses as one of Paxton’s lawyers in the impeachment trial, ousted Denton County incumbent Kronda Thimesch. Still, many of the 30-plus House candidates he backed did not win. 

Paxton’s clearest victory came in the typically low-profile elections for the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals, which he has put in his crosshairs ever since the court ruled against his power to unilaterally prosecute voting law violations. Three Republican incumbents lost to Paxton-backed insurgents, dramatically remaking the state’s highest criminal courtjudiciary—the same body that, remarkably, could one day assess a criminal conviction against Paxton himself. 

Coming off a sweeping impeachment acquittal, Paxton, who is still under FBI investigation and is set to finally go to trial for criminal securities fraud this spring, has proven yet again that he’s not to be underestimated. In his election night statement, Paxton focused on the uncompleted work of ousting the speaker. 

“Today’s election results have revealed that the battle for the soul of Texas is far from over,” Paxton said. “While David Covey [Phelan’s challenger] and Dade Phelan are headed to a runoff, it’s clear that our fight against the liberal forces in Austin must continue unabated.”

After failing to win his voucher policy on the legislative merits—despite repeated special sessions—Governor Abbott had embarked on the most expansive and aggressive primary campaign of his tenure. Akin to Patrick’s ironclad grip on the Senate, Abbott is trying to remake the House in his gubernatorial image. The governor set about making the party primary a referendum on his power and rural lawmakers’ resistance to his agenda. He spent over $6 million—thanks to a donation in the same amount from pro-voucher Pennsylvania billionaire Jeff Yass, who is a major investor in TikTok—targeting incumbents.

Yet, in his pursuit of a majority of voucher proponents in the Texas House, Abbott mostly didn’t bother talking about vouchers—which despite his and special interests’ best efforts have not become a broadly animating issue within the GOP electorate. He instead tarred his opponents by tapping into an issue that voters care more about, and which he effectively owns in Texas: border security. Despite the fact that all of his targeted reps voted in lockstep approving every ask from Abbott as he built up his Operation Lone Star empire at the border, the governor took to the airwaves and claimed they were soft-bellied cowards he couldn’t trust to seal off the border. 

Some of those incumbents tried to counter in a similarly tortured and demagogic way, claiming Abbott’s vouchers would mean paying private school tuition for illegal immigrants. Further compounding this inanity, Abbott responded by condemning their repeated support for public school budgets, which under the U.S. Constitution must fund education for kids regardless of immigration status, as a handout to the undocumented. (He ignored the fact that all of those budgets were signed by… himself.) 

The GOP primary battles of 2024 were more grievance-fueled than any other in recent memory. Unlike past campaigns where allegiances and targets were driven largely by broader ideological fights with fairly clear battle lines, this one featured a hodgepodge of special interests and agendas. It was little more than a political spite-fest waged by the state’s most powerful politicians, caring more about scoring points for themselves than what sort of chaos will come after. 

The next two months, leading up to the May 28 runoffs, will be even uglier than what we’ve seen in the prior few months. Phelan’s poor showing Tuesday portends a vicious political battle between the speaker and his mainstream conservative allies and his long list of foes, including Patrick, Paxton, and the Tim Dunn machine

“This runoff is not just another race, it’s the frontline of the battle for the soul of our district. While my opponent hides behind empty rhetoric, dishonest advertising and surrogate voices, I stand before voters with a clear record of service and conservative success for Southeast Texas,” Phelan said in a statement Tuesday. “In the next couple of months, the deceit and vitriol we’ve witnessed from my opponent and his dark money allies is poised to escalate to even greater heights. I urge the citizens of Southeast Texas to meet the coming storm with a critical eye and recognize the external forces desperate to claim what is ours.” 

Phelan’s fate as a powerful House leader is in peril—even if he manages to win the runoff. If he makes it back to Austin, he’ll have fewer friends in the chamber—and many more enemies. 

Minnesota Rep. Dean Phillips ends Democratic primary challenge and endorses President Joe Biden

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By WILL WEISSERT and STEVE KARNOWSKI (Associated Press)

MINNEAPOLIS (AP) — U.S. Rep. Dean Phillips of Minnesota ended his long-shot 2024 Democratic presidential bid on Wednesday after failing to win a primary contest against President Joe Biden.

Phillips told WCCO Radio in Minneapolis that he was endorsing Biden.

Phillips, a 55-year-old multimillionaire who is among the richest members of Congress, built his White House bid around calls for a new generation of Democratic leadership while spending freely from his personal fortune. But the little-known congressman ultimately failed to resonate with the party’s voters.

Phillips was the only elected Democrat to challenge Biden for the presidency. Phillips’ failure to gain traction is further proof that Democratic voters are behind the 81-year-old Biden even if many have misgivings about his age or his reelection prospects.

The president has long cast himself as uniquely qualified to beat Republican Donald Trump again after his 2020 win, and his reelection campaign largely ignored Phillips except to point out that the congressman voted with the administration nearly 100% of the time in Congress.

Phillips often argued Biden was too old to serve a second term. But in a social media post Wednesday, Phillips noted that Biden had once visited his home while serving as vice president and that his “decency and wisdom were rarities in politics then, and even more so today.”

“We only have two of them,” Phillips told WCCO. “And it’s going to be Donald Trump or Joe Biden. And while indeed I think the president is at a stage in life where his capacities are diminished, he is still a man of competency and decency and integrity. And the alternative, Donald Trump is a very dangerous, dangerous man.”

Phillips’ endorsement of Biden appears to foreclose running as a third-party challenger on a potential No Labels ticket.

A centerpiece of Phillips’ campaign to upset Biden was in New Hampshire, where he campaigned hard, hoping to capitalize on state Democrats’ frustration over a new plan by the Democratic National Committee, championed by Biden, reordering the party’s 2024 presidential primary calendar by leading off with South Carolina on Feb. 3.

But instead of pulling off a New Hampshire surprise, Phillips finished a distant second in the state’s unsanctioned primary, behind a write-in campaign in which Democrats voted for Biden despite his name not appearing on the ballot.

After that defeat, Phillips pressed on to South Carolina and the primary’s formal start. But the DNC didn’t schedule any primary debates, and some states’ Democratic parties, including North Carolina and Florida, are not even planning to hold primaries — making it even more difficult to challenge the sitting president. Phillips lost South Carolina and every other state in which he competed.

Before Minnesota’s primary on Super Tuesday, hardly any of nearly two dozen Democratic voters interviewed in Phillips’ congressional district mentioned his presidential campaign. James Calderaro of Hopkins knew Phillips was a candidate but dismissed him as “a distraction.” Calderaro and others said they were backing Biden for the best chance of stopping Trump in November.

Phillips has already announced he’s not seeking reelection in his suburban Minneapolis congressional district. He is heir to his stepfather’s Phillips Distilling Co. empire and served as that company’s president, but he also ran the gelato maker Talenti. His grandmother was Pauline Phillips, better known as the advice columnist Dear Abby.

Driving a gelato truck helped Phillips win his first House campaign in 2018, when he unseated five-term Republican Erik Paulsen. While Phillips’ district in mostly affluent greater Minneapolis has become more Democratic-leaning, he stressed that he is a moderate focused on his suburban constituents.

While running for president, however, Phillips moved further to the left, endorsing fully government-funded health care through “Medicare for All.”

Weissert reported from Washington.

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Houstonians Force Anti-LGBTQ Democrat into Runoff with Progressive Challenger

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Democratic state Representative Shawn Thierry’s list of political contributors reads as a who’s who of Republican mega-donors and Christian nationalist public school defunders. The Houstonian received $28,000 from the Charter Schools Now PAC, $25,000 from conservative Dallas billionaires Darwin and Douglas Deason, $10,000 from the pro-voucher Family Empowerment Coalition, $10,000 from the powerful pro-tort reform PAC Texans for Lawsuit Reform, backed by the Republican establishment, and $50,000 from the Texas Sands PAC, which was created to push for the legalization of casinos and bankrolled largely by Miriam Adelson, widow of Trump mega-donor Sheldon Adelson. 

It was more than enough money to buy Thierry billboards by the Houston Rodeo leading up to the election—but not enough for the four-term state representative to beat out Lauren Ashley Simmons in the District 146 Democratic primary, after Thierry alienated liberal voters by aligning with Republicans last year to ban gender-affirming care for transgender teens. Simmons fell just shy of 50 percent while Thierry received around 44 percent, so the two will head to a May 28 runoff. Community activist Ashton Woods received 6 percent of the votes. 

In comparison to Thierry’s high-rolling funders, as of March 4, Simmons received nearly $100,000 less than Thierry in total contributions and mostly in small individual donations. Leading up to the election, Simmons picked up a slew of endorsements from progressive organizations and the Houston Chronicle editorial board. 

“The results show that people in the district are ready for new representation. We deserve somebody that aligns with our values. Thierry has not shown up for us in the way that we need her to. Now it’s time for somebody else to do that job,” Simmons told the Texas Observer. 

Lauren Ashley Simmons Courtesy/Simmons Facebook

On the campaign trail, Simmons distinguished herself, telling the Houston Chronicle editorial board, “I’m not a politician. I’m a community advocate.” The mom and union organizer grew up in Houston’s Third Ward, becoming pregnant at age 19. After she and her baby were kicked off of welfare and evicted from their apartment, she shoplifted food and clothing for her baby until she was arrested and the charges were later dismissed. Since then, Simmons said she’s been organizing Black and immigrant women to achieve better working conditions, health care, and living wages. As a mother of two kids enrolled in the Houston Independent School District and a former organizer with the Houston Federation of Teachers, she’s publicly taken state-appointed superintendent Mike Miles to task for his unpopular reforms in the district. 

“If you talked to me a year ago and told me I’d be running for office, I would have absolutely laughed at you, because I love my work,” Simmons said. “But the biggest reason I ran is because our community deserves a better representative than what we currently have.” 

During the last legislative session, Thierry angered her Democratic colleagues and advocates when she aligned with Republicans to ban gender-affirming care for trans youth. Even though the bill had enough votes to pass without any votes from Democrats, Thierry decided to publicly defend her vote with a 12-minute speech on the House floor and later an interview on Fox News. The move drew praise from Republicans and censure from Democrats. In response, Thierry later tweeted, “I voted my district,” claiming Black voters were more conservative on the issue. 

Simmons told the Observer: “I’m really uncomfortable with Black folks being used as an excuse in that way. We’re not a monolith. Black trans people do exist. And as a good Democrat, there is always an opportunity to educate your community, your constituents and explain why this is not the right way.”

The fallout from Thierry’s vote to ban gender-affirming care was followed by public condemnation from her staffers who accused her of creating an abusive work environment. In one incident, Thierry reportedly threw a flowerpot across the room at a staffer after she failed to immediately inform her when the flowers arrived. Thierry dismissed the criticism saying her staffers are gay and were retaliating  against her for her vote banning transgender care. Thierry provided a similar comment when Simmons noted to the Houston Chronicle editorial board that she, Simmons, had earned the support of some of Thierry’s colleagues. Thierry retorted, “The gay ones.” Thierry did not immediately respond to the Observer’s request for comment. 

Simmons told the Observer that Thierry abandoned voters in her district when she chose to focus on culture-war issues, instead of the problems constituents faced, citing the rise in gun violence, the lack of good jobs and grocery stores—particularly in Sunnyside, the poorest neighborhood in Houston. 

“The organizer in me is going to make sure we touch folks who have been disconnected for so long from this process. The momentum and excitement is on our side,” Simmons said. 

Like Thierry, longtime Houston state Representative Harold Dutton, also a Democrat, had to turn to Republican big donors after he alienated his Democratic colleagues, voting to ban gender-affirming care, to ban books in school libraries, and to expand charter schools. During this election cycle, he received $58,000 from Charter Schools Now, $79,000 from the Texas Sands PAC, and $10,000 from the Family Empowerment Coalition. 

State Representative Harold Dutton on the House floor in 2017 Ignacio Martinez

Dutton drew the ire of parents, teachers, and advocates in Houston’s school district after he tripled down on his support for the unpopular state takeover of the district. In 2015, Dutton authored the bill that allowed the state to take over. In 2019 he empowered the state education commissioner with “final and unappealable power” to take over districts, clearing the way for the Texas Supreme Court to lift an injunction on the takeover. And even after the state seized control, Dutton bragged that it was him, and not Abbott, who made it happen. 

But the support of Houston’s  public education community for Dutton’s opponent, Danny Norris, was not enough Tuesday night to dislodge the incumbent of 40 years. With around 60 percent of the vote, Dutton avoided a runoff against three challengers; Norris garnered less than 20 percent. Dutton had outraised Norris 10-to-1. Dutton did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Norris told the Observer he intends to run again. “Win, lose, or draw, I am not going anywhere. I’m dedicated to making a difference in the district.” 

Haley’s exit from the GOP race pushes off — again — the day Americans could elect a woman president

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By LAURIE KELLMAN (Associated Press)

WASHINGTON (AP) — A woman ascends toward the heights of American politics, with the nation’s top elected office — the presidency — looming far out of reach. A man at the bottom predicts, unhelpfully: “You’ll never make it, sister!”

Asked the Chicago Daily Tribune, in a 1922 editorial cartoon published two years after women won the right to vote: “How high will she go?”

More than a century later, that question remains stubbornly unanswered. Nikki Haley’s suspension Wednesday of her campaign for the GOP presidential nomination makes her the latest in a long line of women with presidential hopes to crash against the monolith of a man — in this case, Republican Donald Trump — in a nation founded on the concepts of equality and opportunity for all.

Without endorsing Trump, Haley withdrew from the contest with a shoutout to the women and girls who supported her, and by quoting a woman who did make it to the top in a democracy — Margaret Thatcher, Britain’s first female prime minister.

“’Never just follow the crowd,” Haley said, suggesting she’ll become a private citizen, for now. “Always make up your own mind.”

A PRECEDENT CONTINUES, WHETHER PEOPLE LIKE IT OR NOT

Polls show most Americans do not necessarily oppose electing a woman president, hypothetically. And this year, Haley notched some history: She’s the first woman to win a Republican presidential primary, in the District of Columbia; she also won in Vermont. Supporters and analysts say she may have developed a playbook for confronting the former president who dominates the Republican Party — and for running in the post-Trump era.

But once again, there’s no woman at the top of either party’s ticket. And the prospect of electing a woman president for the first time seems another four years off — again.

Haley’s exit from the presidential contest sets up a rematch few people want between two white men of advanced age — Democratic President Joe Biden, 81, and his predecessor, Republican Donald Trump, 77.

“The fact that voters in both parties have thrown their support to two elderly white men indicates that they believe that old white guys are still the most electable in a presidential race,” said Karrin Vasby Anderson, a professor at Colorado State University who studies gender and political culture.

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South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem declined to run for the GOP nomination last year, saying no Republican could beat Trump. “Why run if you can’t win?” she said on Fox News’ “Fox and Friends.”

And despite significant hand-wringing among Democrats over Biden, none mounted a serious challenge.

It’s not just the presidential contest. California, a Democratic stronghold and the nation’s most populous state, won’t have a woman in the Senate for the first time in more than three decades. Republican former baseball star Steve Garvey and Democratic Rep. Adam Schiff face off in November for the seat long held by the late Dianne Feinstein. She died last year.

This all comes 104 years after women gained the right to vote, in a year when women hold a record percentage of seats in Congress, occupy the vice presidency and sit in four of the nine seats on the U.S. Supreme Court. Women CEOs run a record 10.4% of Fortune 500 companies, according to Forbes. Women are heads of state or government in 26 countries, according to the United Nations. Mexico is poised to elect its first female president.

It’s not the brightest moment for the advancement of women in American politics. With Trump squeezing every other rival out, the former South Carolina governor even lost her home state.

But in losing, Haley may have developed a skeleton key of sorts for women seeking the nation’s “masculinized” highest office in the post-Trump era. She scored some muscular fund-raising and displayed a temperament aimed at taking on the “fellas” without violating the “likability” standard that plagues women candidates far more than men.

At a polling place in rural Lexington, South Carolina, Crystal Tager said that she faced “a very hard decision” in choosing between the GOP candidates — but ultimately backed Haley, and not because she’s a woman.

“I think at the end, it was really about who could go against Biden,” and that was Haley, said Tager, who will vote for Trump if he clinches the nomination. “I think people focus too much on whether it be the first woman or the first this or the first that.”

But in any post-Trump campaign, Haley would have to prove to people like Amy Casel of Lexington, S.C., that she’s not merely someone other than Trump. Casel said she refuses to vote for Trump but likes Haley.

“I think we need a woman president,” said Casel, 50, who has voted in Republican primaries for decades. “I think that it would be amazing, awesome, and I think that that would be a great new option for our country.”

FOR HALEY, THERE’S TIME

Haley’s cross-country dash ahead of Super Tuesday may have built the beginnings of a national network even as powerful donors backed out and she began to acknowledge the inevitability of Trump’s GOP nomination.

At 52, Haley has time to wait out Trump’s control of the GOP. Her run, said Laurel Elder, professor and chair of political science at Hartwick College, “may bode well for future prospects of a woman in the White House.”

“The Republican party does not do much to recruit women candidates, which is a problem as often women need encouragement to run,” Elder said in an email. The GOP’s stronghold is now in the American South, “the toughest environment for women candidates. But Haley was able to overcome both of these challenges.”

She might, too, fit the profile of what analysts theorize would be the nation’s first female president.

“Most scholars of gender and the U.S. presidency believe that the first woman to be elected as U.S. president will be a moderate or conservative candidate, because a Republican woman is less likely to be deemed a ‘radical feminist,’” Vasby Anderson said. Majorities in a Pew Research Center study last year said that a woman president would be neither better nor worse, or that the president’s gender doesn’t matter.

Democrat Hillary Clinton showed that Americans are willing to cast a ballot for a woman at the top of a major party ticket when she won the popular vote by nearly 2.9 million ballots cast in 2016. She lost the electoral college vote and the presidency to Trump, only the fifth time in American political history that has happened.

Eight years later, what Clinton dubbed, “the glass ceiling” is cracked, but holds. The woman closest to the presidency is Vice President Kamala Harris, the first woman of color to hold that office. But any ascension she might make to the top job depends ever-so-delicately on the political and personal health of her boss, a man: Biden.

Women have run for president since before they won the legal right to vote in 1920. In 1872, Ohioan Virginia Woodhull was the first. Since 2000, five Republican women, including Haley, have launched campaigns for major party nominations. A dozen Democrats, including Harris, have done the same.

As for Haley, “I think now it’s just not the right time for her,” said Annie James, a healthcare professional in Lexington County. James said she thought Haley “did a really good job” as governor but that she “just needed to grow politically” before running for president. “I don’t think she’s quite ready yet to lead our country yet. We’ll be following her.”

Associated Press writers Matthew Brown and James Pollard contributed to this report from South Carolina. Follow Laurie Kellman at http://www.twitter.com//APLaurieKellman