Vikings defense has more celebrations planned. Now the hard part: More turnovers to unveil them.

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Maybe the most stoic person the Vikings have on their coaching staff, defensive coordinator Brian Flores always encourages his players to have fun. So much so that he recently appointed rookie cornerback NaJee Thompson as the defense’s celebration coordinator.

As a result, the Vikings have started carving out a few minutes each week to discuss potential defensive celebrations. They got to bust out a couple of them on Monday Night Football against the San Francisco 49ers, performing a variation of “The Limbo” using cornerback Akayleb Evans as the bar, then the classic “Duck, Duck, Gray Duck” with safety Josh Metellus taking center stage.

It raises the question: What else do the Vikings have in store?

“We’ll see what they come up with next week,” Flores said. “We’ve got to earn the right to do those things.”

That isn’t lost on the Vikings as they prepare to play the Green Bay Packers on Sunday at Lambeau Field. They have more defensive celebrations planned. Now they have to force turnovers to unveil them.

“It’s almost like a test for us,” Metellus said. “If we say we want to do this dance, we have to have somebody show up and make a play so we can get there.”

The concept of defensive celebrations has only recently become a thing. After decades of offensive players hamming it up for the cameras, defensive players have started taking matters into their own hands. Nowadays, it’s not uncommon for a defensive player to race toward the end zone after forcing a turnover, and more often than not, there’s a full convoy of teammates behind him.

“The opportunities on the defensive side don’t come too often,” Metellus said. “You make a play, and it deserves to be celebrated.”

That’s exactly what the Vikings did on Monday Night Football. After a forced fumble by veteran safety Harrison Smith, the defense assembled in the end zone with Evans being held up horizontally by a couple of teammates, with everybody else walking underneath him.

“I have mixed feelings on it because I’m usually so tired and these guys get an interception or something and they just take off (for) 50 yards,” defensive tackle Harrison Phillips said. “I’ve got to make a business decision, like, ‘Do I really want to run all the way down there and be cooked?’”

Unfortunately for Phillips, he didn’t have a choice on Monday, since he had been designated to hold up Evans with the help of linebacker Ivan Pace Jr.

“I had to get my (expletive) down there to do it,” Phillips said with a laugh. “It was a lot.”

Not long after that, Metellus recovered a fumble, then with his teammates seated in a circle, he tagged pass rusher Pat Jones II and took off running around. Though the turnover call was reversed upon further review, the defensive celebration couldn’t be taken back.

“I would say having NaJee be our celebration coordinator definitely made us step up our game,” Metellus said. “He has a plan for us every week and it’s going to be a big part of what we do moving forward.”

As for Flores, he prefers to watch from the sidelines, letting his defensive players have the spotlight.

“I’m not the big jump-around-smiley guy,” Flores said. “I’m celebrating with them in my own way when those good things happen.”

Briefly

For the second straight day, left guard Ezra Cleveland (foot) was a limited participant in practice. Tight end T.J. Hockenson (foot) and receiver Jalen Nailor (hamstring) were also limited participants, while linebacker Brian Asamoah (ankle) did not practice at all.

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Mike Johnson pushed the Big Lie. But Biden world sees thornier issues ahead.

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The rapid ascension of Rep. Mike Johnson to the House speakership has forced the White House to deal directly with a man who refused to acknowledge President Joe Biden won the 2020 election.

And it has sparked a scramble inside the West Wing as aides size up, and quite literally research, their new GOP negotiating partner in hopes they can convince him to keep the government funded and pass aid for two foreign allies.

The reality of Johnson’s (R-La.) role in trying to stop the certification of Biden’s election is not lost on the White House, even as the president himself publicly downplays its significance. But the main concern in the hours after the new speaker was chosen was not the role he played in the past, but the uncertainty he provides to the present.

Biden thrives on personal relations to conduct political business. And with Johnson, he and his team have none. The now-speaker made a stop at the White House for an event honoring the Louisiana State University women’s basketball team in May and attended the congressional picnic in July. It took until Thursday for him to return, meeting with Biden for the first time as leader of the House Republican conference.

“His record is troubling. But what matters is whether there’s a way to do business with him,” said one adviser to the White House, who was granted anonymity to speak freely. “We just don’t know what we have, and we don’t know how long a honeymoon [House Republicans] are going to give the guy.”

Biden and Johnson have never worked closely on any significant legislation. They have little in common personally and even less connection politically.

Pressed on whether Johnson’s past as a “MAGA”-aligned election denier would color the rapport between president and speaker, White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre said she wouldn’t “prejudge what the relationship is going to be like now that he’s speaker” — but noted that Johnson “has defined himself as that way.”

The plan, for now, is to rely on bipartisan coalitions in the House and Senate and the urgency of a tight deadline to secure the fate of billions of dollars for Israel and Ukraine and the future of the federal budget. The administration is hoping that Johnson earned enough goodwill from his colleagues to negotiate. Or, conversely, that those same colleagues are simply too exhausted from the three-week process of finding a new speaker to mount much of a protest should Johnson cut a deal.

“I hope that he’s influenced by his own colleagues who know how important Ukraine is,” said Rep. Gregory Meeks, the top Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee. “I’m hoping that he understands the gravity of the position is different than what it was, being the speaker [versus] being just a member.”

Johnson’s election came after a chaotic search for a speaker that White House aides found by turns amusing and worrying.

Those aides said they believed the drama over selecting a speaker strengthened Biden’s political positioning with voters ahead of the 2024 campaign, offering a visceral justification of the president’s warnings that the Trump-dominated GOP is ill-prepared to lead in Congress — much less run the country. But the spectacle also generated anxiety over whether Congress could deliver on a series of major year-end priorities that will require bipartisan buy-in over the next three weeks.

The White House is pushing a nearly $106 billion aid package primarily to support Israel and Ukraine, which has already run into resistance from conservatives opposed to sending more money to Kyiv and unhappy over the administration’s border policies. A separate funding request submitted this week seeks an additional $56 billion for domestic priorities like natural disaster relief and child care. And there’s also the matter of keeping the government running, which will require Congress to strike some form of broader spending deal by Nov. 17.

Since his election Wednesday, Johnson has been largely noncommittal on how he plans to approach those issues. But in a letter to House Republicans earlier this week, he outlined plans to seek another stopgap budget agreement that would run through January or even April, in an attempt to head off plans at the White House and in the Senate to pass a Senate-written bill.

That proposal, along with Johnson’s prior staunch opposition to Ukraine aid, has worried officials eager to escape the week-to-week turmoil that’s dominated Washington for the last few months.

“He has not been tested. He hasn’t been in leadership,” said Rep. Steny Hoyer (D-Md.), a mainstay of Democratic leadership for the last three decades. The question facing Biden, he added, “is whether [Johnson] has an intent to work in an honest way and in a country-view way on solving the problems that confront our country.”

The White House is wasting little time trying to make an impression on the new speaker. Biden called Johnson shortly afterward in an initial show of openness to their partnership and, in a statement, urged the House GOP to find a bipartisan path to “address our national security needs and to avoid a shutdown in 22 days.”

On Thursday, top Biden budget official Shalanda Young, national security adviser Jake Sullivan and legislative affairs chief Shuwanza Goff hosted Johnson, House Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries and other senior House members to make a case for the administration’s aid package. And Biden himself used the opportunity to talk with Johnson face-to-face before the Situation Room meeting began.

Biden allies anticipate that the president in the coming weeks will lean on the other three congressional leaders — including Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell — to encourage Johnson to break with House conservatives and back plans for Ukraine funding and a clean spending deal, perhaps even going as far as summoning the group to the White House to personally press the point.

Some of Johnson’s Democratic colleagues expressed optimism the new speaker would prove a good-faith partner despite his personal views; even Jeffries offered measured praise on Thursday, calling him an “able and capable adversary” willing to find common ground.

“There’s something inherently likable about Mike Johnson,” said Rep. Jared Huffman (D-Calif.), while acknowledging few know how he will behave as speaker. “He’ll probably get along with Biden on a personal level.”

But within the president’s orbit, there’s little expectation that the process will be easy. Johnson still presides over the same fractious conference that mutinied against his predecessor’s efforts to keep the government open. He’s also backed by a conservative wing that wants to cut Ukraine off regardless of the battlefield consequences.

And though Republicans are united behind him now, Johnson may only be able to stray so far from his base in search of a deal before he too finds himself in jeopardy.

“You only get so many chips,” the adviser to the White House said. “And this guy is starting with a really short stack.”

A chorus of Democrats was asked to sing the praises of an Orioles stadium deal. There hasn’t been a chirp since.

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The Camden Yards applause rose in a crescendo when the scoreboard screen showed Maryland Gov. Wes Moore pumping his fist and Orioles Chairman and CEO John Angelos clapping to celebrate a stadium deal described as keeping the Orioles in Baltimore “for at least the next 30 years!!”

There hasn’t been so much as a chirp since from leading state Democrats, particularly those who may have to grapple in the next General Assembly session with a proposal to make additional funds available to the team.

Political experts say few in his own party may be ready to publicly question Moore — a dynamic new governor with many powers regarding state spending and decision-making — over the terms of the arrangement with Angelos, although a Republican legislative leader is expressing concerns.

The deal became public during a Sept. 28 game, when a hastily arranged announcement appeared as a scoreboard message and the display cut to a feed from the owner’s box showing the governor and Angelos. The text of the celebratory message failed to convey that there was no lease, only a nonbinding “memorandum of understanding.”

Treasurer Dereck Davis, Comptroller Brooke Lierman and Senate President Bill Ferguson — all Democrats who previously had spoken forcefully about the need to get a new lease before the current one expires Dec. 31 — declined interview requests from The Baltimore Sun about the memorandum. House Speaker Adrienne A. Jones and other legislative leaders also declined to comment.

The highest-profile public responses from Democrats came after Moore’s office solicited canned comments Sept. 28 from members of Maryland’s congressional delegation to distribute to the media the next day.

“The Governor would appreciate statements of support from Members (something along the lines of being encouraged by the MOU, progress being made to keep the Orioles and boost Baltimore),” said an email from Washington-based Moore aide Matthew Verghese to Maryland congressmen and senators. “Please let me know if you think you can provide one by tonight!” said the email, which was obtained by The Sun.

Delegation members received a summary of the memorandum of understanding from the governor’s office. Echoing Moore’s previous statements, the email said the agreement would bring the stadium’s operations in line with best practices from around the country and “boost private sector investment around the stadium and across the city while creating good-paying jobs and diversifying our economy.”

Most of the Democratic federal lawmakers responded with written quotes congratulating Moore on the progress toward a significant agreement.

According to Verghese’s Sept. 28 email, the governor’s “timeline” was to announce the memorandum of understanding the next day.

Instead, it happened between innings at the game that night. Two top officials of the Maryland Stadium Authority, the state entity that oversees Camden Yards, said they did not know about the plan to make the announcement to fans at the stadium until that day. They asked that their names not be used because they were not authorized to speak about the ongoing negotiations.

David Turner, a senior adviser and communications director for Moore, declined to comment Wednesday on why the announcement was moved up.

Moore administration members held a media briefing the next day to provide details of the memorandum of understanding. They also sent out two news releases with the solicited quotes, remarks that the governor’s office sent again Tuesday to The Sun.

The eight-page memorandum contains specific terms covering issues such as stadium rent, advertising signs, parking and ground lease approvals. It is not legally binding but says it outlines “key components” of the plans of the team and the stadium authority, while remaining subject to “additional modification.”

In an Oct. 4 guest commentary in The Sun, former Stadium Authority Chair Thomas Kelso, an appointee of former Republican Gov. Larry Hogan who Moore replaced last winter with his own choice, wrote that there are “numerous issues that need scrutiny” in the memorandum of understanding.

In particular, Kelso is concerned that the Orioles, not the state, would have authority over state-funded improvements to the ballpark.

“These changes will eviscerate the MSA’s role and responsibility at Oriole Park and reverse nearly four decades of success,” he wrote.

Kelso also questioned whether the state would receive adequate compensation for allowing the Orioles to work with private firms to develop state-owned land around Camden Yards, including the former B&O Railroad warehouse and Camden Station, that the state and team have long said are underutilized. Under the plan, the Orioles would pay $94 million in rent over a 99-year term.

The memorandum of understanding also proposes a safety and repair fund for ballpark projects that would cost $3.3 million per year, or about $100 million over a 30-year lease. The General Assembly would need to approve those funds, and the Ravens would seem to be eligible for a matching amount under a parity clause that requires the state to provide the teams “fairly comparable” lease terms.

In the weeks since the Sept. 28 game, The Sun sought interviews with state Democratic leaders about the memorandum.

“The president is looking forward to a lease being signed, and it would be more appropriate to comment when that is complete,” said David Schuhlein, a spokesman for Ferguson.

It’s not known when that will happen. Asked Tuesday about the status of negotiations, Moore spokesperson Carter Elliott called the memorandum of understanding “a strong framework” and said the state and the Orioles “are diligently fleshing out the details around the announced terms to align on final lease terms.”

The Orioles finished their 101-win season with a collapse in the American League Division Series, leaving the looming lease expiration one of the last big events on the team’s horizon for 2023.

“Mark my words, and you can bet on it, the Orioles will be here for 30 years,” Moore said in an impassioned speech during an Oct. 4 meeting of the Maryland Board of Public Works. The state spending board, composed of Moore, Davis and Lierman, ultimately needs to approve a lease.

The memorandum of understanding places state Democratic lawmakers in a sensitive spot, according to political analysts.

Under a 2022 law, the stadium authority can borrow up to $1.2 billion to pay for stadium improvements — $600 million each for the Orioles and Ravens. Ferguson said in August that he didn’t envision the General Assembly making additional resources available.

Now, the memorandum suggests the legislature approve the safety and repair fund of about $3.3 million a year for the Orioles, which could trigger a matching amount for the Ravens.

“We passed this legislation that freed up an unprecedented amount of money. I supported it,” said Republican Del. Jason Buckel of Allegany County, the House minority leader. “I haven’t seen anyone advocate for going beyond the $600 million. I don’t know that there is a huge appetite in the General Assembly across party lines to invest hundreds of [millions] of dollars in more money.”

Moore — who took office in January for a four-year term and is popular within his party — has invested significant political capital in teaming with Angelos on their plans to sign a ballpark agreement and revitalize downtown Baltimore.

“Governors in our state, in particularly in comparison to other states, have a whole lot of power, and a whole lot of budget power,” said Roger E. Hartley, dean of the University of Baltimore’s College of Public Affairs. “So people don’t want to offend the governor. But that doesn’t mean that they don’t have disagreements. They might not make those disagreements public.”

It can be risky to challenge a new governor, said political analyst Flavio Hickel, an assistant political science professor at Washington College.

“It sounds like there are an awful lot of unknowns here,” Hickel said. ”When you don’t how a political leader will react, that’s the most dangerous situation.”

()

Speaker Johnson raises conservatives’ hopes for Biden impeachment

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Conservatives who spent months worrying that their drive to impeach Joe Biden would go nowhere under Kevin McCarthy hope it’s just a matter of time before Republicans vote to remove the president under Speaker Mike Johnson.

The Louisiana conservative — a longtime member of the committee that’d oversee an impeachment inquiry — has leaned into the right flank’s unproven allegation that Joe Biden took actions as president or vice president to benefit his family’s business deals. But his calculation is more complicated as speaker, since he has to protect members in battleground districts who worry an impeachment vote would hurt them back home.

Many centrist and conservative GOP members are waiting to see more signals from Johnson on how he’ll move forward on impeachment, particularly with the House majority at risk. However, some of the loudest Republican impeachment voices already view him as a natural ally.

“I think Mike Johnson is more than happy to move forward, and will move forward, and the only question is the timeline,” Rep. Andy Ogles of Tennessee, a House Freedom Caucus member, said in an interview.

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greeneof Georgia, who has authored resolutions to oust Biden as well as repeatedly pushed for more action, added: “I definitely think he’ll be supportive.”

The right flank cites two points in Johnson’s favor: he brings conservative credentials to the role — compared with a less ideological McCarthy, who they saw as reluctant to make centrists take an uncomfortable impeachment vote — and his position on the Judiciary Committee, which put him on the front lines of two Donald Trump impeachments. In a speech last month backing the impeachment inquiry, Johnson appeared to signal he believes the bar had been met to vote on removing Biden, though he hasn’t directly said he supports it.

“The mounting evidence … shows that Joseph Biden has engaged in bribery schemes, pay-to-play schemes,” Johnson said, noting that the Constitution says a president “shall be removed from office on impeachment for and conviction of treason, bribery or high crimes and misdemeanors.”

But navigating the House as speaker is more complex than as a member. The first problem is the time crunch: Republicans’ No. 1 priority is funding the government, particularly avoiding a Nov. 17 shutdown deadline, not impeachment. After that date, it’s a slog of more spending bills, sweeping defense policy legislation and other must-pass issues like an expiring surveillance authority and the Federal Aviation Administration Authorization.

Plus, Johnson has to worry about political blowback on battleground members — a concern made more acute by time constraints, since impeachment discussions appear all but guaranteed to drag into 2024. Asked about the perception from some conservatives that he’ll be friendlier toward impeachment, Corinne Day, a spokesperson for Johnson, said in a statement that the new speaker “will continue to follow the facts where they lead. He has full faith in the Committee chairs to continue doing this work.”

Signs of coming tensions have quietly percolated behind the scenes. Some centrist Republicans warned each speaker designate against moving forward with impeachment unless they have a clear smoking gun, according to a Republican with knowledge of those conservations that occurred during the three-week gavel race.

And as speaker candidates fielded questions on impeachment during a closed-door forum this week, one Republican stood up to make the argument that the 2024 election, not ousting Biden, was the best way to hold him accountable, according to a GOP member in the room, granted anonymity to discuss internal meetings.

“I think what Congressman Mike Johnson led is going to be somewhat moderated by the need to lead the conference and ensure that whatever action we take as a body is supported by fact, and law,” said centrist Rep. Marc Molinaro (R-N.Y.). “He recognizes the divergent interests within the conference.”

Other centrists and governing-minded lawmakers are making it clear they support the investigations being led by Judiciary Chair Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) and Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.). They just aren’t ready to bear hug impeachment yet.

“I don’t think anyone wants to move forward with impeachment unless they’ve got a smoking gun or at least some evidence,” said Rep. Mike Garcia (R-Calif.). “If there is not information to substantiate, then we won’t move forward. But the inquiry and the hearings need to move forward, so that’s the key.”

Meanwhile, conservative Rep. Ken Buck (R-Colo.) acknowledged that Johnson can’t kibosh the inquiry altogether, saying “that toothpaste is out of the tube.” But he hopes the Louisianian will take a different tack than McCarthy.

“I think as an attorney he will be more careful in bringing impeachment to the floor,” Buck said.

And it’s not just the Biden impeachment on the table. Greene asked speaker candidates whether they would also go after top administration officials, including Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas and Attorney General Merrick Garland, according to a Republican with direct knowledge. Johnson previously told POLITICO he supports impeaching Mayorkas.

Republicans are deep into a monthslong investigation into the president, his son Hunter Biden and other family members as they search for sufficiently convincing evidence that links decisions Joe Biden made as vice president or president to the business arrangements of his family members.

And while Republicans have unearthed plenty of evidence that Hunter Biden traded on his father’s name, they’ve struggled to show a true connection to Joe Biden’s official actions.

Still, McCarthy opened the impeachment inquiry in mid-September — a decision hard-right Republicans viewed as an ultimately unsuccessful political move to try to save his speakership. Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla) was making early threats of triggering an ouster push at the time.

And while those same members are being careful not to box Johnson in less than 48 hours into his speakership, they view him as a more trustworthy partner. That means they believe that once he takes a position on impeachment, he will stick to it.

Gaetz, who has compared the Biden inquiry to “failure theater,” cautioned that he didn’t “want to pre-judge the speaker” but predicted “Mike Johnson will approach this like a lawyer” and not “like a desperate person trying to cling to power.”

“I don’t believe that the impeachment effort under Kevin McCarthy was intended to convict Joe Biden as much as it was to save Kevin McCarthy,” he added.

Rep. Dan Bishop (R-N.C.), another member of the Judiciary Committee, added that Johnson wouldn’t try to “head fake” the conference on his impeachment strategy.

“Mike Johnson doesn’t scheme and convince, he’s honest, he’s straightforward,” Bishop said. “He believes in what we’re doing.”