Trump’s $45 billion expansion of immigrant detention sites faces pushback from communities

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By DAVID A. LIEB, HEATHER HOLLINGSWORTH and MORGAN LEE

With tensions high over federal immigration enforcement, some state and local officials are pushing back against attempts by President Donald Trump’s administration to house thousands of detained immigrants in their communities in converted warehouses, privately run facilities and county jails.

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Federal officials have been scouting cities and counties across the U.S. for places to hold immigrants as they roll out a massive $45 billion expansion of detention facilities financed by Trump’s recent tax-cutting law.

The fatal shootings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti during immigration enforcement actions in Minnesota have amplified an already intense spotlight on U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, increasing scrutiny of its plans for new detention sites.

A proposed ICE facility just north of Richmond, Virginia, drew hundreds of people last week to a tense public hearing of the Hanover County Board of Supervisors.

“You want what’s happening in Minnesota to go down in our own backyard? Build that detention center here, and that’s exactly what will happen,” resident Kimberly Matthews told county officials.

As a prospective ICE detention site became public, elected officials in Kansas City, Missouri, scrambled to pass an ordinance aimed at blocking it. And mayors in Oklahoma City and Salt Lake City — after raising concerns about building permits — announced last week that property owners won’t be selling or leasing their facilities for immigration detention.

Meanwhile, legislatures in several Democratic-led states pressed forward with bills aimed at blocking or discouraging ICE facilities. A New Mexico measure targets local government agreements to detain immigrants for ICE. A novel California proposal seeks to nudge companies running ICE facilities out of the state by imposing a 50% tax on their proceeds.

The number of ICE detention sites has doubled

More than 70,000 immigrants were being detained by ICE as of late December, up from 40,000 when Trump took office, according to federal data.

In a little over a year, the number of detention facilities used by ICE nearly doubled to 212 sites spread across 47 states and territories. Most of that growth came through existing contracts with the U.S. Marshals Service or deals to use empty beds at county jails.

Trump’s administration now is taking steps to open more large-scale facilities. In January, ICE paid $102 million for a warehouse in Washington County, Maryland, $84 million for one in Berks County, Pennsylvania, and more than $70 million for one in Surprise, Arizona. It also solicited public comment on a proposed warehouse purchase in a flood plain in Chester, New York.

Federal immigration officials have toured large warehouses elsewhere, without releasing many details about the efforts.

“They will be very well structured detention facilities meeting our regular detention standards,” ICE said in a statement, adding: “It should not come as news that ICE will be making arrests in states across the U.S. and is actively working to expand detention space.”

Detention site foes face legal limitations

State and local governments can decline to lease detention space to ICE, but they generally cannot prohibit businesses and private landowners from using their property for federal immigrant detention centers, said Danielle Jefferis, an associate law professor at the University of Nebraska who focuses on immigration and civil litigation.

In 2023, a federal court invalidated a California law barring private immigrant detention facilities for infringing on federal powers. A federal appeals court panel cited similar grounds in July while striking down a New Jersey law that forbade agreements to operate immigrant detention facilities.

After ICE officials recently toured a warehouse in Orlando, Florida, as a prospective site, local officials looked into ways to regulate or prevent it. But City Attorney Mayanne Downs advised them in a letter that “ICE is immune from any local regulation that interferes in any way with its federal mandate.”

Officials in Hanover County also asked their attorney to evaluate legal options after the Department of Homeland Security sent a letter confirming its intent to purchase a private property for use as an ICE processing facility. The building sits near retail businesses, hotels, restaurants and several neighborhoods.

Although some residents voiced concerns that an ICE facility could strain the county’s resources, there’s little the county can do to oppose it, said Board of Supervisors Chair Sean Davis.

“The federal government is generally exempt from our zoning regulations,” Davis said.

Kansas City tries to block new ICE detention site

Despite court rulings elsewhere, the City Council in Kansas City voted in January to impose a five-year moratorium on non-city-run detention facilities. The vote came on the same day ICE officials toured a nearly 1-million-square-foot (92,903-square-meter) warehouse as a prospective site.

Manny Abarca, a county lawmaker, said he initially was threatened with trespassing when he showed up but was eventually allowed inside the facility, where a deputy ICE field office director told him they were scouting for a 7,500-bed site.

Abarca is trying to fortify Kansas City’s resistance by proposing a countywide moratorium on permits, zoning changes and development plans for detention facilities not run by the county or a city.

“When federal power is putting communities on edge, local government has a responsibility to act where we have authority,” he said.

Kansas City is looking to follow a similar path as Leavenworth, Kansas, which has argued that private prison firm CoreCivic must have an operating permit to reopen a shuttered prison as an ICE detention facility.

As other ICE proposals have surfaced, officials in Social Circle, Georgia, El Paso, Texas, and Roxbury Township, New Jersey, all have raised concerns about a lack of water and sewer capacity to transform warehouses into detention sites.

Nationally, it remains to be seen whether local governments can effectively deter ICE facilities through building permits and regulations.

“We’re currently in a moment where it is being tested,” Jefferis said. “So there is no clear answer as to how the courts are going to come down.”

New Mexico targets existing ICE facilities

The Democratic-led New Mexico House on Friday passed legislation banning state and local government contracts for ICE detention facilities, sending it to the Senate. Similar bills are pending in Hawaii, Massachusetts, New York and Rhode Island.

The Otero County Processing Center, 25 miles (40 kilometers) from downtown El Paso, Texas, is one of three privately run ICE facilities that could be affected by the New Mexico legislation. The facility includes four immigration courtrooms and space for more than 1,000 detainees. The county financed its construction in 2007 with the intent to use it as a revenue source, and plans to pay off the remaining $16.5 million debt by 2028.

Otero County Attorney Roy Nichols said the county is prepared to sue the Legislature under a state law that prevents impairment of outstanding revenue bonds.

Republicans warned of job losses and economic fallout if the legislation forces immigrant detention centers to close.

But Democratic state Rep. Sarah Silva, who voted for the ban, and said her constituents in a heavily Hispanic area view the ICE facility as a burden.

“Our state can’t be complicit in the violations that ICE has been doing in places like Minneapolis,” Silva said. “To me that was beyond the tipping point.”

How to Cause a Dysfunctional Government

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Let’s begin with a definition, by example, of dysfunctional governing: the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) under Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., the United States Health and Human Services Secretary.

In 2000, the World Health Organization determined that according to its criteria, the United States had eliminated measles. But 2025 saw sustained outbreaks, notably in Texas, Utah, Arizona, and South Carolina, to the extent that “elimination status” is in jeopardy. The logical fix is to raise vaccination rates to ensure collective herd immunity. But this is not the CDC plan.      

As GovFacts.org notes, RFK, Jr.’s Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) initiative “represents a fundamental shift from collective herd immunity toward what they call ‘medical freedom,’ ‘individual decision-making,’ and ‘radical transparency’ about vaccine safety and ingredients.” Of course, those are morally lofty concepts. If they are linked coherently to people’s dependencies, they can be useful tools for addressing a wide range of social issues. The problem here, however, is that deadly viruses are not the least bit affrighted by righteous rhetoric. The lesson is clear: Take care that the glamour of idealism does not entice away from the sight of real pain and suffering that needs alleviation.

This lesson is hard to heed for the conservatives on the U.S. Supreme Court. They have favored President Trump on 80 percent of his emergency appeals, many of which reflect unjust indifference toward the needs of the disadvantaged. And in Trump v. Slaughter, they are leaning toward allowing the president to fire a Federal Trade Commissioner without cause. That ruling would reverse a 1935 judgment in Humphrey’s Executor that Congress may create agencies relatively independent of the president’s control. As Justice Elena Kagan has explained, the thinking in Humphrey’s was that “in certain spheres of government, a group of knowledgeable people from both parties—none of whom a President could remove without cause—would make decisions likely to advance the long-term public good.”

Knowledge, the kind acquired through effort, is a precious resource—especially gains in understanding that make the world safer and fairer. We take it for granted at our great peril. The Federal Trade Commission (FTC), which serves to protect the public from deceptive or unfair business practices, is structured to respect the dialectical nature of learning. Its five commissioners are appointed by the president for seven-year terms. No more than three may be from a single political party, and the president may remove a member only “for inefficiency, neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office.” The institution blends distinctive strands of governing policy, including acknowledgment of the president’s executive authority (to appoint and terminate for cause), Congress’s duty to legislate responsibly, the importance of input from both parties, and the need for compromise by experts.

This syncretic approach to addressing people’s needs is in stark contrast to the organizing principle animating conservative decision-making today, namely unitary executive theory, which asserts that the president should have total control over the executive branch. Morally speaking, the theory has an obvious, serious flaw, which has not received sufficient attention: It assumes an ideal president—a virtuous, intellectually curious executive humble enough to appreciate guidance from knowledgeable specialists. But even if paragons of perspicacity were plentiful, the assumption is excessively risky, as the founders well knew, because of the great damage that an all-powerful executive can do, as evidenced by the appointment of RFK, Jr. as HHS secretary.

RFK, Jr. has floated the notion that autism is caused by environmental toxins that have been put “into our air or medicines or food,” but to date extensive research has not found such a causal link. Lacking sufficient facts to support his conclusions, RFK, Jr. cannot argue, but merely pontificate. Granted, he probably truly believes that there is no objective perspective, that all that matters is winning the propaganda war. However, sincerity of cynicism does not excuse the self-deception that upholding the right to self-assertion for its own sake has anything to do with responsible governing. Real idealism seeks not to dominate but to enhance the lives of the underprivileged. This reads like remedial morality, I know, but I feel compelled to state the obvious because RFK, Jr. is indicative of a declension in quality of leadership so serious that even children are not safe from the damaging effects of placing idealization of self (“Viva me!”) above concern for the community. 

The Trump administration and the Supreme Court embody an immature social character whose deficiencies in the senses of history, tragedy, and responsibility give rise to several political and intellectual moves that result in a dysfunctional government. First, latch on to the surface logic of idealism, of certainty in an abstract good such as freedom. Then assume that the executive possesses sufficient acuity and fortitude to concretize freedom through addressing individuals’ material and emotional needs—for example, through family-friendly policies—so that they can become freer to pursue growth. Finally, turn a blind eye to massive historical and contemporary evidence that invalidates that assumption, such as accounts of the myriad ways in which the vulnerable suffer needlessly at the hands of authoritarian bureaucracies—for example, in China, Russia, and, increasingly, America—that regard the individual as expendable because leaders are too small-minded to see, in William Blake’s words, “a world in a grain of sand.”

The post How to Cause a Dysfunctional Government appeared first on The Texas Observer.

Kirill Kaprizov closing in on Marian Gaborik’s Wild goals record

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When Marian Gaborik left Minnesota in the summer of 2009, the Wild’s first draft pick had spent eight NHL seasons becoming the franchise’s career goals leader with 219. The way Kirill Kaprizov is scoring lately, that record might not make it to the Olympic break.

With two more goals on Monday, including the overtime winner versus Montreal, Kaprizov’s career mark stands at 217 with one more game on Wednesday night in Nashville before he gets a three-week break.

Kaprizov #97 of the Minnesota Wild skates with the puck against the New Jersey Devils in the first period at Grand Casino Arena on Monday, Jan. 12, 2026 in St Paul. (Brad Rempel/Getty Images)

Gaborik needed 502 games for the Wild to set the goals record. As of Monday’s final horn, Kaprizov has played 376 games for Minnesota — and scored seven goals in the Wild’s past six games. He leads the team with 32.

While eight current Wild players and two more from the team’s minor league organization head to the Olympics, Kaprizov will get some time to rest and recover. Russia is barred from participation in the Games because of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. For his Minnesota teammates who would likely have played against Kaprizov in Milan, going to Italy is bittersweet.

“Kind of thankful he’s not in the tournament, because that’s obviously scary the way he’s playing,” joked Brock Faber, who will play defense for Team USA. “No, it stinks for him. And, you know, it’s all just part of it, ups and downs. Great players find a way to get out of ruts, and a rut for him is a lot different from other players in this league. He’s playing fantastic, and it’s fun to watch.”

What passes for a “rut” by Kaprizov standards began just before Christmas, when he went through a 16-game stretch with just three goals. He posted 15 assists in that span, so there were few complaining about his production.

Reflecting on that relatively dry spell, Wild coach John Hynes recalled several nights where Kaprizov likely deserved multiple goals but the puck was not going in the net for him. The workaholic star, who is widely known to spend an extra 30 minutes or more after practice shooting and tipping pucks, kept doing what he does, and the results are seen on the scoresheet now.

“He continued to play the right way, he continued to compete,” Hynes said. “I like the fact that he’s shooting the puck now. He’s driving on offense. He’s scoring in different ways. And I think that’s, when you have that type of talent and the competitor that he is, that’s what you want to be, to be a deadly threat.”

As part of the Wild’s 25th anniversary celebration in the fall, Gaborik and other stars from the early days of the franchise came back to Minnesota, and Kaprizov got to meet the Slovakian star whose record he is close to eclipsing.

“I talk with him. It was fun because I remember when I was a kid I watched, I saw how he played for the national team and other teams,” Kaprizov said, admitting he was too young to have first-hand memories of Gaborik’s time in Minnesota. “I don’t remember actually (very) good, but I saw highlights. I think he was fast and nice shot, I think. Because he have so good shot, like quick wrist, and pretty fast. Good skater.”

Asked about his forthcoming Olympic break, Kaprizov said it will be a chance to get healthier for the team’s March push to the playoffs.

“I hope (to) come back, take break and feel better. I don’t know how many games left before playoffs, 20-something, right? Yeah, be ready for playoffs,” Kaprizov said.

Asked if getting a break during a hot streak is good or bad, Kaprizov said, “I don’t know. We’ll see. You never know it’s better or it’s not better. Sometimes when it’s going, you just want to play every night, every second night. Just keep playing. But we’ll see.”

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Trump hosts Colombia’s Petro just weeks after insulting him as a ‘sick man’ fueling the drug trade

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By AAMER MADHANI, Associated Press

WASHINGTON (AP) — President Donald Trump is set to welcome Colombian President Gustavo Petro to the White House on Tuesday for talks only weeks after threatening military action against the South American country and accusing the leader of pumping cocaine into the United States.

U.S. administration officials say the meeting will focus on regional security cooperation and counternarcotics efforts. And Trump on Monday suggested that Petro — who has continued to criticize Trump and the U.S. operation to capture Venezuela’s Nicolás Maduro — seems more willing to work with his administration to stem the flow of illegal drugs from Colombia.

“Somehow after the Venezuelan raid, he became very nice,” Trump told reporters. “He changed his attitude very much.”

Yet, bad blood between the leaders overshadows the sit-down, even as Trump sought to downplay any friction on the eve of the visit.

The conservative Trump and leftist Petro are ideologically far apart, but both leaders share a tendency for verbal bombast and unpredictability. That sets the stage for a White House visit with an anything-could-happen vibe.

In recent days, Petro has continued poking at the U.S. president, calling Trump an “accomplice to genocide” in the Gaza Strip, while asserting that the capture of Maduro was a kidnapping.

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And ahead of his departure for Washington, Petro called on Colombians to take to the streets of Bogotá during the White House meeting. He planned to hold a news conference at the Colombian Embassy in Washington after the meeting with Trump.

Historically, Colombia has been a U.S. ally. For the past 30 years, the U.S. has worked closely with Colombia, the world’s largest producer of cocaine, to arrest drug traffickers, fend off rebel groups and boost economic development in rural areas.

But relations between the leaders have been strained by Trump’s massing U.S. forces in the region for unprecedented deadly military strikes targeting suspected drug-smuggling boats in the Caribbean Sea and the eastern Pacific. At least 126 people have been killed in 36 known strikes.

In October, Trump’s Republican administration announced it was imposing sanctions on Petro, his family and a member of his government over accusations of involvement in the global drug trade.

The Treasury Department leveled the penalties against Petro; his wife, Veronica del Socorro Alcocer Garcia; his son, Nicolas Fernando Petro Burgos; and Colombian Interior Minister Armando Alberto Benedetti.

The sanctions, which had to be waived to allow Petro to travel to Washington this week, came after the U.S. administration in September announced it was adding Colombia to a list of nations failing to cooperate in the drug war for the first time in three decades.

Then came the audacious military operation last month to capture Maduro and his wife to face federal drug conspiracy charges, a move that Petro has forcefully denounced. Following Maduro’s ouster, Trump put Colombia on notice and ominously warned Petro he could be next.

Colombia is “run by a sick man who likes making cocaine and selling it to the United States,” Trump said of Petro last month. “And he’s not gonna be doing it very long, let me tell you.”

But a few days later, tensions eased somewhat after a call between the leaders. Trump said Petro in their hourlong conversation explained “the drug situation and other disagreements.” And Trump extended an invitation to Petro for the White House visit.

Trump on a couple of occasions has used the typically scripted leaders’ meetings to deliver stern rebukes to counterparts in front of the press.

Trump and Vice President JD Vance lashed out at Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in February for showing insufficient gratitude for U.S. support of Ukraine. Trump also used a White House meeting in May to forcefully confront South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, accusing the country, with reporters present, of failing to address Trump’s baseless claim of the systematic killing of white farmers.

It was unclear if the meeting between Trump and Petro would include a portion in front of cameras.