The Supreme Court weakens federal regulators, overturning decades-old Chevron decision

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By MARK SHERMAN

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Supreme Court on Friday upended a 40-year-old decision that made it easier for the federal government to regulate the environment, public health, workplace safety and consumer protections, delivering a far-reaching and potentially lucrative victory to business interests.

The court’s six conservative justices overturned the 1984 decision colloquially known as Chevron, long a target of conservatives. The liberal justices were in dissent.

Billions of dollars are potentially at stake in challenges that could be spawned by the high court’s ruling. The Biden administration’s top Supreme Court lawyer had warned such a move would be an “unwarranted shock to the legal system.”

The heart of the Chevron decision says federal agencies should be allowed to fill in the details when laws aren’t crystal clear. Opponents of the decision argued that it gave power that should be wielded by judges to experts who work for the government.

“Courts must exercise their independent judgment in deciding whether an agency has acted within its statutory authority,” Chief Justice John Roberts wrote for the court.

Roberts wrote that the decision does not call into question prior cases that relied on the Chevron decision.

But in dissent, Justice Elena Kagan wrote that the assurance rings hollow. “The majority is sanguine; I am not so much,” she wrote.

The court ruled in cases brought by Atlantic herring fishermen in New Jersey and Rhode Island who challenged a fee requirement. Lower courts used the Chevron decision to uphold a 2020 National Marine Fisheries Service rule that herring fishermen pay for government-mandated observers who track their fish intake.

Conservative and business interests strongly backed the fishermen’s appeals, betting that a court that was remade during Republican Donald Trump’s presidency would strike another blow at the regulatory state.

The court’s conservative majority has previously reined in environmental regulations and stopped the Democratic Biden administration’s initiatives on COVID-19 vaccines and student loan forgiveness.

The justices hadn’t invoked Chevron since 2016, but lower courts had continued to do so.

Forty years ago, the Supreme Court ruled 6-0, with three justices recused, that judges should play a limited, deferential role when evaluating the actions of agency experts in a case brought by environmental groups to challenge a Reagan administration effort to ease regulation of power plants and factories.

“Judges are not experts in the field, and are not part of either political branch of government,” Justice John Paul Stevens wrote in 1984, explaining why they should play a limited role.

But the current high court, with a 6-3 conservative majority, has been increasingly skeptical of the powers of federal agencies. Justices Samuel Alito, Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh and Clarence Thomas all had questioned the Chevron decision.

They were in Friday’s majority, along with Justice Amy Coney Barrett.

Justices Ketanji Brown Jackson and Sonia Sotomayor joined Kagan in dissent.

Opponents of the Chevron doctrine argue that judges apply it too often to rubber-stamp decisions made by government bureaucrats. Judges must exercise their own authority and judgment to say what the law is, they argued to the Supreme Court.

Defending the rulings that upheld the fees, President Joe Biden’s administration said that overturning the Chevron decision would produce a “convulsive shock” to the legal system.

Environmental, health advocacy groups, civil rights organizations, organized labor and Democrats on the national and state level had urged the court to leave the Chevron decision in place.

“The Supreme Court is pushing the nation into uncharted waters as it seizes it seizes power from our elected branches of government to advance its deregulatory agenda,” Sambhav Sankar, a lawyer with the environmental group Earthjustice, said after the ruling. “The conservative justices are aggressively reshaping the foundations of our government so that the President and Congress have less power to protect the public, and corporations have more power to challenge regulations in search of profits. This ruling threatens the legitimacy of hundreds of regulations that keep us safe, protect our homes and environment, and create a level playing field for businesses to compete on.” 

Gun, e-cigarette, farm, timber and home-building groups were among the business groups supporting the fishermen. Conservative interests that also intervened in recent high court cases limiting regulation of air and water pollution backed the fishermen as well.

The fisherman sued to contest the 2020 regulation that would have authorized a fee that could have topped $700 a day, though no one ever had to pay it.

In separate lawsuits in New Jersey and Rhode Island, the fishermen argued that Congress never gave federal regulators authority to require the fisherman to pay for monitors. They lost in the lower courts, which relied on the Chevron decision to sustain the regulation.

The justices heard two cases on the same issue because Jackson was recused from the New Jersey case. She took part in it at an earlier stage when she was an appeals court judge. The full court participated in the case from Rhode Island.

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This story has been corrected to show the spelling of the justice’s name is Ketanji, not Kentanji.

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Iowa’s Supreme Court tells lower court to let strict abortion law go into effect

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DES MOINES, Iowa (AP) — The Iowa Supreme Court said Friday the state’s strict abortion law is legal, telling a lower court to dissolve a temporary block on the law and allowing Iowa to ban most abortions after about six weeks of pregnancy — before many women know they are pregnant.

The 4-3 ruling is a win for Republican lawmakers, and Iowa joins more than a dozen other states with restrictive abortion laws following the U.S. Supreme Court’s overturning of Roe v. Wade in 2022.

Currently, 14 states have near-total bans at all stages of pregnancy and three ban abortions at about six weeks.

The Iowa Supreme Court’s majority reiterated on Friday that there is no constitutional right to abortion. Moreover, as the state requested, they instructed courts to assess whether the government has a legitimate interest in restricting the procedure, rather than whether there is too heavy a burden for people seeking abortion access.

Republican Gov. Kim Reynolds immediately released a statement celebrating the decision.

“I’m glad that the Iowa Supreme Court has upheld the will of the people of Iowa,” she said.

Chief Justice Susan Christensen emphatically delivered a dissent, writing: “Today, our court’s majority strips Iowa women of their bodily autonomy by holding that there is no fundamental right to terminate a pregnancy under our state constitution. I cannot stand by this decision.”

There are limited circumstances under the Iowa law that would allow for abortion after six weeks of pregnancy: rape, if reported to law enforcement or a health provider within 45 days; incest, if reported within 145 days; if the fetus has a fetal abnormality “incompatible with life”; or if the pregnancy is endangering the life of the patient. The state’s medical board recently defined rules for how doctors should adhere to the law.

The ruling previews the ending of a yearslong legal battle over abortion restrictions in Iowa that escalated in 2022 when the Iowa Supreme Court and then the U.S. Supreme Court both overturned decisions establishing a constitutional right to abortion.

The Iowa law passed with exclusively Republican support in an one-day special session last July. A legal challenge was filed the next day by the American Civil Liberties Union of Iowa, Planned Parenthood North Central States and the Emma Goldman Clinic.

The law was in effect for a few days before a district court judge put it on pause, a decision that Reynolds appealed.

At the time, Planned Parenthood North Central States said it stayed open late and made hundreds of phone calls to prepare patients amid the uncertainty, rescheduling abortion appointments in other states for those who wanted. Court filings showed Iowa clinics had several hundred abortion appointments scheduled over two weeks last July, with most past the six-week mark in their pregnancies.

Since then, Planned Parenthood has ceased abortion services in two Iowa cities, including one in Des Moines. The other Des Moines location doesn’t currently have the capacity to serve patients seeking an abortion, so abortion medication and the procedure are being offered about 36 miles (59 kilometers) north in Ames.

Before Friday, Planned Parenthood providers had again been communicating with people seeking upcoming appointments about the potential outcomes of the high court’s decision, Masie Stilwell, the director of public affairs, told The Associated Press in early June. That included the possibility that abortion would no longer be legal for their circumstance and they would need to work with staff to reschedule in other states.

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Are the Ten Commandments the basis of our moral system?

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The governor of Louisiana just signed a law requiring the Ten Commandments to be displayed in public schools.

There are two problems with this. The first and most obvious is that the Constitution prohibits the government from making laws that mandate an establishment of religion. While the Ten Commandments may be central to the Judeo-Christian tradition, the government has no right to pass laws that discriminate against Buddhists, Muslims, Hindus, Taoists, Sikhs or atheists.

But there is a second problem: Whose Ten Commandments are going to be displayed? The original text does not number the commandments and contains more than 10 imperative statements. Even within the Judeo-Christian tradition, there are disagreements on how to parse them and what they mean.

The standard Jewish version holds that the first commandment is, “I am the LORD thy God,” while the second commandment is, “Thou shall have no other gods before Me.” For Christians, “I am the Lord thy God” is not a commandment but a preamble. So, the first commandment for Christians is not an identification of God but a prohibition of worshiping false gods.

Catholics and some Protestants differ on where to put the prohibition of graven images and how to interpret it.

According to the Exodus version of the commandments, observance of the Sabbath day (or in some versions the Lord’s Day) is justified because God rested on the seventh day from all the labors associated with creation. But according to the Deuteronomy version, the Sabbath day is supposed to commemorate the Exodus from Egypt. In any case, Jews celebrate the Sabbath on Saturday and Christians on Sunday.

There is still confusion on whether the text means “Thou shall not kill” or “Thou shall not commit murder.” Though most editions of the Bible have “murder,” the King James edition has “kill.”

Adultery in the ancient world involved a man sleeping with a married woman. Nothing in the original text of the Ten Commandments prohibits a married man from sleeping with an unmarried woman, concubine or enslaved person.

While there is a commandment prohibiting false testimony in court, contrary to popular belief, it does not prohibit lying, at least not explicitly. Nor does it prohibit promise breaking. One can argue that both are contained in the spirit of the commandments, but that is a matter of interpretation.

According to some versions, there are two commandments dealing with coveting: one involving your neighbor’s house and another involving your neighbor’s wife. Other traditions combine them into one commandment.

Are the Ten Commandments the basis of our moral system? If they are, then it is odd that they say nothing about slavery, rape, torture or other heinous crimes. Jesus reduced the commandments to two primary ones: love of God and love of one’s neighbor. But neither of these is mentioned in the original 10.

So which version does the governor of Louisiana want to put up in public schools and how will students be instructed about their meaning?

Your guess is as good as mine. It was disputes like these that led the Framers of the Constitution to decide that when it comes to religious matters, it is best for the government to step aside and let people make up their own minds.

In an age when many people complain about the intrusion of government into people’s private lives, wouldn’t it be better to put up the Bill of Rights, whose wording is beyond dispute, rather than the Ten Commandments?

Kenneth Seeskin is an emeritus professor of philosophy and the Philip M. and Ethel Klutznick professor of Jewish civilization at Northwestern University. He wrote this column for the Chicago Tribune.

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Other voices: Putin’s ‘peace’ proposal for Ukraine isn’t serious

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Before heading off to North Korea last week, Russian President Vladimir Putin made a “peace” offering to Ukraine.

He pledged an immediate cease-fire and peace negotiations if Ukraine withdraws from four partially occupied regions and abandons its bid to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. His other stipulation, of course, is that the West lift sanctions. This offer was patently designed to tempt and divide Ukraine’s friends. No one should fall for it.

Sadly, wars don’t always end justly. It’s likely, however lamentable, that some form of territorial concessions will be part of a negotiated end to the war Putin started. That must be Ukraine’s decision to make.

But it’s preposterous for Putin to demand such concessions before talks can even begin. Moreover, if talks ever do get started, Putin’s offers should be viewed with utmost skepticism. Nine out of 10 Ukrainians say they don’t trust him, and they’re right: He has an unblemished record of using negotiations to regroup and plan the next assault.

The U.S. and its friends need to show they understand this. There’s been some progress. At the recent Group of 7 summit in Italy, the U.S. and Japan signed 10-year security agreements with Ukraine, signaling determination to stand by Kyiv.

The allies are working on finding responsible ways to use frozen Russian assets to bolster Ukraine’s finances. And there are belated moves to tighten sanctions, which still have far too many holes, allowing Putin to amass more resources for his war.

The Biden administration’s decision to let Ukraine use U.S.-supplied weapons against military targets inside Russia was another long-overdue shift. As French President Emmanuel Macron recently said, there’s no point in giving Ukraine weapons and then refusing to let it defend itself.

Indeed, Washington’s lifting of restrictions doesn’t go far enough: It’s limited to forces targeting Kharkiv, Ukraine’s second-largest city, which has come under heavy aerial bombardment. The same logic should be applied, at a minimum, to other frontline areas near the border.

Bolstering Ukraine’s capabilities will also require critical ammunition supplies (which are now starting to arrive) and stronger air defenses. Russia’s air force is playing a bigger role and its attacks are becoming more indiscriminate: 3,000 highly destructive glide bombs rain down on the country every month. Ukraine also needs more help in training and equipping reserves and new recruits.

Europe should give more thought to future-proofing its support. This demands changes in defense planning, coordination and production — so the Continent can serve its own defense needs, support Ukraine and deter Russia in the long term. Assisting in Ukraine’s reconstruction will be another major challenge. Efforts to repair, rebuild and demine need to get going: This work cannot wait for the war to end.

Putin has flooded the battlefield with ill-trained and badly equipped forces; nurtured alliances with Iran, North Korea and China; and launched indiscriminate attacks against civilian targets. His capacity for destruction is impressive. But the costs of his war are mounting for Russia as well, and becoming ever harder to disguise. Time isn’t necessarily on his side.

Putin’s actions speak volumes. His proposal for talks in exchange for territory should be read as just his latest attempt to divide the allies and throttle Western support. Thanks, but no thanks.

— The Bloomberg Opinion Editorial Board

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