A legal morass is thwarting Alabama’s medical marijuana program

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For months, Oliver Washington has been experiencing a kind of bureaucratic whiplash unique to entrepreneurs in nascent marijuana markets.

After learning that he had won one of Alabama’s five coveted medical marijuana licenses in June, the fourth generation nursery owner was excited to finally plant some cannabis in the heart of Dixie.

But since Washington celebrated his win, he’s seen his license voided, re-awarded and then put on hold due to numerous lawsuits challenging the state’s licensing process. Now, Washington’s unsure if or when he’ll be able to do what he does best: cultivate plants.

“It’s deflating and costly for a farmer like myself,” he said.

Across the country, companies that lost out on cannabis licenses have filed lawsuits challenging those decisions, often stalling market rollouts for months or even years. Legal disputes have proven particularly messy in states like Alabama with a cap on the number of cannabis businesses and a merit-based application process.

In response to the initial lawsuits, the Alabama Medical Marijuana Commission promptly voided its original licensing decisions and then re-awarded them in August, to the same group of winners except one.

That only sparked more litigation, and a court order has prevented the agency from issuing the licenses awarded in that round. The agency passed emergency rules last week in hopes of getting licenses out by the end of the year. But some applicants fear it will merely invite even more litigation.

“This legal strategy here has been death by a thousand cuts,” said Brian Vicente, an attorney who is working with Washington. 

The legal morass means successful applicants cannot move forward with their business plans, keeping legal cannabis out of reach for patients more than two years after Alabama lawmakers passed legislation establishing the program.

The most difficult application

Alabama became one of the first states in the Deep South to legalize medical marijuana through the Legislature in May 2021. Perhaps understanding the political tides changing — 74 percent of Mississippi voters had approved a medical marijuana initiative at the ballot box in 2020 — the Republican-dominated Legislature managed to pass medical cannabis legislation.

“It was a very long journey to get to where we are,” said Mike Ball, a former state representative who spearheaded legalization efforts in the Legislature.

Ball, a former cop, did a 180 on the issue after receiving an email from a woman whose granddaughter experienced relief from epileptic seizures with cannabis oil. When he first introduced cannabis legislation, Ball recalled, other lawmakers reacted as if “I was unleashing potheads, having them running naked in the streets.”

Despite that wariness, he spearheaded efforts to pass a low-THC cannabis oil bill in 2014, which helped pave the way for legalizing a comprehensive medical program.

Cannabis entrepreneurs and attorneys who worked on applications for Alabama’s medical program described the process as the most rigorous of any state marijuana market.

Applicants had to submit detailed drawings for everything from HVAC to plumbing systems. Those who applied for the five vertically integrated licenses — which allows businesses to grow, process and sell marijuana — also had to show that they had $250,000 in the bank.

Nearly 40 applicants, including Washington, tried to get an integrated license. Washington, who is Black, had been courted by about 10 potential business partners looking to get into the Alabama market.

“One, they knew I could grow,” he said. “Two, they knew my ethnicity would help them.”

Alabama’s medical marijuana law requires that one of the five integrated licenses go to a minority-owned business. A quarter of licenses in other categories like cultivation and retail are also set aside for minority-owned businesses.

Washington ultimately decided to collaborate with Chuck Smith, an industry veteran who co-founded Dixie Elixirs in Colorado in 2009. Smith introduced Washington to Vicente, a lawyer who helped draft Colorado’s legalization initiative that passed in 2012 and co-founded a cannabis-focused law firm.

Initially, Smith said, he was concerned about potential “backroom dealings and the collusion that so many states are accused of.” Cannabis corruption scandals have hit numerous cannabis markets, from liberal states with recreational weed to conservative states with restrictive medical programs.

But Smith’s initial concerns were assuaged by the way Alabama set up merit-based licensing, hiring third-party evaluators for a blind scoring process. The identities of the evaluators are unknown to the public, preventing applicants from seeking to influence their scores.

But that hasn’t prevented the process from getting mired in a wave of lawsuits.

AMCC’s voiding of licenses and settlement negotiations in response is worrying applicants who have been awarded licenses. And now, neither the critics or defenders of the agency’s licensing decisions are happy with the emergency rules that are aimed at moving the process forward.

Warren Cobb, co-owner of Sustainable Alabama, was awarded an integrated license twice. He fears that the emergency rules will unfairly favor some applicants over others, and lead to even more litigation.

The AMCC says it has to go through the legal process that all the litigation has brought.

“We participated in those discussions in good faith; we’ve listened to all parties,” Justin Aday, general counsel for the AMCC, said in an interview.

Some businesses, however, question whether the lawsuits are raising legitimate legal concerns. They’re concerned that some litigants are following a familiar playbook of challenging licensing decisions in hopes of eventually winning a license.

“The lawsuits seemed more like technicalities than getting at the substantive issues,” said Vincent Schilleci, chief legal officer of CCS of Alabama, which was awarded a dispensary license twice.

One plaintiff, Alabama Always, has filed four different lawsuits against the AMCC.

William Somerville, an attorney for Alabama Always, disputes that the lawsuits aren’t substantive. Alabama’s medical marijuana law requires cultivators to begin growing within 60 days. Somerville points out that Verano Holdings, one of the license winners in the first round, admitted in court that it hadn’t started constructing its facility, which means it wouldn’t be able to meet that requirement.

“That to me proves that the scores are not just a technical problem, they’re a substantive problem,” Somerville said.

Rumors are swirling that if the medical program isn’t able to move forward by the time the Legislature comes back in session in January, lawmakers may scrap the whole program or open up a licensing free-for-all.

“This needs to play out before the Legislature gets involved,” said Ball. He called for the AMCC to “bite the bullet and do the best they can and issue the damn licenses.”

Meanwhile, a judge recently said that he was considering modifying the temporary restraining order to allow applicants who applied for license types that aren’t being contested in court — like lab testing and transportation — to move forward.

That still wouldn’t speed up the launch of the program. On Thursday, the AMCC will consider rescinding its second round of licensing decisions from August.

Washington, for his part, is eager to start cultivating medical cannabis, which will help his farm diversify. He says growing cannabis isn’t much different from other plants, likening it to “half tomato, half poinsettia.”

Shore Acres Plant Farm in Theodore, Ala. has weathered various challenges since Washington’s grandfather first started selling azaleas in coffee cans out of the back of his truck in the 40s. The family business eventually started selling to local stores. As they were replaced by big-box chains, Shore Acres became a vendor for Walmart. Still, it maintained its small storefront for the community.

But it’s unclear when Washington will be able to put his horticultural skills to use for Alabama’s medical marijuana program.

“It’s restricting product that [patients] could be receiving right now,” Washington said. “I have to keep the faith, and keep moving, pressing forward.”

Massachusetts State Police detail efforts working with Maine on manhunt for mass shooting suspect Robert Card

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Massachusetts State Police are in regular contact with authorities in Maine as the manhunt for Robert Card, wanted in connection with a massacre in Lewiston, Maine, continues.

At least 18 people were killed in locations that include a bowling alley and local pub.

“Massachusetts State Police Colonel John Mawn has been in contact with his counterparts from Maine and the other New England states to assess and coordinate capabilities for providing mutual aid to the Maine State Police,” according to an MSP statement released Thursday morning. “The full complement of Massachusetts State Police assets stand ready for deployment if requested, as necessitated by the evolving investigation and fugitive apprehension mission.”

The trooper deployed, a member of the MSP bomb squad, was sent in along with his K9 partner as a member of a federal ATF task force, according to the MSP.

State police are also continuing to probe whether or not Card, 40, has any connections to to Massachusetts. So far, none have been confirmed, according to the statement.

“We continue to monitor all available intelligence and will update our local law enforcement partners and the public of any developments that affect our state,” the statement said.

Maine Department of Public Safety Commissioner Mike Sauschuck described Card as a person of interest in a briefing he gave following Wednesday night’s mass shooting. Thursday morning, Card was declared a suspect and a warrant charges him with 8 counts of murder, with more charges expected, authorities said.

“If people see him, they should not approach Card or make contact with him in any way,” Sauschuck said, adding that anyone who sees him should contact 911 or their local police departments.

In a police bulletin circulated to law enforcement officials, Card was described as a firearms instructor believed to be in the Army Reserve and assigned to a training facility in Saco, Maine.

That document stated Card had been committed to a mental health facility for two weeks in the summer of 2023. It did not provide details about his treatment or condition but said Card had reported “hearing voices and threats to shoot up” the military base.

A telephone number listed for Card in public records was not in service.

Lewiston Police said that the shootings occurred at Schemengees Bar and Grille and at Sparetime Recreation, a bowling alley about 4 miles away.

— This is a developing story.

 

Opinion | The Harsh Truth Behind the Republicans’ Speaker Crisis

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It always had to be Mike Johnson.

The Louisiana Republican has come out of nowhere to ascend to the speaker of the House, a job that people spend their entire adult lives aspiring to, but that Johnson picked up like a stray nickel.

Chairman of the conservative Republican Study Committee is usually the stepping-stone to, well, some other lower-rung of the House leadership, yet Johnson has somehow leveraged the position to become second in the line of succession to the president of the United States.

Not since Gerald Ford dined alone has there been a member of the House who experienced such happened-to-be-in-the-right-place-at the-right-time good fortune, assuming becoming speaker of the Republican House is considered a blessing rather than a curse.

Johnson is a talented man, and perhaps will prove an adept speaker, despite his lack of experience with a political, legislative and fundraising challenge at this level. Regardless, the dirty secret of the GOP speaker fight was that the stakes were always fairly low, since there are limits to what any leader can do with a slender majority in one chamber of Congress when a Democrat occupies the White House.

What ultimately elevated Johnson, and what could make his tenure rocky after a honeymoon, is that the Republican majority is not very comfortable being a majority. That requires a cohesiveness and realism that clash with the impulse of an element of the party to build its own brand at the expense of everything else.

There are costs to being in the House minority, such as watching the majority — within limits, depending on its size — do and pass whatever it wants. Otherwise, life is easy. There are no real responsibilities except voting “no” and giving speeches.

Being in the majority, on the other hand, requires constant choices. Which priorities are most important? How far can the party push on any given issue? What’s the balance between achieving important policy goals and minimizing political risk? How to hold together the various factions that are inevitably part of a majority coalition?

This isn’t easy, and gets much harder if members care more about their primetime cable hit than making any responsible contribution, even in opposition to the leadership.

Some within the party’s right flank have developed a mode of operating that is almost hostile to affecting legislative outputs as a matter of principle. Florida Rep. Matt Gaetz and his compatriots didn’t help Rep. Kevin McCarthy pass a Republican-supported spending bill as a shutdown loomed, then slammed him for — what else was he supposed to do? — going to Democrats.

This didn’t make sense, but at least the McCarthy critics kept their hands clean. This approach to legislating creates a pantomime of powerlessness, wherein probity is measured by sheer lack of influence.

Another factor is the rise of the cult of the outsider. This is a phenomenon in the culture more broadly; people tend to be shaped by institutions less than they once were and be most comfortable in a posture of opposition and defiance. In Republican politics, Donald Trump is the prime example — he was president of the United States but still often sounded like a powerless critic of his own administration.

By the same token, Gaetz could serve in Congress for the next 30 years, ascend to the chairmanship of the House Financial Services Committee and still regard himself as the speak-truth-to-power outsider.

The speaker fight that he set off bore all the hallmarks of this kind of politics — taking down McCarthy was an act of destruction that lacked any reliable connection to a better outcome. Gaetz may prefer Johnson to McCarthy, but surely, this isn’t how he envisioned the drama ending.

It dragged on for so long because Gaetz and his band of small Republican compatriots broke the norm of supporting the party’s speaker or speaker-designee on the floor, creating an incentive for everyone else to do the same. The weeks-long deadlock with shifting factions blocking each new speaker candidate was the logical consequence of what Gaetz had started.

It tells you all you need to know that some of the ringleaders of this circus preferred an unworkable majority to a robust one.

Gaetz comrade-in-arms Rep. Matt Rosendale has said so explicitly. The Messenger reported that he told donors, in a call that included Gaetz, “Look, we have shown, OK, with a very small handful of people, six at times, five at times, that we can have tremendous impact in that body and when a lot of people, unfortunately, were voting to have a 270, 280 Republican House, I was praying each evening for a small majority.”

His prayers were answered, thanks, in part, to the party nominating too many Trumpy candidates like Rosendale himself. According to a Wall Street Journal profile, after the disappointing midterms, Gaetz, too, “recognized that the thin GOP majority that resulted worked to his advantage.”

No one who has the interests of his or her party at heart ever wishes for fewer members. If you want your majority to be so narrow that it is vulnerable to disruption and blackmail, maybe you don’t really want a majority at all. If that’s true of Gaetz and his friends, the chaos of the last few weeks may make it a little more likely that they are eventually relieved of the burden of being part of a majority next November.

New Bill Would Require NYC Landlords to Distribute Flood Evacuation Plans

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The evacuation legislation introduced in the City Council last week is geared at keeping tenants in flood-prone basement apartments out of harm’s way.

Kevin P. Coughlin / Office of the Governor

Flooding in Queens following Hurricane Ida in 2021.

Following flash floods that brought the city to a halt in late September, a new bill was introduced in the City Council last week to ensure that landlords distribute flood evacuation plans to their tenants.

The legislation would require building owners to deliver the evacuation protocols to residents when they sign a lease, and maintain instructions on what to do in the event of a flood “in a common area of the building” for everyone to see.

“This is really for New Yorkers that are living in basement and first floor apartments,” explained Councilmember Carlina Rivera, the legislation’s main sponsor.

By 2050, one out of every three cellars and basements in one-, two-, and three-family homes across the city will be at-risk for flooding, according to a report produced by the Comptroller’s office. When Hurricane Ida hit in 2021, it took the lives of 13 New Yorkers, 11 of whom drowned in mostly unregulated basement apartments in Queens and Brooklyn, the report also highlighted.

There are an estimated tens of thousands of unregulated basement or cellar apartments across the city.

“The city still has not done enough to prepare for extreme weather events. So we have to move faster to create better infrastructure. But we also need to equip tenants with the information so they know what to do in the event of a crisis or a disaster,” Rivera told City Limits, noting that evacuation protocols will be printed in several languages.

A study published by the non-profit Citizens Housing & Planning Council (CHPC)  found that the city’s Emergency Preparedness Guide, which informs New Yorkers on what to do when all kinds of disasters strike, includes “very little content surrounding safety precautions for flash flooding.”

The guide instructs tenants to “stay indoors” during a storm, and that those who live in a basement should “move to a higher floor during periods of heavy rain.” It also warns not to “retreat into an enclosed attic unless you have a saw or other tool to cut a hole in the roof.”

While the new legislation aims to make flood evacuation guidelines more accessible, housing advocates warn that many folks will still get left out.

“The most vulnerable basement apartment dwellers are the ones who are in units that are not lawful units, and don’t have legal leases. So this [legislation] doesn’t do anything for those people,” said Howard Slatkin, executive director of the CHPC and member of the NYC Basement Apartments Safe for Everyone (BASE) coalition.

“People in those units don’t have a lawful lease so they don’t have the ability to count on the city to intervene. They’re in a gray market area of the housing world. So unless we have a path to bring them into a legal status, there’s not a way to address these important safety issues,” Slatkin added.

The ongoing battle over the legalization of basement and cellar homes came to a head last spring, when legislation that would make it easier for the city to change the zoning and building codes for such units failed to pass in Albany.

In the absence of a legalization plan, Councilmember Rivera says sharing flood-risk information can still be a powerful tool to keep people safe when a climate emergency rolls around.

“The conversation on how to regulate these apartments is ongoing. Meanwhile, we can spread the information on what [residents’] options are when faced with a disaster,” said Rivera.

“We have to be at the forefront of implementing policies that combat climate and ensure New Yorkers are empowered and informed when there is flooding and heavy rainfall. Big storms are going to keep happening. So it’s urgent,” she added.

To reach the reporter behind this story, contact Mariana@citylimits.org. To reach the editor, contact Jeanmarie@citylimits.org