Safety-net health clinics cut services and staff amid Medicaid ‘unwinding’

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Katheryn Houghton | (TNS) KFF Health News

One of Montana’s largest health clinics that serves people in poverty has cut back services and laid off workers. The retrenchment mirrors similar cuts around the country as safety-net health centers feel the effects of states purging their Medicaid rolls.

Billings-based RiverStone Health is eliminating 42 jobs this spring, cutting nearly 10% of its workforce. The cuts have shuttered an inpatient hospice facility, will close a center for patients managing high blood pressure, and removed a nurse who worked within rural schools. It also reduced the size of the clinic’s behavioral health care team and the number of staffers focused on serving people without housing.

RiverStone Health CEO Jon Forte said clinic staffers had anticipated a shortfall as the cost of business climbed in recent years. But a $3.2 million loss in revenue, which he largely attributed to Montana officials disenrolling a high number of patients from Medicaid, pushed RiverStone’s deficit much further into the red than anticipated.

“That has just put us in a hole that we could not overcome,” Forte said.

RiverStone is one of nearly 1,400 federally funded clinics in the U.S. that adjust their fees based on what individuals can pay. They’re designed to reach people who face disproportionate barriers to care. Some are in rural communities, where offering primary care can come at a financial loss. Others concentrate on vulnerable populations falling through cracks in urban hubs. Altogether, these clinics serve more than 30 million people.

The health centers’ lifeblood is revenue received from Medicaid, the state-federal subsidized health coverage for people with low incomes or disabilities. Because they serve a higher proportion of low-income people, the federally funded centers tend to have a larger share of patients on the program and rely on those reimbursements.

But Medicaid enrollment is undergoing a seismic shift as states reevaluate who is eligible for it, a process known as the Medicaid “unwinding.” It follows a two-year freeze on disenrollments that protected people’s access to care during the covid public health emergency.

As of May 23, more than 22 million people had lost coverage, including about 134,000 in Montana — 12% of the state’s population. Some no longer met income eligibility requirements, but the vast majority were booted because of paperwork problems, such as people missing the deadline, state documents going to outdated addresses, or system errors.

That means health centers increasingly offer care without pay. Some have seen patient volumes drop, which also means less money. When providers like RiverStone cut services, vulnerable patients have fewer care options.

Jon Ebelt, communications director of the Montana Department of Public Health and Human Services, said the agency isn’t responsible for individual organizations’ business decisions. He said the state is focused on maintaining safety-net systems while protecting Medicaid from being misused.

Nationwide, health centers face a similar problem: a perfect financial storm created by a sharp rise in the cost of care, a tight workforce, and now fewer insured patients. In recent months, clinics in California and Colorado have also announced cuts.

“It’s happening in all corners of the country,” said Amanda Pears Kelly, CEO of Advocates for Community Health, a national advocacy group representing federally qualified health centers.

Nearly a quarter of community health center patients who rely on Medicaid were cut from the program, according to a joint survey from George Washington University and the National Association of Community Health Centers. On average, each center lost about $600,000.

One in 10 centers either reduced staff or services, or limited appointments.

“Health centers across the board try to make sure that the patients know they’re still there,” said Joe Dunn, senior vice president for public policy and advocacy at the National Association of Community Health Centers.

Most centers operate on shoestring budgets, and some started reporting losses as the workforce tightened and the cost of business spiked.

Meanwhile, federal assistance — money designed to cover the cost of people who can’t afford care —remained largely flat. Congress increased those funds in March to roughly $7 billion over 15 months, though health center advocates said that still doesn’t cover the tab.

Until recently, RiverStone in Montana had been financially stable. Before the pandemic, the organization was making money, according to financial audits.

In summer 2019, a $10 million expansion was starting to pay off. RiverStone was serving more patients through its clinic and pharmacy, a revenue increase that more than offset increases in operating costs, according to documents.

But in 2021, at the height of the pandemic, those growing expenses — staff pay, building upkeep, the price of medicine, and medical gear — outpaced the cash coming in. By last summer, the company had an operational loss of about $1.7 million. With the Medicaid redetermination underway, RiverStone’s pool of covered patients shrank, eroding its financial buffer.

Forte said the health center plans to ask state officials to increase its Medicaid reimbursement rates, saying existing rates don’t cover the continuum of care. That’s a tricky request after the state raised its rates slightly last year following much debate around which services needed more money.

Some health center cuts represent a return to pre-pandemic staffing, after temporary federal pandemic funding dried up. But others are rolling back long-standing programs as budgets went from stretched to operating in the red.

California’s Petaluma Health Center in March laid off 32 people hired during the pandemic, The Press Democrat reported, or about 5% of its workforce. It’s one of the largest primary care providers in Sonoma County, where life expectancy varies based on where people live and poverty is more prevalent in largely Hispanic neighborhoods.

Clinica Family Health, which has clinics throughout Colorado’s Front Range, laid off 46 people, or about 8% of its staff, in October. It has consolidated its dental program from three clinics to two, closed a walk-in clinic meant to help people avoid the emergency room, and ended a home-visit program for patients recently discharged from the hospital.

Clinica said 37% of its patients on Medicaid before the unwinding began lost their coverage and are now on Clinica’s discount program. This means the clinic now receives between $5 and $25 for medical visits that used to bring in $220-$230.

“If it’s a game of musical chairs, we’re the ones with the last chair. And if we have to pull it away, then people hit the ground,” said CEO Simon Smith.

Stephanie Brooks, policy director of the Colorado Community Health Network, which represents Colorado health centers, said some centers are considering consolidating or closing clinics.

Colorado and Montana have among the nation’s highest percentages of enrollment declines. Officials in both states have defended their Medicaid redetermination process, saying most people dropped from coverage likely no longer qualify, and they point to low unemployment rates as a factor.

In many states, health providers and patients alike have provided examples in which people cut from coverage still qualified and had to spend months entangled in system issues to regain access.

Forte, with RiverStone, said reducing services on the heels of a pandemic adds insult to injury, both for health care workers who stayed in hard jobs and for patients who lost trust that they’ll be able to access care.

“This is so counterproductive and counterintuitive to what we’re trying to do to meet the health care needs of our community,” Forte said.

____

KFF Health News correspondent Rae Ellen Bichell in Longmont, Colorado, contributed to this report.

(KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs of KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling and journalism.)

©2024 KFF Health News. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

Working Strategies: Launching your career-change job search

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Amy Lindgren

Second Sunday Series – Editor’s Note: This is the tenth of 12 columns on making a career change which appear the second Sunday of each month, from September through August. Last month’s column discussed networking, while the months before focused on getting experience in your new career; LinkedIn for career-changers; résumé strategies; the back-to-school decision; career-change steps in your 60s; 10 ideas for choosing a new career; a sample timeline; and questions to consider when changing careers. 

While career-change job search is similar to any other job search, there are at least two important differences. One is internal, in that career-changers often perceive themselves to be lacking in some way, such as contacts in the field, related experience, or possibly credentials.

As a short-cut, here’s a good piece of advice: If you’ve checked the boxes, then you’re ready. That is, if you’ve done even minimal networking in your new field, identified transferrable skills, and confirmed you have at least the baseline credentials, you are market-ready.

But will the market see you as ready?

This brings up the other difference in career-change job search, which relates to process. With fewer directly related job experiences, career-changers can be overlooked by online application systems. That means your process must rely on direct contact with likely employers, rather than response to ads where you’ll compete with others already working in the field.

Want to see how that would look? Follow these five steps and you’ll soon be cashing paychecks in your new career.

1. Confirm your job target: Imagine you want to change from teaching to writing for a living. Is writing your job target? Not yet — if you plug “writer” into a job board, you’ll see the problem. A huge variety of non-relevant options will pop up, which is essentially the issue you’ll encounter when trying to network into a job. You need to be more specific.

For this example, we’ll use “nonprofit communications” as the job target. To be the most useful, job targets include a type of work and also a type of organization. If your target isn’t specific, now is the time to nail that down.

2. Identify places to work: Which nonprofits appeal to you? Your criteria is personal, but your list could be based on size, location, mission, or their reputation as an employer. This takes research, so plan some time to access directories, networking contacts or online resources to build your list of 25-50 places.

3. Send letters of introduction: If you thought the next step was to answer online ads, you’re partly right but mostly not. For the reasons already noted, your career-change job search strategy is to contact potential employers outside of the posting process. And, based on the truth that every job turns over eventually, and that job openings are frequently filled without being posted, that could be almost anyone.

The letter itself can be quite simple. For example, “Dear ___, I’m writing to introduce myself and to inquire about your need for a skilled communicator on your team. I’m experienced in creating newsletters, web content, event flyers and other materials important to nonprofits such as _____. Even if you’re not currently planning to hire a communications professional, I would appreciate the opportunity to talk briefly and hear your advice as I move forward in my job search. My résumé is attached here; I look forward to connecting soon.”

Of course, the letter would be stronger if you can describe previous interactions with this nonprofit, or something about your goals for working there. But even a short note makes an impact if it lands at the right time. This would go to the director or to a department head, depending on the organization’s size.

4. Set a pace, including follow-up: If you’re in a hurry, send 10-15 letters a week; otherwise, 3-5 will be fine. Since you’ll be following up in a week or two, you don’t want to “out-run your headlights” as they say. The follow-up, by the way, can be as simple as “Hello again _____, just refreshing this email in case you’d have time to talk about potential communications positions at ____. Thanks so much…”

5. Troubleshoot: After contacting 25-50 organizations you should receive at least a handful of responses. If that’s not happening, stop to troubleshoot. This is mostly a numbers game, but only if you’re on the right track to begin with.

Plan for success. Of course you’ll be getting interviews soon — come back for the next Second Sunday column for tips on career-changer interview strategies.

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Amy Lindgren owns a career consulting firm in St. Paul. She can be reached at alindgren@prototypecareerservice.com.

Wins at the ballot box for abortion rights still mean court battles for access

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Before Ohio voters amended their constitution last year to protect abortion rights, the state’s attorney general, an anti-abortion Republican, said that doing so would upend at least 10 state laws limiting abortions.

But those laws remain a hurdle and straightforward access to abortions has yet to resume, said Bethany Lewis, executive director of the Preterm abortion clinic in Cleveland. “Legally, what actually happened in practice was not much,” she said.

Today, most of those laws limiting abortions — including a 24-hour waiting period and a 20-week abortion ban — continue to govern Ohio health providers, despite the constitutional amendment’s passage with nearly 57% of the vote. For abortion rights advocates, it’s going to take time and money to challenge the laws in the courts.

Voters in as many as 13 states could also weigh in this year on abortion ballot initiatives. But the seven states that have voted on abortion-related ballot measures since the Supreme Court overturned federal abortion protections two years ago in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization show that an election can be just the beginning.

The state-by-state patchwork of constitutional amendments, laws, and regulations that determine where and how abortions are available across the country could take years to crystallize as old rules are reconciled with new ones in legislatures and courtrooms. And even though a ballot measure result may seem clear-cut, the residual web of older laws often still needs to be untangled. Left untouched, the statutes could pop up decades later, like an Arizona law from 1864 did this year.

Michigan was one of the first states where voters weighed in on abortion rights following the Dobbs decision in June 2022. In November of that year, Michigan voters approved by 13 percentage points an amendment to add abortion rights to the state constitution. It would be an additional 15 months, however, before the first lawsuit was filed to unwind the state’s existing abortion restrictions, sometimes called “targeted regulation of abortion providers,” or TRAP, laws. Michigan’s include a 24-hour waiting period.

The delay had a purpose, according to Elisabeth Smith, state policy and advocacy director at the Center for Reproductive Rights, which filed the lawsuit: It’s preferable to change laws through the legislature than through litigation because the courts can only strike down a law, not replace one.

“It felt really important to allow the legislative process to go forward, and then to consider litigation if there were still statutes that were on the books the legislature hadn’t repealed,” Smith said.

Michigan’s Democratic-led legislature did pass an abortion rights package last year that was signed into law by the state’s Democratic governor in December. But the package left some regulations intact, including the mandatory waiting period, mandatory counseling, and a ban on abortions by non-doctor clinicians, such as nurse practitioners and midwives.

Smith’s group filed the lawsuit in February on behalf of Northland Family Planning Centers and Medical Students for Choice. Smith said it’s unclear how long the litigation will take, but she hopes for a decision this year.

Abortion opponents such as Katie Daniel, state policy director for Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America, are critical of the lawsuit and such policy unwinding efforts. She said abortion rights advocates used “deceptive campaigns” that claimed they wanted to restore the status quo in place before the Dobbs decision left abortion regulation up to the states.

“The litigation proves these amendments go farther than they will ever admit in a 30-second commercial,” Daniel said. “Removing the waiting period, counseling, and the requirement that abortions be done by doctors endangers women and limits their ability to know about resources and support available to them.”

A lawsuit to unwind most of the abortion restrictions in Ohio came from Preterm and other abortion providers four months after that state’s ballot measure passed. A legislative fix was unlikely because Republicans control the legislature and governor’s office. Preterm’s Lewis said she anticipated the litigation would take “quite some time.”

Dave Yost, the Ohio attorney general, is one of the defendants named in the suit. In a motion to dismiss the case, Yost argued that the abortion providers — which include several clinics as well as a physician, Catherine Romanos — lacked standing to sue.

He argued that Romanos failed to show she was harmed by the laws, explaining that “under any standard, Dr. Romanos, having always complied with these laws as a licensed physician in Ohio, is not harmed by them.”

Jessie Hill, an attorney representing Romanos and three of the clinics in the case, called the argument “just very wrong.” If Romanos can’t challenge the constitutionality of the old laws because she is complying with them, Hill said, then she would have to violate those laws and risk felonies to honor the new amendment.

“So, then she’s got to go get arrested and show up in court and then defend herself based on this new constitutional amendment?” Hill said. “For obvious reasons, that is not a system that we want to have.”

This year, Missouri is among the states poised to vote on a ballot measure to write protections for abortion into the state constitution. Abortions in Missouri have been banned in nearly every circumstance since 2022, but they were largely halted years earlier by a series of laws seeking to make abortions scarce.

Over the course of more than three decades, Missouri lawmakers instituted a 72-hour waiting period, imposed minimum dimensions for procedure rooms and hallways in abortion clinics, and mandated that abortion providers have admitting privileges at nearby hospitals, among other regulations.

Emily Wales, president and chief executive of Planned Parenthood Great Plains, said trying to comply with those laws visibly changed her organization’s facility in Columbia, Missouri: widened doorways, additional staff lockers, and even the distance between recovery chairs and door frames.

Even so, by 2018 the organization had to halt abortion services at that Columbia location, she said, with recovery chairs left in position for a final inspection that never happened. That left just one abortion clinic operating in the state, a separate Planned Parenthood affiliate in St. Louis. In 2019, that organization opened a large facility about 20 miles away in Illinois, where lawmakers were preserving abortion access rather than restricting it.

By 2021, the last full year before the Dobbs decision opened the door for Missouri’s ban, the number of recorded abortions in the state had dwindled to 150, down from 5,772 in 2011.

“At that point, Missourians were generally better served by leaving the state,” Wales said.

Both of Missouri’s Planned Parenthood affiliates have vowed to restore abortion services in the state as swiftly as possible if voters approve the proposed ballot measure. But the laws that diminished abortion access in the state would still be on the books and likely wouldn’t be overturned legislatively under a Republican-controlled legislature and governor’s office. The laws would surely face challenges in court, yet that could take a while.

“They will be unconstitutional under the language that’s in the amendment,” Wales said. “But it’s a process.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

Soucheray: A tough job to do when too many in the political class are against you

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Up ahead, I saw a St. Paul police vehicle pull into an overlook on Mississippi River Boulevard. I did what I always do when I see the law. I slowed down. I wasn’t exceeding any limits. As I drew closer, I saw the officer get out of his squad and begin to walk to the edge of the wide and ancient ravine, 10,000 years old that cut, if not older.

For all I know, the guy might have lost a pair of sunglasses. I almost stopped, just for the hell of it, but I didn’t, on the off chance the officer might have wanted some solace. Good day for it. The wind was howling and all that roiling and fast-running water can put a fellow’s mind at ease, if only for a moment or two.

Soon enough, he had to get back behind the wheel and deal with life, or death, the reality of what has become of us. On May 30, a Minneapolis officer, Jamal Mitchell, was murdered by a career criminal, identified by authorities as Mustafa Mohamed, 35. Mitchell was responding to shots fired and an active shooter at an apartment complex on Blaisdell Avenue South. Mitchell saw Mohamed and believed him to need assistance, which he tried to offer.

Mohamed had two active warrants for his arrest at the time of his death; he was shot by other arriving officers. Mohamed was a convicted felon. He wasn’t supposed to have a gun. His criminal record goes back to when he was 17 and convicted of auto theft, according to news accounts.

“All I can tell you is that Officer Mitchell was attempting to assist the individual who shot him,” said Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension Superintendent Drew Evans, “and that it happened very fast and that he ambushed him.”

Did he have a last moment of solace? Probably not. He was too busy working a mandatory overtime shift. He was working alone. Minneapolis is down a couple of hundred officers from a full roster, for a variety of reasons, including a not very thinly disguised disdain for law enforcement expressed in the last four years by too many political opportunists riding the hurricane of the George Floyd weekend.

Concurrently, and in great measure because of Mitchell’s murder, the case against State Trooper Ryan Londregan was dropped by Hennepin County Attorney Mary Moriarty. Londregan shot Ricky Cobb II on July 31, 2023, during a traffic stop on Interstate 94 in Minneapolis. It’s not really a traffic “stop” when the motorist drives away with Londregan’s partner clinging to the open driver’s side and Cobb quite possibly trying to reach for a gun.

Moriarty desperately wanted to prosecute Londregan. Expert witnesses told Moriarty that Londregan acted as he must. She turned away from her office and offered $1 million to a group of presumably more aristocratic lawyers with a Washington, D.C., address, but even they told her she couldn’t prove that Londregan murdered Cobb. The governor, who reads tea leaves, said he was prepared to take away her case.

And then Mitchell got murdered, finally putting an anti-law enforcement agenda on ice, however temporarily.

That agenda is not gone, not with the people we’ve managed to elect.

I hope that copper in St. Paul found a moment of peace. And I hope all the cops in Minneapolis can find their own moment to gaze at the old river. What they do is not easy.

It’s tough to work your job when too many members of the political class think you’re not necessary.

Joe Soucheray can be reached at jsoucheray@pioneerpress.com. Soucheray’s “Garage Logic” podcast can be heard at garagelogic.com.

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