Other voices: Human intelligence must rule: AI needs limits impose by people

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Days before Sam Altman was fired — and then rehired — as CEO of OpenAI, researchers at the company wrote a letter to its board of directors warning that a major new discovery could threaten humanity. We don’t know more about the details of that breakthrough or its precise role in the soap opera that’s consumed the tech world in recent weeks, but we do know that artificial intelligence is advancing at a rapid pace, and our public policy to regulate it is moving at the speed of Washington.

We’re sorry, Dave. We’re afraid we can’t have that.

What can AI already do? As anyone who’s fiddled with ChatGPT knows, it can write reasonably credible, fact-based essays about fairly complicated questions, and fiction and poetry to boot. It can write computer code. It can transcribe speech and summarize long texts with remarkable accuracy. It can generate photorealistic or stylized images of just about anything. It can aid in the discovery of new medicines. It can take a picture or two of a human face at any age and identify it, almost instantly. It can listen to a person for just a few seconds and then spoof his or her voice.

Naysayers are quick to point out the many failures and fumbles and foibles, all the ways in which the tech is not yet ready for deployment. And it’s true; every algorithm makes mistakes, and some make a lot. One AI-enabled innovation, the self-driving car, has been just around the corner for many years now — because the task has proven much more complex than initially thought. (Even still, it’s worth pointing out that autonomous vehicles have made major strides.)

The unavoidable fact is that human beings have developed and are refining a technology with remarkable capabilities. There’s tremendous good AI can do today and tomorrow, from identifying students in need of additional support services, to helping radiologists detect cancerous growths, to supercharging drug development, to helping blind people make sense of what’s in front of them, to quickly scoping out damage in disaster zones.

But like any technology, it can do serious damage as well. Those voice-spoofing capabilities are already being used to steal money. Artists are seeing their creativity exploited and new paintings or songs generated from copyrighted work without their permission. Deepfaked vidoes that, to the naked eye, are indistinguishable from real ones can throw fuel on fires of disinformation — or create nonconsensual pornography. And while well-designed, properly applied AI can help identify and combat human bias, poorly designed algorithms can enable mass bias in hiring, criminal justice and other realms.

It is the job of the federal government to prevent foreseeable AI abuses before they happen and design smart penalties for inevitable bad uses, all while ensuring that the are few if any constraints to AI’s many beneficial applications.

The White House has released an organically intelligent framework for what sorts of safeguards are needed, and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer has led the way. The billionaires who increasingly control this corner of the economy can’t be trusted to regulate themselves. The tech-challenged men and women who play the biggest role writing our laws have their own ineptitudes and blind spots, but they’re the only representatives we’ve got.

— The New York Daily News

Tucker Carlson rips DeSantis’ political operation as ‘nastiest’ and ‘stupidest’ he’s seen

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Former Fox News host Tucker Carlson lit into Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis’ allies during Turning Point USA’s AmericaFest, calling “the people who represent him online” the “nastiest, the stupidest, and the most zero-sum people” he has ever seen.

One of those people — Christina Pushaw, the Republican presidential hopeful’s director of rapid response — appeared to hit back Tuesday, dragging the Trump campaign in the process.

“Hearing that some people find the rhetoric from DeSantis spokespeople vile and appalling,” Pushaw wrote on X (formerly Twitter). “I guess we should do better and rise to the refined level of Team Trump, by calling opponents’ wives the c-word and accusing cancer survivors of faking it.”

A spokesperson for DeSantis’ campaign did not respond to a request for comment on Carlson’s remarks.

Carlson has publicly backed former President Donald Trump in his bid to retake the White House, and his name has been floated as a possible vice presidential pick despite the revelation that he and other Fox hosts had privately bashed Trump during the 2020 election cycle.

Carlson did say on Monday that he liked DeSantis — just not his people.

Tim Pool, a conservative podcast host, agreed. “Ron should have fired the people running his campaign a long time ago,” Pool said during the Monday event. “Politically, and policy wise, we love Ron DeSantis. He’s done an amazing job. But his campaign is a train wreck.”

Minnesota Yacht Festival coming to Harriet Island Regional Park in St. Paul

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It’s been years since a major music festival alighted on Harriet Island Regional Park, despite its seemingly choice location along the Mississippi River below the downtown St. Paul river bluffs.

Counting Crows headlined a “Taste of Minnesota” concert line-up in 2010 that ended in bankruptcy for the longstanding food festival. In 2012, the odd match-up of dark alt-metal rockers Tool and the dreamy roots-rock of the Dave Matthews Band put the nail in the coffin of Live Nation’s short-lived River’s Edge Music Festival.

C3 Presents now plans to sail into the same scenic venue that other concert promoters have feared to tread for more than a decade. The team behind the popular Austin City Limits Music Festival, Lollapalooza and Bonnaroo have announced they’ll take over Harriet Island Regional Park on July 19 and July 20 for the inaugural Minnesota Yacht Club Festival.

Music line-up to come

The music line-up won’t be announced until sometime next month, according to C3, which is headquartered in Austin, Texas. Still, other promoters within the event industry with an inkling of the goings-on say to expect big things of the company, in which Live Nation bought a majority stake in 2014.

St. Paul Mayor Melvin Carter this week said “stellar performances” and local cuisine are on tap.

“These are the people who do Austin City Limits,” said Rand Levy, a veteran promoter currently producing the Glow Holiday Festival at downtown CHS Field. “They’re not amateurs.”

Levy, who is not directly attached to the Yacht Club Festival, would not divulge what he’s learned of the line-up, except to say “it appears to me they’re putting together a big show. … I think it’s a great flexible grounds. It’s very pliable and flexible. I’ve done shows there and it’s terrific.”

An attractive venue built like a park

Why have promoters avoided Harriet Island for so long?

The answers have as much to do with the venue as trends within the music fest industry. Among the challenges, the Harriet Island bandshell is too low to the ground to serve as a primary stage, forcing the construction of temporary stages. Large concerts require power, fencing and other infrastructure that isn’t in abundant supply on site.

Apartments and condos constructed along the river trigger noise variance and permitting requirements that can force a stage to be relocated or reoriented. Then there’s the vagaries of drawing 30,000 fans or more to a riverfront that can flood and grassy fields that can turn to mush after heavy rains.

In short, “it’s not built out like the Summerfest grounds in Milwaukee or the State Fairgrounds, where it was purpose-built for the festival experience,” said Joe Spencer, president of the St. Paul Downtown Alliance. “Harriet Island was built as a park.”

“And at the same time, being down right by the water, it’s such a beautiful site, I’m not surprised they’re going to find a way to make it work,” added Spencer, who previously served as a cultural adviser to former St. Paul Mayor Chris Coleman. “Having 30,000 music fans parking in downtown and having an experience down by the river is going to be a fantastic addition.”

Levy noted that music festivals have run aground elsewhere, largely because of event costs.

“You’ve got to have deep pockets,” he said. “You’ve got to have the right talent. The talent is not cheap.”

Pent-up demand

Still, with some other festivals like the Basilica Block Party in Minneapolis repeatedly side-lined in recent years, there’s a pent-up demand to come together for communal cheer following the pandemic, and there’s plenty of energy left in downtown St. Paul event venues.

The European Christmas Market at the downtown St. Paul Union Depot has been mobbed with visitors this season. This is Levy’s fourth year producing a holiday lights festival just down the street at CHS Field, the home of the St. Paul Saints, and the 31 scheduled shows have been drawing crowds. “We’re jamming them in,” he said. “This is our best year ever.”

Opening the city’s riverfront parklands to tens of thousands of visitors will take careful coordination with City Hall, but officials say they’re fully on board.

“We’re excited about it,” said Clare Cloyd, a spokesperson for St. Paul Parks and Recreation, which is working alongside the mayor’s office to make the the Minnesota Yacht Club Festival a success. “It’s been a while.”

C3 Presents are encouraging music festival fans to sign up for text alerts, emails and social media notifications at MinnesotaYachtClubFestival.com, or to follow along on Facebook, Instagram, X (previously Twitter) and TikTok.

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Millions in opioid settlement funds sit untouched as overdose deaths rise

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Katheryn Houghton, Aneri Pattani | (TNS) KFF Health News

Nearly a year after Montana began receiving millions of dollars to invest in efforts to combat the opioid crisis, much of that money remains untouched. Meanwhile, the state’s opioid overdose and death counts continue to rise.

The money is part of the approximately $50 billion that states and local governments will receive nationwide in opioid settlement funds over nearly two decades. The payments come from more than a dozen companies that made, distributed, or sold prescription opioid painkillers that were sued for their role in fueling the overdose epidemic.

Many places have begun deciding where that money will go and making payments to schools, public health departments, and local governments. South Carolina, for example, has awarded more than $7 million to 21 grantees. Wisconsin has posted two years’ worth of spending plans that total nearly $40 million.

Montana, West Virginia, and Hawaii are among the states moving slower.

Montana began receiving its first settlement payments in January, and, by fall, payments totaled roughly $13 million. As of early December, the Montana Opioid Abatement Trust — a private nonprofit created to oversee 70% of the state’s share — had met once to agree to its rules of operation, and its money remained locked behind an inactive grant portal. The remainder, divided among the state and local governments, either hadn’t been spent or wasn’t publicly recorded.

Those charged with distributing the money say they’re building a framework to spend it in ways that last. Meanwhile, some addiction treatment providers are eager to use the funds to plug gaps in services.

The tension in Montana reflects a nationwide push-pull. Those handling settlement dollars say governments should take their time planning how to use the enormous windfall. Others argue for urgency as the drug supply has become increasingly deadlyMore than 100,000 Americans died of overdoses in 2022, surpassing the previous year’s record-setting death toll.

Nearly 200 Montanans died of a drug overdose in 2021, the latest year state data is available. That number, likely an undercount, is roughly 40 more deaths than the year before. Emergency medical responders have continued to record an increasing number of opioid-related emergencies this year.

In Billings, the Rimrock Foundation, one of the state’s largest behavioral health providers, has seen its number of clients with opioid use dependency more than triple since 2021. Like other treatment facilities, Rimrock has a waitlist, and addiction treatment providers worry about the limited community resources that exist for patients once they are discharged. “The result of not addressing this is a lot of deaths,” said Jennifer Verhasselt, Rimrock Foundation’s chief clinical officer.

Debbie Knutson, Rimrock’s medical unit and nursing supervisor, said there is widespread confusion about how and when the state’s settlement dollars can be used.

“It’s very concerning if we have money available that we could use to help people that is just kind of sitting, waiting for somebody to decide where it should go,” Knutson said.

Rusty Gackle, the Montana Opioid Abatement Trust executive director, said a lot of work has happened behind the scenes to get local governments ready to accept their initial payments and for regional leaders to form systems to request money from the trust. That included hosting a series of town hall-style meetings to share information about the process. He said many of those local regions are still finalizing their governance structures.

“I would love to progress a little bit faster,” Gackle said. “But I’d rather do it right so that we’re not having to go backwards.”

Montana officials got a late start too, he added. Some states began receiving settlement dollars last year, but Montana was toward the tail end of the line.

Montana is dividing its money three ways: 15% to the state, 15% to local governments, and the rest to the Montana Opioid Abatement Trust, with some money set aside for attorneys’ fees.

As of late November, the state hadn’t begun spending the $2.4 million it had in hand for state agencies. Officials also aren’t tracking how and when local governments spend their direct payments.

Similarly, West Virginia and Hawaii hadn’t — by late November — begun spending the largest shares of their funding. In West Virginia, the makeup of the foundation board that will oversee roughly 70% of the state’s settlement dollars was announced only in August, six weeks after the state’s deadline, and the board is now sitting on more than $217 million.

Nationwide, state and local governments have received more than $4.3 billion as of Nov. 9. How much of that has been used remains uncertain due to states’ lack of public reporting. But from what is known, it varies.

Colorado, whose spending plan is similar to Montana’s but received its settlement money earlier, has allocated millions toward school and community-based programs, recovery housing services, and expanded treatment services.

Sara Whaley, a Johns Hopkins researcher who tracks states’ uses of opioid settlement funds, said a slower start isn’t inherently wrong. She prefers governments take time to spend the money well rather than fund outdated or untested practices. In some cases, governments are building entirely new systems to dole out the money. Several waited until the courts finalized the settlement amounts and details.

“There are definitely states that were like, ‘We are going to get money at some point. We don’t know how much or when, but let’s start setting up our system,’” Whaley said. “Other folks were like, ‘We have a lot going on already. We’ll just wait until we get it and then we’ll know what the settlement terms are.’”

Even once committees start meeting, it can take months for the money to reach front-line organizations.

Connecticut’s opioid settlement advisory committee made its first allocation in November, eight months after it was formed. Maine’s recovery council, which controls half the state’s settlement funds, has been meeting since November 2022, but just recently voted on priorities for the more than $14 million it has on hand and still needs to establish a grant application process.

Tennessee’s Opioid Abatement Council accepted grant applications this fall. Stephen Loyd, council chair, said the process — from picking awardees to processing payments — will take roughly six months. Within that time, he said, 2,808 Tennesseans are likely to die of drug overdoses.

As an interim step, Loyd proposed at an October meeting to award $7.5 million to an emergency six-month initiative to flood the state with naloxone, a medication that reverses opioid overdoses.

But his proposal was met with protests from council members, who pushed back on what they saw as a circumvention of the grant process they had spent months establishing. The council didn’t vote on the emergency initiative but instead created an expedited review process to consider fast-tracking future applications.

Gackle said he doesn’t think Montana is far behind others. Now that spending systems are almost in place, he said, things should move faster.

Lewis and Clark County, home to the state capital, Helena, has a yearlong plan and budget for opioid settlement funds. A cohort of 17 counties in rural eastern Montana defined its regional settlement decision-makers in November and, by early December, had yet to begin official talks about where the money should go.

Brenda Kneeland, CEO of Eastern Montana Community Mental Health Center and an advisory committee member for the Montana Opioid Abatement Trust, said eastern Montana has one inpatient treatment center for substance use disorders and zero detox facilities, so emergency rooms end up serving as a fallback resource.

Kneeland said local officials want to ensure they understand the rules to avoid trouble later and to stretch the funding.

“You don’t get an opportunity to try to correct such a wrong very often,” Kneeland said. “It’s just a huge job at a county level. I’ve never seen an undertaking like this in my career.”

The Montana Opioid Abatement Trust advisory committee will meet quarterly, meaning its next chance to review any submitted grants will be next spring.

___

(KFF Health News, formerly known as Kaiser Health News (KHN), is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs of KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling and journalism.)

©2023 KFF Health News. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.