Duxbury mother accused of killing her 3 kids held without bail, committed to psychiatric care

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A Plymouth Superior Court judge has found Lindsay Clancy, the Duxbury mother accused of strangling her three children to death earlier this year, “at imminent risk for self-harm” and ordered her held without bail and committed to psychiatric care at Tewksbury Hospital for a six-month period.

“It is my opinion that she does require ongoing psychiatric hospitalization,” Dr. Karin Towers, a forensic psychiatrist retained by the court, testified during Clancy’s Superior Court arraignment Thursday morning. Towers said she had examined Clancy earlier that morning and found the defendant presented with a flat affect and reported “unbearable depression and trouble getting through each day,” feelings of worthlessness and regular suicidal ideation.

Judge William F. Sullivan was convinced and ordered Clancy held without bail and committed to Tewksbury Hospital for an extended six-month stay without the need for monthly evaluations. The arraignment was held in Tewksbury Hospital via Zoom video teleconferencing. Clancy could not be seen in the video.

Sullivan set the next court date for Dec. 15.

Clancy, 33, is accused of strangling her three children with exercise bands in the basement of their home at 47 Summer St. in Duxbury the night of Jan. 24 before jumping out of a window in an apparent suicide attempt. Investigative affidavits filed in a lower court and released Tuesday indicated she also cut her wrists and neck before jumping from the second-floor window.

On Thursday, prosecutor Jennifer Sprague cast doubt to the seriousness of Clancy’s suicide attempt and described the cuts as rather superficial. She also laid out arguments to head off any defense regarding diminished responsibility due to Clancy not being of sound mind at the time of the homicides.

Sprague said that notes on Clancy’s phone and in notebooks found at the house document her life and the lives of her children, but in these writings she always appears to know who she is, where she is and describes “no hallucinations or delusions.” While the writings do allegedly include suicidal or homicidal ideations, Sprague said, these disappear following her stay at the beginning of January at McLean Hospital, a psychiatric hospital in Belmont.

Clancy was prescribed a medley of medications, Sprague said, and was taking three regularly by the night in question. Bloodwork examined after the alleged killings showed several medications in her system, though Sprague argued that the majority of these were in safe, therapeutic doses and the one that was found at a higher dose, Seroquel, is an antipsychotic and thus should diminish and not cause a likelihood of a violent outburst.

Clancy’s defense attorney, Kevin Reddington, said that he was at the house and “was able to see the blood that was on the floor, on the wall, on the windowpane” from his clients wounds and dismissed out of hand Sprague’s argument that it was just some “dinky cut,” as what he saw reminded him more of “arterial spray.”

What Reddington saw in the house, he said, was evidence “in every room” of a deep family love, with happy photos of the family and signs of the children’s creative output and education dotting the home.

This is a developing story.

Judge William F. Sullivan, center, listens as Plymouth Assistant DA Jennifer Sprague speaks during the Superior Court arraignment of Lindsay Clancy, the Duxbury mother accused of killing her three kids, held via Zoom from Tewksbury Hospital on Thursday morning. Clancy’s defense attorney Kevin Reddington listens from the far right of the screen. (Screengrab / Plymouth Superior Court)

Patriots’ first-round pick being helped by ‘mirror check’ and practice reps

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FOXBORO — It’s usually frowned upon to walk up to someone and ask, “Hey, did you gain weight?”

It’s not always a bad thing when addressing an offensive lineman, though. And for Patriots left guard Cole Strange, weight was an issue for the 2022 first-round pick as a rookie.

But Strange looked bigger in his return to the field in Week 7 from a knee injury, and it coincided with the Patriots’ best offensive line performance by far this season in Sunday’s win over the Bills.

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So, did Strange gain some weight?

“Yeah, a little bit,” Strange told the Herald. “I wasn’t trying to add too much because I wasn’t playing. So, it’s like if you’re just adding on a bunch of weight, then it’s probably just fat. But I was trying to gain the best weight I could.”

Strange said he felt “light” at times last year and that he was feeling better Week 7 against the Bills.

The Chattanooga product let up three hurries in that game.

“This year I felt a little bit more sure,” Strange said. “Like there are still dudes who are big and strong enough to move you out of the way, but I do feel a little bit better weight wise this year for sure.”

So, what exactly is the process for a 6-foot-5, 310-pound offensive line to add weight midseason?

“Eat as much as you can without — there’s a goal of weight that you try to get to,” Strange said. “You want to kind of slowly get there over time. Obviously you’re lifting and working out too. I’d say a mirror check every now and then is good. If I’m standing there and hitting one of those numbers, like I need to chill out, subtract the Little Debbies.”

It was mentioned to Strange that former Patriots offensive lineman Ted Karras would eat an entire box of cereal — with milk — every night to keep his weight up. Strange might give that a shot.

It’s better than the alternative he tried in the past.

“For a short period of time, and this is probably what led to me starting the mirror check because I was looking like a lard-ass, is I would get like a big bowl and put a bunch of Oreos in there and fill it up with milk and then eat it like cereal.

“I went to Trader Joe’s. They just have chocolates and cookies, and I got a bunch of that. And I was like, ‘I have to slow down on this.’”

So, now it’s back to chicken and rice for Strange. And maybe some nightly cereal.

It’s helped him immensely to be back on the practice field in recent weeks. Strange missed most of training camp with a knee injury suffered on the first day of padded practices. It even kept him out of Week 1. He was back on the field for Week 2 before suffering another knee injury late in the Patriots’ Week 3 win over the Jets. He started Week 7 but is still officially listed as limited on the injury report.

“The best thing you can do is taking mental reps and watching film and trying to stay locked in that way,” Strange said. “But there’s really no replacement for just going through those movements, for me at least. Some guys I think can watch film and don’t have to practice. They’re just good. But I gotta practice and even then, I’ve got to practice for weeks so I can get back into my groove. It’s tough not being able to do that.”

Jeff Jackson running for N.C. attorney general after being gerrymandered out of House seat

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Democratic Rep. Jeff Jackson is running for North Carolina attorney general in the wake of an aggressive Republican gerrymander that all but guaranteed he couldn’t have won reelection.

Jackson, a former prosecutor and veteran serving his first term in Congress, represents NC-14, one of four significantly redrawn districts under the new congressional map Republicans adopted Wednesday. The current congressional delegation is split 7-7, but the new map draws 10 districts that are safe GOP seats, three that are safe Democratic districts and one that is competitive.

The newly redrawn NC-14 would have voted 58 percent for former President Donald Trump in 2020 — a reversal from the blue-leaning district that Jackson won in 2022.

“A group of politicians in North Carolina just redrew my congressional district to take me out,” he said in a video on Thursday. “I’m running for attorney general, and I’m going to use that job to go after political corruption.”

Prior to joining Congress, Jackson was an assistant district attorney and state senator.

The North Carolina attorney general seat is open in 2024 as incumbent Democrat Josh Stein runs for governor. Jackson’s entry makes him the immediate frontrunner in the race, ahead of the little-known candidates who have already announced bids.

It also sets up a potential member-on-member general election, as Republicans have a big name in the running: Rep. Dan Bishop. A member of the Freedom Caucus, the congressman could bring outsized attention and money to the oft-overlooked race. Bishop already has the backing of the Republican Attorneys General Association, giving him an advantage in his primary election.

Democrats have historically succeeded in attorneys general races in North Carolina, although by increasingly slim margins. Stein won reelection in 2020 by less than 1 point — but still outperformed President Joe Biden, who lost the Tar Heel State. The Democratic Attorneys General Association has begun investing heavily into the race and earlier this week placed a $4 million cable and broadcast reservation in an attempt to hold the seat.

“DAGA’s closely watching this race, and we’re confident that we’re going to hold the North Carolina AG seat,” DAGA spokesperson Emily Trifone said in a statement, calling Bishop an “out-of-touch extremist.”

Republican state House Speaker Tim Moore is considering a bid for NC-14, and Republican Pat Harrigan, who lost to Jackson by around 15 points in 2022, has been in the race since August.

It’s not clear yet what will happen to the other North Carolina Democrats affected by the new map.

Rep. Kathy Manning’s district will lean toward Republicans under the new map, but she said before the map was rolled out that she would seek reelection anyway. Rep. Wiley Nickel, whose district will also favor the GOP, said in a statement that he does not want to “give these maps credibility by announcing a run in any of these gerrymandered districts” and said he’d make a decision “once the courts have spoken.”

Rep. Don Davis of blue-leaning NC-01 — the only district that will be a toss-up under the new map — hasn’t said whether he’s running for reelection. “While analysts and attorneys are still reviewing [the maps], I plan to continue focusing on representing the people of the First Congressional District,” he said in a statement on Wednesday.

A legal morass is thwarting Alabama’s medical marijuana program

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For months, Oliver Washington has been experiencing a kind of bureaucratic whiplash unique to entrepreneurs in nascent marijuana markets.

After learning that he had won one of Alabama’s five coveted medical marijuana licenses in June, the fourth generation nursery owner was excited to finally plant some cannabis in the heart of Dixie.

But since Washington celebrated his win, he’s seen his license voided, re-awarded and then put on hold due to numerous lawsuits challenging the state’s licensing process. Now, Washington’s unsure if or when he’ll be able to do what he does best: cultivate plants.

“It’s deflating and costly for a farmer like myself,” he said.

Across the country, companies that lost out on cannabis licenses have filed lawsuits challenging those decisions, often stalling market rollouts for months or even years. Legal disputes have proven particularly messy in states like Alabama with a cap on the number of cannabis businesses and a merit-based application process.

In response to the initial lawsuits, the Alabama Medical Marijuana Commission promptly voided its original licensing decisions and then re-awarded them in August, to the same group of winners except one.

That only sparked more litigation, and a court order has prevented the agency from issuing the licenses awarded in that round. The agency passed emergency rules last week in hopes of getting licenses out by the end of the year. But some applicants fear it will merely invite even more litigation.

“This legal strategy here has been death by a thousand cuts,” said Brian Vicente, an attorney who is working with Washington. 

The legal morass means successful applicants cannot move forward with their business plans, keeping legal cannabis out of reach for patients more than two years after Alabama lawmakers passed legislation establishing the program.

The most difficult application

Alabama became one of the first states in the Deep South to legalize medical marijuana through the Legislature in May 2021. Perhaps understanding the political tides changing — 74 percent of Mississippi voters had approved a medical marijuana initiative at the ballot box in 2020 — the Republican-dominated Legislature managed to pass medical cannabis legislation.

“It was a very long journey to get to where we are,” said Mike Ball, a former state representative who spearheaded legalization efforts in the Legislature.

Ball, a former cop, did a 180 on the issue after receiving an email from a woman whose granddaughter experienced relief from epileptic seizures with cannabis oil. When he first introduced cannabis legislation, Ball recalled, other lawmakers reacted as if “I was unleashing potheads, having them running naked in the streets.”

Despite that wariness, he spearheaded efforts to pass a low-THC cannabis oil bill in 2014, which helped pave the way for legalizing a comprehensive medical program.

Cannabis entrepreneurs and attorneys who worked on applications for Alabama’s medical program described the process as the most rigorous of any state marijuana market.

Applicants had to submit detailed drawings for everything from HVAC to plumbing systems. Those who applied for the five vertically integrated licenses — which allows businesses to grow, process and sell marijuana — also had to show that they had $250,000 in the bank.

Nearly 40 applicants, including Washington, tried to get an integrated license. Washington, who is Black, had been courted by about 10 potential business partners looking to get into the Alabama market.

“One, they knew I could grow,” he said. “Two, they knew my ethnicity would help them.”

Alabama’s medical marijuana law requires that one of the five integrated licenses go to a minority-owned business. A quarter of licenses in other categories like cultivation and retail are also set aside for minority-owned businesses.

Washington ultimately decided to collaborate with Chuck Smith, an industry veteran who co-founded Dixie Elixirs in Colorado in 2009. Smith introduced Washington to Vicente, a lawyer who helped draft Colorado’s legalization initiative that passed in 2012 and co-founded a cannabis-focused law firm.

Initially, Smith said, he was concerned about potential “backroom dealings and the collusion that so many states are accused of.” Cannabis corruption scandals have hit numerous cannabis markets, from liberal states with recreational weed to conservative states with restrictive medical programs.

But Smith’s initial concerns were assuaged by the way Alabama set up merit-based licensing, hiring third-party evaluators for a blind scoring process. The identities of the evaluators are unknown to the public, preventing applicants from seeking to influence their scores.

But that hasn’t prevented the process from getting mired in a wave of lawsuits.

AMCC’s voiding of licenses and settlement negotiations in response is worrying applicants who have been awarded licenses. And now, neither the critics or defenders of the agency’s licensing decisions are happy with the emergency rules that are aimed at moving the process forward.

Warren Cobb, co-owner of Sustainable Alabama, was awarded an integrated license twice. He fears that the emergency rules will unfairly favor some applicants over others, and lead to even more litigation.

The AMCC says it has to go through the legal process that all the litigation has brought.

“We participated in those discussions in good faith; we’ve listened to all parties,” Justin Aday, general counsel for the AMCC, said in an interview.

Some businesses, however, question whether the lawsuits are raising legitimate legal concerns. They’re concerned that some litigants are following a familiar playbook of challenging licensing decisions in hopes of eventually winning a license.

“The lawsuits seemed more like technicalities than getting at the substantive issues,” said Vincent Schilleci, chief legal officer of CCS of Alabama, which was awarded a dispensary license twice.

One plaintiff, Alabama Always, has filed four different lawsuits against the AMCC.

William Somerville, an attorney for Alabama Always, disputes that the lawsuits aren’t substantive. Alabama’s medical marijuana law requires cultivators to begin growing within 60 days. Somerville points out that Verano Holdings, one of the license winners in the first round, admitted in court that it hadn’t started constructing its facility, which means it wouldn’t be able to meet that requirement.

“That to me proves that the scores are not just a technical problem, they’re a substantive problem,” Somerville said.

Rumors are swirling that if the medical program isn’t able to move forward by the time the Legislature comes back in session in January, lawmakers may scrap the whole program or open up a licensing free-for-all.

“This needs to play out before the Legislature gets involved,” said Ball. He called for the AMCC to “bite the bullet and do the best they can and issue the damn licenses.”

Meanwhile, a judge recently said that he was considering modifying the temporary restraining order to allow applicants who applied for license types that aren’t being contested in court — like lab testing and transportation — to move forward.

That still wouldn’t speed up the launch of the program. On Thursday, the AMCC will consider rescinding its second round of licensing decisions from August.

Washington, for his part, is eager to start cultivating medical cannabis, which will help his farm diversify. He says growing cannabis isn’t much different from other plants, likening it to “half tomato, half poinsettia.”

Shore Acres Plant Farm in Theodore, Ala. has weathered various challenges since Washington’s grandfather first started selling azaleas in coffee cans out of the back of his truck in the 40s. The family business eventually started selling to local stores. As they were replaced by big-box chains, Shore Acres became a vendor for Walmart. Still, it maintained its small storefront for the community.

But it’s unclear when Washington will be able to put his horticultural skills to use for Alabama’s medical marijuana program.

“It’s restricting product that [patients] could be receiving right now,” Washington said. “I have to keep the faith, and keep moving, pressing forward.”