Last weekend in MN high school sports: Mounds View/Irondale girls hockey stays perfect

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Your daily look at what happened across the East Metro high school sports scene last night (or, on Mondays, over the weekend).

Girls hockey season is off and running. Here are key results from Saturday’s games:

Girls hockey

Mounds View/Irondale 7, Park 4: Mounds View/Irondale is a perfect 4-0 thanks to an offense that’s averaging 5.5 goals per game. Mia Simones and Sarah Johnson each netted hat tricks in Saturday’s win.

Johnson has a whopping 10 goals and seven assists already this season.

Mounds View/Irondale travels to Forest Lake on Tuesday.

South St. Paul 3, Rock Ridge 1: After a couple narrow defeats at the hands of Hastings and Simley to open the season, the Packers nabbed their first win of the season as Isabella Stinsa, Kira Erb and Sidney Thompson all scored, while Kjirsten Kline stopped 21 shots.

Stinsa now has three goals on the season.

Stillwater 1, Forest Lake 0: Brynne Laska scored the game’s lone goal to improve the Ponies to 1-0-1 on the season.

Stillwater out-shot the Rangers 39-15, but Kiera Peek was excellent in net for Forest Lake, stopping 38 shots. Haley Solnitzky recorded a shutout for the Ponies.

Eagan 4, Shakopee 1: The Wildcats are 2-0 on the season after a pair of dominant victories over Hastings and Shakopee.

Kaitlyn Barry and Reagan Robbins each scored twice on Saturday. The Wildcats have surrendered only 26 shots on goal combined through two games.

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Tribal college leaders are uneasy about US financial commitments despite a funding increase

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By GRAHAM LEE BREWER, Associated Press

NEW TOWN, N.D. (AP) — On a recent chilly fall morning, Ruth De La Cruz walked through the Four Sisters Garden, looking for Hidatsa squash. To college students in her food sovereignty program, the crop might be an assignment. But to her, it is the literal fruit of her ancestors’ labor.

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“There’s some of the squash, yay,” De La Cruz exclaimed as she finds the small, pumpkinlike gourds catching the morning sun.

The garden is named for the Hidatsa practice of growing squash, corn, sunflower and beans — the four sisters — together, De La Cruz said. The program is part of the Nueta Hidatsa Sahnish College, operated by the Mandan Hidatsa Arikara Nation.

It is one of more than three dozen tribal colleges and universities across the country that the Trump administration proposed cutting funding to earlier this year. Tribal citizens are among communities navigating the impacts of massive cuts in federal spending and the effects of the longest government shutdown in U.S. history.

A funding increase for tribal colleges and universities announced before the shutdown was welcome news, but college leaders remain uneasy about the government’s financial commitments. Those federal dollars are part of some of the country’s oldest legal obligations, and tribal college and university (TCU) presidents and Native education advocates worry they could be further eroded, threatening the passage of Indigenous knowledge to new generations.

“This is not just a haven for access to higher education, but also a place where you get that level of culturally, tribally specific education,” De La Cruz said.

US committed to Native education

When the U.S. took the land and resources of tribal nations to build the country, it promised through treaties, laws and other acts of Congress that it would uphold the health, education, and security of Indigenous peoples. Those fiduciary commitments are known today as trust responsibilities.

“We prepaid for all of this,” said Twyla Baker, the college’s president.

Twyla Baker, president of the Nueta Hidatsa Sahnish College, poses for a portrait at the school Wednesday, Oct. 29, 2025, in New Town, N.D. (AP Photo/John Locher)

The U.S. may have intentionally and violently disrupted the passage of Indigenous knowledge and lifeways, Baker said, but their ancestors forced the government to promise to protect them for future generations. Those legal and moral obligations must be honored, she said.

“They carried our languages under their tongues. They carried them close to their heart. They carried these knowledge systems with them and protected them to bring them forward to us. So I feel as if I have a responsibility to do the same,” Baker said.

Today, the education pillar of the trust responsibilities takes many forms, like the hundreds of elementary schools on reservations funded by the U.S. Bureau of Indian Education and the funding that pays for Native history and language classes taught at TCUs.

That funding was set to be reduced by as much as 90% in President Donald Trump’s federal budget proposal. But in September the U.S. Department of Education announced TCUs would receive an increase of over 100%. While the decision was welcomed by many, those new federal dollars came at the cost of other institutions where many Native students attend, like Hispanic-serving institutions.

The education of Native students outside of TCUs are also part of those trust and treaty rights, said Ahniwake Rose, president of the American Indian Higher Education Consortium, which advocates for TCUs.

An uncertain funding outlook

Rose said that the increase in Department of Education funding coincides with decreases in several areas of the federal government that provide vital grants to TCUs, like the National Science Foundation and the U.S. Department of Agriculture.

Students take a test during a class at Nueta Hidatsa Sahnish College, Thursday, Oct. 30, 2025, in New Town, N.D. (AP Photo/John Locher)

In 1994, Congress passed a bill designating tribal colleges as land grant institutions, which opened them up to new sources of federal funding through the U.S. Department of Agriculture. But unlike other land grant universities like Cornell, Purdue and Clemson that are still sustained by the profits of unceded tribal lands, TCUs don’t share in those billions of dollars. Instead they rely on grants from the federal agencies that support land grant universities.

However, that too has become more difficult, Rose said. Tribal liaisons at some of those federal departments who ensure they are complying with their trust responsibilities have been laid off or furloughed, she said, and many of those positions remain unfilled.

“We’re still under a great deal of stress,” Rose said. “I don’t want people to think because we got this increase in funds that all is OK, because it’s still precarious.”

That kind of uncertainty makes it hard to budget, said Leander McDonald, president of the United Tribes Technical College in Bismarck, North Dakota. That, mixed with the current push to cut the federal workforce, leaves him and other TCU presidents second-guessing decisions to create education programs and hire staff.

“How long is the storm going to last?” McDonald said. “That’s the part that I think is unknown for us.”

Presidents like McDonald and Baker spend a lot of their time on the road, traveling to Washington, D.C., to make the case for both the value that TCUs add and the government’s responsibility to uphold them. An American Indian Higher Education Consortium report released in September found that in 2023 TCUs generated $3.8 billion in added income to the national economy in the forms of increased student and business revenue and social savings related to health, justice and income assistance.

Schools help preserve traditions

On top of the opportunities higher education provides, for TCU students there is an added incentive. The U.S. government systematically tried to erase their cultures, and many students and faculty believe part of the government’s fiduciary responsibility to tribal nations today includes providing opportunities to sustain the traditions that it threatened.

Learning directly from elders who pass down that knowledge is a key part of the Native American Studies program at Nueta Hidatsa Sahnish College. Students like Zaysha Grinnell, a citizen of the MHA Nation enrolled in the program, learn their languages and take classes on tribal sovereignty and traditional burial rites.

“You can’t get that anywhere else,” she said. “That experience, that knowledge, all of the knowledge that the ones teaching here carry.”

Many of the communities where those traditions were taught were broken up, the languages spoken in them were intentionally targeted, and the lands where they thrived were taken, said Mike Barthelemy, head of the college’s Native American Studies program.

“You can look around us in any direction for hundreds of miles, and those are ceded territories,” he said. “There’s not a single Indigenous nation that got really, truly compensated for what they gave. And so I think that trust responsibility, it lingers.”

Novo chops Wegovy prices, but doctors still see affordability challenges for patients

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By TOM MURPHY, Associated Press Health Writer

Novo Nordisk is chopping prices again for its popular obesity treatment Wegovy, but doctors say the expense will remain challenging for patients without insurance.

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The drugmaker said Monday that it has started selling higher doses of the injectable treatment for $349 a month to patients paying the full bill. That’s down from $499 and in line with terms of a drug pricing agreement outlined earlier this month by President Donald Trump’s administration.

Novo also has started a temporary offer of $199 a month for the first two months of low doses of Wegovy and the drug’s counterpart for diabetes, Ozempic. The new pricing will be available at pharmacies nationwide through home delivery and from some telemedicine providers.

Rival Eli Lilly also plans price breaks for its weight-loss drug Zepbound once it gets a new, multi-dose pen on the market.

Obesity treatments like Zepbound and Wegovy have soared in popularity in recent years. Known as GLP-1 receptor agonists, the drugs work by targeting hormones in the gut and brain that affect appetite and feelings of fullness.

In clinical trials, they helped people shed 15% to 22% of their body weight — up to 50 pounds or more in many cases. But affordability has been a persistent challenge for patients.

A recent poll by the nonprofit KFF found that about half of the people who take the treatments say it was hard to afford them.

Previous research has shown that people have difficulty paying for a medication when the cost rises above $100 per month for a prescription or refill, said Stacie Dusetzina, a Vanderbilt University Medical Center professor and prescription drug pricing expert.

She said new prices like those outlined by Novo are “not going to really move the needle for a person who doesn’t have a pretty reasonable amount of disposable income.”

The Associated Press Health and Science Department receives support from the Howard Hughes Medical Institute’s Department of Science Education and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. The AP is solely responsible for all content.

Pitted Against Waste

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Editor’s Note: This story is a collaboration between the Texas Observer and Inside Climate News.

For 15 years, Debrah Linn and her children have raised chickens, miniature donkeys, pet geese, and, more recently, longhorn cattle on what she’d considered an idyllic and peaceful farmette near the village of Elysian Fields. 

Her kids ride horses on their shady lane, a 4.3-mile-long country road that undulates through woods filled with standing water that feeds Sacogee Creek and, in summer, waving blossoms of Black-eyed Susans.

A few doors down, Bonnie and Robert Arbuckle, a couple from Shreveport, Louisiana, have kept busy over the last year roughing out their own do-it-yourself retirement dream house on pastureland with a pond stocked with catfish and bass. Waskom-Elysian Fields Road in Harrison County, deep in Northeast Texas, is so quiet that it’s long been used for training by cross-country runners from the high school near its point of origin.

So it attracted curiosity—and concern—when what initially seemed like an oversize pond grew into an enormous wall of dirt on a patch of wetlands across from the Arbuckles’ place. Unbeknownst to them and other locals, the Texas Railroad Commission had already issued a permit to allow the largest oil and gas waste disposal site in the region to be erected on their country road.

Soon, the Arbuckles could see mounds rising and hear the roars of a fleet of dump trucks, cranes, and other heavy construction equipment on that previously undeveloped acreage. And when Bonnie, a U.S. Army vet who knows a thing or two about excavation, introduced herself to the acting site supervisor, she got no answers. “He was friendly and came over,” she recalled. “But then when we started asking questions about what the operation was, it was just closed lips.”

The developer of this massive oilfield waste disposal site sent notices only to adjacent landowners—mostly unoccupied land with absentee owners, including the Texas General Land Office. A legal ad in a nearby small newspaper offered no details and didn’t mention Elysian Fields. These were the only notices required by the Railroad Commission, the state agency that regulates Texas’ oil and gas activities, including its toxic waste disposal. 

Linn and others learned of the project only after the fact when Harrison County Judge Chad Sims, an Elysian Fields native, gathered locals at the village’s volunteer fire department in January.

Records show that a company called M2T, LLC., with a mailing address in faraway Montana, had initially applied for a Railroad Commission permit in January 2022 to handle what is described as “nonhazardous” oil and gas wastes on the 187-acre site. It had been approved in 2023 with no hearing and no local comments.

But Sims told residents who gathered inside the village fire department that he had recently learned that the out-of-state developer was tied to a Longview, Texas, company called McBride Operating LLC, which had already drawn scrutiny and complaints over its existing waste-handling operations in the nearby town of Waskom. Residents were shocked to learn from Sims that the Railroad Commission had, before anyone knew enough to formally protest, already approved this large new waste site on the same Waskom-Elysian Fields road where Sims’ daughter and other high school cross-country runners regularly practiced.

In 2019, McBride Operating had obtained a five-year permit from the Railroad Commission to operate the waste-handling center in Waskom, on an industrial site on the frontage road along Interstate 20, about 5 miles north of the Elysian Fields construction site. McBride Operating’s permit for Waskom expired in mid-2024. The commission staff then declined to renew it this February—a rare action by the pro-business agency. The denial came, records show, after the company had ignored instructions by agency employees and committed dozens of violations of state rules, including unauthorized construction and expansion, unauthorized waste disposal, and evidence of ongoing groundwater contamination. 

McBride Operating never stopped running the Waskom site, even after the commission pulled its permit in February. It was able to do so because the company appealed.

Debrah Linn stands near the construction site of a new McBride facility for oil and gas waste disposal in Elysian Fields. (Shelby Tauber/Texas Observer)

Earlier this year, Linn began regularly driving her trusty Suburban SUV by the existing McBride waste site in Waskom to survey what might be coming to Elysian Fields. She worried even more about the excavation on her road after hearing Waskom residents complain that they could smell the operation from as far as 2 miles away. “Now the people that live closer, they have been complaining of headaches, nausea, things like that,” she said during one recent visit. “So that’s what my big worry is because my daughter has asthma and she struggles a lot with that. And I don’t want to be run out of my home by someone who doesn’t … play by the rules.”

Some complained about the odors to the Railroad Commission. McBride’s operations manager, Carrie Dowden, admitted as part of a deposition in a lawsuit filed by an employee who was overcome by chemical fumes that the company “can’t control the smell.” In a response to this report, a company spokesperson noted that McBride has never been fined for odors and that other businesses contribute to smells in the town.

Even as McBride Operating negotiated to stay open in Waskom, and pursued its options in Elysian Fields, the company had been simultaneously fighting other local opponents to secure a permit for another oilfield waste landfill 50 miles south near the town of Paxton, on a proposed site near wells that supply public drinking water. 

But the massive Elysian Fields project would be McBride’s largest yet.

Linn soon found herself joining a growing and eclectic group of East Texans—including folks who consider themselves pro-oil and gas—who banded together to fight McBride’s expansions in Elysian Fields and Paxton and its efforts to continue in Waskom. Her allies included local teachers, a pastor who doubles as a rural water official, and a pair of ranchers. 

Cattleman Terry Allen was fighting a court battle to halt McBride’s plans for Paxton. In Waskom, an octogenarian rancher named Jerry Cargill was pursuing all legal avenues to get McBride shut down. Both men traveled back and forth to Austin to appeal to the Railroad Commission, state legislators, and anyone who might listen.

Linn, tied down by family obligations and the need to tend farm animals, got on her computer and used her considerable research skills to dig—discovering quickly that McBride had racked up many more violations than other active oil and gas waste pit operators in East Texas. She wondered why there were so many waste pits in her area, right along the Louisiana state line.

Everyone worried that the litany of violations at Waskom, a site that had previously been an industrial area, would be repeated on pristine flood-prone acreage in Paxton and Elysian Fields. But their concerns gained little traction with decision-makers in Austin, and some were shocked when the only elected Railroad Commissioner from East Texas, Wayne Christian, who’d initially seemed friendly to their arguments, began advocating for McBride. 

Christian defended McBride, stating that more waste disposal capacity was urgently needed in Northeast Texas, part of the Haynesville-Bossier Shale, which runs into northwest Louisiana. It follows the Marcellus Shale in Pennsylvania and the Permian Basin in West Texas as the third-most-productive natural gas basin in the country. 

But Linn and others swear they spotted many trucks with Louisiana plates unloading fracking waste at McBride’s facility—and fear their rural communities were becoming dumping grounds for the neighboring state. Linn figured it was no coincidence that two new proposed pits in Paxton and Elysian Fields were only minutes from the state line. “If we didn’t have the Louisiana business, would these [facilities] even be here?” Linn said. “I don’t think they would.”

Oil and gas wells produce prodigious amounts of waste. One horizontal well generates upwards of 8,000 barrels—or 336,000 gallons—of waste during the drilling and completion process, according to the Texas company Milestone Environmental. As oil and gas production soared to record highs in Texas, the industry needed more capacity to dispose of all the waste. Disposal wells and landfills opened and expanded from the Permian Basin to the Haynesville Shale. 

As of August 2025, there were 86 commercial surface waste disposal facilities permitted by the Railroad Commission. Six of those are in the agency’s East Texas District 6, headquartered in Henderson. Some facilities, like the one in Waskom, separate solid and liquid waste. Much of the liquid waste is injected underground in disposal wells. The solid waste, which includes drill cuttings and muds, is permanently buried in pits or commercial landfills. 

Jerry Cargill attends a Railroad Commission hearing in July. (Brenda Bazán/Texas Observer)

That waste can contain benzene, toluene, ethylbenzene, xylene, and other harmful constituents. But industry lobbyists succeeded in classifying this waste as nonhazardous under the federal Resource Conservation and Recovery Act.

McBride’s Waskom facility currently separates and sends solid waste to an industrial landfill in Mount Pleasant. The liquid waste is injected into a disposal well on-site. The McBride landfills planned for Paxton and Elysian Fields could accept the waste that is currently sent to Mount Pleasant.

By the time Linn and others first learned about the company’s permitted plans for Elysian Fields in early 2025, Cargill had already been fighting McBride’s Waskom facility in the Railroad Commission’s administrative law courts for years.

Cargill, 82, grew up 20 miles away in Marshall, the county seat, while making frequent visits to the ranch his grandparents owned outside Waskom. In the 1980s, he bought out his relatives to become the sole owner of the 600-plus-acre property. After retiring from a long career in beverage sales, Cargill now lives on the ranch. He took notice of McBride soon after the site in Waskom opened, in 2020.

Cargill watched with concern as heavy trucks barreled down the highway to McBride, where they loaded and unloaded wastewater and solids. Cargill had flown drones over the site and observed how heavy rainfall would wash runoff from the waste stored on-site toward his property. He worried that two nearby creeks—Big Sis and Little Sis—could become conduits for pollution to reach his land. Cargill declined to be interviewed for this story but made his sentiments clear in statements to the commission and in documents filed by his attorneys. 

For years, McBride accumulated violations during Railroad Commission inspections. Regulators issued 68 violations during the company’s first five years of operations in Waskom (2020 through 2024). Many violations were for disposal of solid oil and gas waste in pits that McBride built but were not authorized in its permit, and failure to comply with the permit. The facility was also added to the commission’s Operator Cleanup Program, which manages complex environmental remediation cases, after groundwater contamination was found on-site. Inspection reports found leaking tanks of produced water and waste piled on the ground outside the pits. 

Despite dozens of violations, the Railroad Commission fined McBride only once in this five-year period: a $668 penalty issued in November 2024 for a spill that occurred in 2023. Inspectors found that the spill of extremely salty produced water had traveled more than 300 feet in the direction of a creek.

Company spokesperson Charlie Rose said that many of these violations of “unpermitted” disposal fell under a “catchall” category in the Railroad Commission rules that “includes any violation of a permit provision under which a commercial waste management facility operates.

“Of the referenced violations, all but one were resolved immediately upon reinspection. The single exception occurred during our first year of operation and involved a spill incident that required follow-up,” Rose said. “In every case, we responded promptly and effectively.”

Railroad Commission spokesperson Bryce Dubee said that McBride, like other operators, is given an opportunity to address violations before it is referred to legal enforcement. 

Meanwhile, other government regulators were uncovering problems at McBride.

On the night of February 6, 2024, Pedro Julian Garcia died in a workplace accident at McBride’s Waskom site. Garcia, a 26-year-old father of two, was fixing a leaking pump when the valve blew off, fatally striking him in the chest. McBride had no written procedures for repairing hazardous electrical equipment, like the pump, and its employees had no training to perform such tasks, according to an Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) investigation. 

OSHA, the federal agency that enforces workplace safety laws, had never previously inspected the McBride site. It ultimately fined the company $32,264 for 12 violations. McBride later settled a lawsuit with Garcia’s family.

A lawsuit filed by Jaire Jackson, a worker injured in 2021 while cleaning one of McBride’s tanks, uncovered other issues at the site. In a 2022 deposition, Dowden, the operations manager, said that she’d previously worked as a bartender and had no prior oilfield experience when she was hired as a supervisor. She described her office as a “mess,” said workers were not provided with protective gear, and claimed she did not know if there was any operating manual for the site. 

Rose said that the company’s safety program has been expanded in recent years and that every employee undergoes extensive training. 

Trucks drop off waste at the McBride oil and gas disposal facility in Waskom in late September. (Shelby Tauber/Texas Observer)

Cargill formally protested McBride’s permit renewal when the application was filed in 2024. Evidence to support the protest would come later. First, the Railroad Commission would have to determine whether Cargill had legal standing to protest the permit. If he was found to have standing, a full hearing would be scheduled before a Railroad Commission administrative law judge.

In February 2025, Cargill filed a separate complaint with the Railroad Commission, asking for a hearing in which McBride would have to show why its permit should be renewed and not canceled. The complaint filing contended that McBride had consistently violated statewide rules for oil and gas waste, that groundwater had been contaminated at the site, and that contamination had not been remediated. 

“Mr. Cargill’s claims are part of a seemingly coordinated effort that has now expanded to the media,” Rose said when asked about those complaints.

Cargill was not the only party to protest renewal when McBride’s first five-year permit was set to expire, on July 30, 2024. Other local landowners and the City of Waskom filed their own protests too. In February 2025, it seemed as though they’d won a victory: A letter from the commission’s technical permitting division laid out numerous ways McBride had violated the terms of its first permit, denied the permit renewal, and ordered the facility to shut down.

“Commission staff has attempted to work with the operator to address these concerns,” Railroad Commission engineer Alisa Patterson wrote. “However, after several meetings and a series of request[s] for additional data (RAD) letters, staff concludes that the amendment and renewal permit application cannot be approved.”

Cargill, still building his case against McBride, thought his concerns were finally being heard.

But McBride’s attorney, John Hicks, appealed the permit rejection, which, under commission rules, allowed McBride to continue its operations while the appeals process proceeded. During a June visit, its truckers’ lounge and loading docks were bustling with activity, as rumbling trucks came and went from the stretch of Interstate 20 that leads to Louisiana, only a few minutes east of the site.

Both sides prepared for a July 31 prehearing before a Railroad Commission administrative law judge to hear the merits of Cargill’s permit protest and complaint. Cargill’s lawyers would argue why he should be granted standing to protest the permit renewal. Hicks would argue why the facility should stay open and why Cargill was undeserving of standing in the administrative court. 

Then, less than 24 hours before the prehearing was set to begin, a Railroad Commission lawyer notified the legal teams that the agency had settled with McBride. The two-paragraph notice retracted the denial and gave McBride 90 days to submit engineering plans to resolve the outstanding problems and continue operating.

Nonetheless, the legal teams arrived at the Railroad Commission hearing room in Austin the next morning. Attorneys George Neale and Charles Zhang, representing Cargill, argued that McBride had already been given more than enough time to resolve the numerous rule violations. They pointed out that after the site was added to the Railroad Commission’s cleanup program in 2021, it took McBride four years to submit a cleanup plan.

“[McBride] is one of, if not the worst, operators in the state of Texas,” Zhang said. “They’ve had four years of second chances.”

But Hicks argued that Cargill’s complaints were “entirely inappropriate” and circumvented the Railroad Commission’s existing protocols.

Cargill watched the proceedings with anxious attentiveness, nervously clicking a pen. He took the stand after lunch and implored the Railroad Commission to rein in McBride, saying he felt a duty to report the violations he had observed. He told the judge that he thought Joseph McBride, the Longview entrepreneur who formed McBride Operating in 2013, was “stalling because he wants to open his next landfill,” echoing a theory posited by other East Texans.

“This isn’t the way to run a business. … They’re playing games with our environment,” Cargill said. “If someone does something wrong, why would you give him five years to fix that?”

Given that the Railroad Commission had reached a settlement the day before, Cargill knew the agency would reconsider the permit application and the progress he had achieved could slip away. He had driven five hours from his ranch to Austin. On the way home, he would stop at a Dallas doctor’s office for a heart checkup. 

His lawyers withdrew the complaint asking for a “show cause” hearing in September. At that time, the administrative law judge had not yet ruled on whether Cargill would be given standing to protest the permit renewal.

In September, Rose said the company had already submitted “preliminary proposals” as part of the settlement and is “working through finalizing the detailed engineering documents.” He said the company cannot disclose the specifics but is “committed to full transparency and compliance.”

In an email, Dubee, the Railroad Commission spokesperson, said that if agency staff is not “satisfied these remedies will be implemented,” the matter can be denied and the permit sent back again for another hearing.

Cargill and Linn both fretted that McBride was simply using lawyers to buy time until the Elysian Fields facility could open. The Railroad Commission staff had already found McBride’s stormwater plans in Waskom to be insufficient to protect ground and surface water. In the low-lying Elysian Fields construction site, Linn foresaw worse problems. The construction site, part of the headwaters of Sacogee Creek, was full of standing water when a local television crew went out to film in January. Residents worry that once the pits are filled with heaping piles of chemical-laden waste, runoff or flooding could contaminate local waterways.

George Neale, an attorney representing Cargill, points to a map showing the site of a McBride waste pit. (Brenda Bazán/Texas Observer)

In responses for this story, Rose said the company has designed a stormwater system for the site’s specific terrain that includes elevated containment and retention features that would prevent water from the site from reaching nearby estuaries. 

Environmental advocates point to how pollution from oilfield waste landfills in areas like Western Pennsylvania have fouled local creeks and raised health concerns among residents. “When you dispose of drill cuttings in a landfill and it rains, it’s going to take all of the contaminants and soak through the whole landfill like a tea,” said Matt Kelso, of the nonprofit organization FracTracker Alliance, based in Pennsylvania.

The Paxton, Elysian Fields, and Waskom sites are all in low-lying areas minutes from the Louisiana state line. Though East Texas produces plenty of its own oil and gas waste, records show that many of the pits in the region have been profiting by accepting chemicals, mud, and other byproducts from Louisiana oil and gas operators. 

Louisiana does not have any solid oilfield waste disposal facilities in the Haynesville-Bossier Shale, according to the state’s Department of Natural Resources. Louisiana also has stronger regulations for injection wells that accept liquid waste from oil and gas fields. Louisiana requires that the waste be tested and logs recorded for injection well sites. In Texas, oilfield waste sites must certify only that they do not accept waste containing naturally occurring radioactive material, which can be present in some fracking waste. (Additional testing is required only for substances not exempted from federal hazardous waste rules.)

The Texas Railroad Commission itself does not track what proportion of waste comes from out of state. For this story, Inside Climate News analyzed quarterly reports made to the Railroad Commission by five waste facilities in East Texas between 2022 and 2024. Three reported accepting waste from Louisiana. Charles Holston, Inc., in Center, Texas, reported that three-quarters of the waste it accepted came from Louisiana. More than half the waste processed at the Top Cat Truck Wash in Panola County came from Louisiana. Across the state, in the Permian Basin, waste sites are known to accept drilling waste from neighboring New Mexico.

McBride’s quarterly reports from that period indicate waste arriving at the Waskom facility came from Texas. But Rose noted that those reports do not include liquid waste directly injected into two wells there. He said that both the Waskom and Elysian Fields facilities can accept waste from any operator that meets Texas regulations, including Louisiana sites.

“New Mexico and Louisiana have recognized the danger of this waste,” said Terry Allen, the cattleman who’s fighting another McBride project in the town of Paxton. “They’re making Texas the dumping ground.”

For more than four years, McBride’s proposal to build yet another waste pit 50 miles south of Waskom near the village of Paxton was blocked—temporarily at least—by the Railroad Commission. Two different administrative law judges ruled that the application should be denied in part because of evidence provided by Allen and by a rural water company that the site could compromise wells only 1,200 feet away that provide a significant amount of the county’s water supply. 

“This is our aquifer. This is where we get our drinking water from,” said Eric Garrett, who runs Paxton Water. For him, the risks of even a tiny bit of poison seeping into those wells was too high.

But ultimately, the final decision would go to a vote by the three railroad commissioners, who are all elected Republicans. Paxton community members hoped that Christian, a former state representative from Center, would listen to the concerns of his Shelby County neighbors and oppose the permit.

When the vote came in January 2025, Commissioner Jim Wright, who owns oilfield waste companies, and Commissioner Christian voted to issue the permit. They overruled Commissioner Christi Craddick, the sole vote in opposition. All three commissioners have accepted campaign contributions. From 2020 to 2025, McBride and McBride Operating contributed more than $90,000 to the three commissioners, including recent contributions to Craddick’s campaign for state comptroller. At the same time, the company plowed between $336,000 and $778,000 into lobbying, records show. 

In an emailed statement, Wright said that feedback received through the hearings resulted in additional safeguards to address local residents’ concerns. He also said there is a “significant lack” of permitted oilfield waste disposal in East Texas. 

In a statement for this story, Christian said the project would bring “real paychecks, tax revenue for our schools and roads, and a chance to bring life back to communities that have been left behind.

“Rural Texas has been losing jobs and families for decades, and we can’t afford to turn away investment,” he added.

Christian previously wrote a letter to the Light and Champion newspaper in Center to explain his vote. “The idea that this project could have simply been blocked because it is in my local county is a misunderstanding of the law,” he wrote. “If a company meets the legal requirements, we cannot arbitrarily deny a permit.”

He also claimed that opposition to the permit was pushed by outside groups with “radical, anti-energy policies.” Much of the opposition “around this permit hasn’t come from landowners—it’s been manufactured by professional activist groups from outside our region,” he wrote.

Garrett, of Paxton Water, had a different view. “What is totally baffling to me is that despite the recommendations of their own people, Commissioner Wright and Commissioner Christian felt like they knew better than their own staff,” he told the Observer. “How do you explain that?” 

Linn wrote her own letter to the paper. She argued that the only outside interests involved were the Louisiana oil and gas companies that would get to dump their waste in Texas. “The protection of our water is non-negotiable and not a partisan issue,” she wrote. “Why are Texas taxpayers liable for other states’ toxic waste?”

Allen is relieved that, for now, McBride has not started construction in his town, but he has continued to fight the company on other fronts.

It’s possible that all that waste will now arrive in Elysian Fields, where some local residents and the village’s high school and elementary school depend on groundwater wells within a few miles of the landfill, according to the county judge and other local residents.

McBride’s spokesperson said that construction at Elysian Fields is “nearing completion” and that the site will begin accepting waste “once every safety and environmental measure is fully in place.”  

By September, Linn said she’d already seen more trucks making deliveries to the site, where plastic pieces of what look like a liner have been lying out in the sun for months. In an email, Rose confirmed that a liner had been delivered but said operations have not yet begun. He said there’s no estimated construction date for Paxton.

The Socagee Creek flows near the Elysian Fields waste disposal site. (Shelby Tauber/Texas Observer)

Allen’s experience challenging the permit has motivated him, along with Linn and others, to advocate for changes to Texas laws governing oilfield waste. Allen traveled to the state Capitol in April to testify before the House Energy Resources Committee on two bills that would, respectively, require companies to notify landowners before burying oil and gas waste and demonstrate the necessity of a commercial oil and gas landfill when applying for a permit. He urged lawmakers to consider the compliance history of operators that are applying for new permits.

State Representative Jay Dean, whose district includes Waskom and Longview, responded to Allen’s comments and said that McBride has a way of “eluding” regulators. “If you’re going to be in that business—the rules, regulations, processes—you need to follow them, and nobody should get an exception,” he said.

Linn and Allen are working to found an organization called Texas Legacy Defense to assist communities, so far with members from Shelby, Panola, Harrison counties. “Because no one is listening,” Linn said. They like to say the group began when a “retired banker, a pastor, an editor, and a nurse walked into a room. It might sound like the setup to a joke, but that’s actually how Texas Legacy Defense began—in the fellowship room of a little country church.”

Allen bristles at the suggestion that outside interest groups are backing the movement against McBride. “I can tell you unequivocally that there have been no outside funds from any outside interests,” he said. “It’s all from people who are concerned that our groundwater, our land, and our air will be contaminated from this rogue operator.”

To drive home the point, Allen paid to hang banners in Shelby County calling Christian and Wright “Proven Liars.” In an email, Wright’s spokesperson disagreed: “Chairman Wright may be a lot of things, but a liar isn’t one of them.”

The East Texas waste dumps remain flash points for the growing number of Texans voicing their discontent with the Railroad Commission. Commissioner Wright is up for reelection in 2026. One of the first contenders to announce a campaign was Hawkins “Hawk” Dunlap, himself a native of East Texas and a longtime oilfield firefighter.

One of Dunlap’s first campaign stops was in Waskom.

Peter Aldhous contributed data analysis for this story.

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