After my freshman year at Evanston Township High School, where my final tackle football experience was starting center on the “B” team, I froze my 15-year-old behind off on a 50-yard-line wooden seat in Wrigley Field’s upper deck on a 5-degree Sunday in December 1963. I watched as the Bears beat the New York Giants 14-10 for the NFL championship, the team’s last until the glorious 1985 Super Bowl year.

(The single bathroom in our concourse was totally insufficient, I might add.)

My family had those fantastic season ticket seats with a live, sightline equivalent of today’s TV view courtesy of my grandfather, who purchased them in the 1930s. I accompanied Gramps and my dad to every home game from the time I was 10 until I headed off to college eight years later.

After that, I went to home games whenever I was in Chicago up until 2003, when a box office snafu after the Soldier Field makeover relocated us to an end zone, prompting me to give up my season tickets. Since then, I’ve joined the multitude of addicted TV viewers, rarely missing a game and often traversing complicated overland routes to catch December playoff games in remote, warm weather vacation spots with poor reception.

So why am I boring readers with one fan’s experience? Because, like most die-hard fans, I think I know what’s good and bad, smart and dumb, right and wrong, about this year’s team. And because I care, I wanna share, as Bears management heads into a postseason filled with promise and peril.

I’m not an insider like Tribune reporters Brad Biggs, Dan Wiederer or Colleen Kane, who do a great job covering this storied franchise, but I’ve watched enough games, and thought enough after their outcomes, to have opinions that might be worth considering.

I’m not going to talk about draft choices, free agents, cap space or who on the current roster should be re-signed, released or developed. I’ll leave those deep dives to the experts who live with the team day to day.

I will simply focus on the main centers of controversy: quarterback Justin Fields, head coach (and accidental defensive coordinator) Matt Eberflus and offensive coordinator Luke Getsy.

Fields is the most athletic Bears QB since Bobby Douglass a few decades ago: a great runner with a strong arm and good unscripted freelance ability, but a mediocre pocket passer who lacks the preternatural patience and field-scanning instincts of a Tom Brady or Aaron Rodgers.

So what to do? Work on pocket improvement? Of course, but it’s already happening and will continue, given better pass receivers, better pass routes and Fields’ estimable work ethic.

But in the meantime, he should play to his strengths, with more rollout run-pass options and frequent use of a no-huddle, hurry-up offense that top colleges use to keep defenses off balance.

If Getsy gets it, he hasn’t shown it, so it’s probably time for an offensive coordinator who does, especially late in games, when poor play selection this past season contributed to several inexcusable meltdown losses, costing the team a playoff spot.

I also blame Eberflus’ defensive approach for those same meltdowns, and here’s why. Stellar defensive units — and the Bears have one most of the time — get tired in the fourth quarter. The pass rush penetrates less, and the defensive backs cover a bit less assuredly, so opposing QBs secure in the pocket complete passes and move their teams down the field.

The obvious remedy, when Cover 2 is vulnerable, is more aggressive stunts and blitzes to throw those QBs off balance. That was lacking in those late collapses, along with the shoddy offensive play calls.

There you have it — one really old fan’s perspective.

I don’t know how general manager Ryan Poles and team President Kevin Warren plan to address these three key pieces of the puzzle, along with the rest of their offseason opportunities.

But my hope, and I feel it from the bottom of my lifelong fan’s heart, is that they keep Fields and support him with offensive coaching that can maximize and elevate his incredible talent, and defensive game plans that make opposing quarterbacks run scared instead of sitting back and calmly picking the secondary apart.

On to 2024!

Andy Shaw has been a lifelong Chicago sports fan, in addition to holding down day jobs as a journalist and good government advocate.

Submit a letter, of no more than 400 words, to the editor here or email letters@chicagotribune.com.

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The partisan tilt of a handful of districts could still change dramatically before voters even go to the polls this year — shifting who has the upper hand in the battle for control the House.

Republicans hold just a three-seat majority and various congressional maps across the country have already been redrawn since the midterms thanks to drawn-out court battles, some of which have yet to be resolved.

So far, post-2022 redistricting has likely netted Republicans two or three seats. But depending on how the final maps are configured, that number could change yet again — and even perhaps tilt the field, ever so slightly, toward favoring Democrats.

With primaries in some states just weeks away, there are still big unresolved questions of what some districts will look like. Here are the big redistricting storylines to watch.

Three states have already drawn new maps — some with big consequences

North Carolina, Alabama and Georgia have already drawn new lines after the midterms in response to successful litigation from challengers.

The Republican-dominated legislature drew a strong GOP gerrymander last year that could net the party as many as four seats in the Tar Heel State. The state currently has an even split of seven Democrats and seven Republicans, but the GOP-controlled state Supreme Court cleared the way for the state to go to potentially a 10-4 Republican split.

Already, three Democratic incumbents — Kathy Manning, Wiley Nickel and Jeff Jackson — opted out of running for reelection after the new map transformed their districts into safe GOP territory. And Democrat Don Davis’ battleground district became a bit redder, although that seat is still expected to be competitive. At worst for Republicans, they will net three seats, but they could get as many as four.

However, Democrats are likely going to pick up one seat in Alabama. A federal court found that the lines used there in 2022 likely violated the Voting Rights Act by diluting the power of Black voters, a decision affirmed by the Supreme Court. The newly drawn majority-Black district in Alabama gives them the opportunity to elect a member of their choosing in a second district in the state. The change could see the delegation go from six Republicans and one Democrat to a likely split of five Republicans and two Democrats.

Georgia, meanwhile, has a new map that won’t change the partisan composition of the delegation: nine Republicans and five Democrats. But they did imperil the political future of Democratic Rep. Lucy McBath by obliterating her district.

After a judge tossed out the lines used in 2022 for violating the Voting Rights Act, Republican legislators redrew the map to increase the number of majority- or near-majority-Black districts, while maintaining the same partisan balance. McBath’s now-former district — where no single racial minority made up a majority, but combined constituted a majority-minority district, which is sometimes known as a “coalition district” — was carved up to make room for a new majority-Black seat.

Litigation will carry on for the three new maps — Republicans in Alabama have appealed the new court-drawn lines, Democrats in North Carolina sued alleging racial gerrymandering and Georgia Democrats will almost assuredly challenge the new lines again — but the trio of maps are likely to be in place at least for 2024.

Two states still need to draw new maps

Courts have ordered new lines in two states — but mapmakers have yet to draw them.

A federal court found that Louisiana’s map likely violated the Voting Rights Act and, like Alabama and Georgia, the state will need to create another Black opportunity district. That would also likely lead to another Democratic representative being elected.

Louisiana’s GOP-dominated legislature has until the end of January to draw new lines, and a special session could take place in the middle of the month.

And New York is also getting a new map. Democrats there challenged a hypercompetitive, court-drawn map that was used in the midterms. But Democrats successfully challenged that map in court, leaving the ultimate partisan split in the state uncertain while the new lines are being drawn.

When the Democratic-controlled legislature drew the lines in 2022, the party instituted a significant gerrymander that could have had them win in as many as 22 of the state’s 26 seats. Instead, the court-drawn map led to 11 Republicans in the delegation after the midterms. In this year’s redraw, Democrats may try to push that advantage again — or perhaps try for a less aggressive gerrymander this time that still gives the party a clear advantage, wary of a threatened lawsuit from Republicans.

The process first has to run through an independent redistricting commission, but the Democratic-controlled legislature gets the final say. There’s still a long way to go, but the outcomes in New York — from a map that may not deviate too dramatically from the midterms, to one where Democrats try to push as big of an advantage as possible — leaves some half-dozen seats in flux right now.

Louisiana is similar to Georgia and Alabama in that a court will review any new map to see whether it appropriately addresses the Voting Rights Act violation — and if not, the court could step in to draw the lines. And New York’s court-drawn maps were tossed on procedural grounds — so if Democrats do gerrymander, Republicans could bring a case alleging partisan gerrymandering and seek a ruling on the merits there.

Both maps’ futures are uncertain and could undergo at least one more round of review in the courts before they’re locked in for 2024.

Some states’ maps are still being litigated

A handful of maps hang in the balance in courts across the country. The biggest is in South Carolina.

The U.S. Supreme Court heard arguments in October over allegations that the state’s 1st Congressional District — currently represented by GOP Rep. Nancy Mace — was an illegal racial gerrymander. The court has not indicated when it could release its decision, but during arguments it seemed like the conservative justices were unlikely to side with those arguing the map should be thrown out — likely leaving the GOP-leaning district in place.

The Utah Supreme Court has also yet to issue a decision in a partisan gerrymandering case that was argued in July. Republicans there had dismantled a battleground district around Salt Lake City, creating four safely red districts. If challengers are successful, that swing district could return and be a competitive seat for both parties.

And a pair of cases are challenging the map in Florida, where GOP Gov. Ron DeSantis muscled through a map that flipped several seats for Republicans in 2022. A state court case faces long odds after an appellate court in December overturned a lower court ruling that said the map was unconstitutional, and a federal judge has not issued a ruling after a racial gerrymandering claim was litigated in a September hearing. Timing remains unclear, but in the event a ruling ultimately goes Democrats’ way they could pick up at least one seat.

The uncertainty — both in states like New York where lines still need to be drawn, and in courts across the country — will ultimately only affect a handful of seats. But with Republicans clinging to a slim majority, every single district could count come November.

Amy Lindgren

Is salary negotiation on your mind for the new year? I have good news and bad news. The good news first: A lot has been happening in this area that finally favors the worker. As an example, laws promoting salary transparency and discouraging historical bias are catching on across the country.

Here’s what that means: Depending on a particular municipality’s wording, transparency laws might mandate that salaries be included in job postings, or that employees not be disciplined for discussing their salaries openly. In either case, internal workers and candidates can gain key information, letting them negotiate more effectively.

Historical bias laws, on the other hand, address the longstanding practice of asking for a candidate’s previous wages, typically on applications or during screening interviews. Among the problems this creates, perhaps the most damaging is the employer’s opportunity (and tendency) to make lower offers to candidates with historically lower wages. Without prior knowledge of a worker’s income, employers find low-balling harder to do.

So what’s the bad news? Some folks still don’t or won’t negotiate. Excluding union workers (whose contracts are generally pre-negotiated), the numbers from different surveys indicate that about half of employees accept a company’s first offer, whether that’s for a new job or for a raise.

The reasons given for negotiation-reluctance run along these lines: Fear of failing; fear of changing the relationship with the boss; fear of losing an offer; fear of retaliation; fear of bringing up something uncomfortable …

Did I mention fear?

It’s not unreasonable to fear something, especially if you have personal experience that underpins your concern. But however real your fear may be, at some point you have to ask, “Is this what I want for myself?”

If you’re a worker who hasn’t been negotiating raises or offers, why not make this your year to start? You’ll find tons of information from authors and strategists on how to do this, but I can get you started with my favorite 10 tips.

1. Negotiate the whole position: Consider all aspects of the job — including the duties, title and schedule — when you decide which aspects to negotiate.

2. Understand the full package: Free health care? School loan repayment? You need the details in order to put a value on the offer as a whole.

3. Consider your current needs: Younger parents might get a lot of benefit from free family health care, while an older worker whose spouse is on Medicare might not. Be sure you’re assigning the true value to each item offered.

4. Base salary is king: Whatever the perks may be, they’re no substitute for higher pay. When you raise this number, retirement contributions and other benefits also improve, since they are based on the salary. Future raises will also be higher because they’ll be percentage increases.

5. It needs to be in writing: If you don’t receive a formal email or offer letter with the points you’ve negotiated and agreed to, send your own letter to the manager outlining the offer or raise as agreed. This will help later if the terms are disputed or the manager leaves.

6. Research matters: What do others make for this work, elsewhere and within this organization? What has the turnover been in this department? How badly do they need you? The more you can learn, the more you can strategize your approach.

7. Perception matters: Are you worth the money you’re asking for? For both internal and external candidates, it’s important to discuss what you’re bringing to the table in terms of work product and contributions to the team.

8. Perception matters, part II: If the employer or boss perceives you want this job above all others, you’ve lost a point in your negotiation. One way to signal your ability to seek other offers is by having a compelling, up-to-date résumé and LinkedIn profile.

9. You matter: If you still hesitate to negotiate after reviewing these pointers, remember who you’re doing it for: Your elderly self, trying to stretch Social Security just a little further, to cover dinner out or a new pair of shoes. Not going to be you? Probably not, if you do what you can to earn more now.

10. Vote with your feet: When an offer won’t budge or your raise is denied for too long, it may be time to move on. Each year you remain underpaid literally steals income you could be using to improve your life. Let 2024 be the year you start.

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Amy Lindgren owns a career consulting firm in St. Paul. She can be reached at alindgren@prototypecareerservice.com.