Gophers football: High-rated Florida receiver and big Arizona lineman join 2025 recruiting class

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Cannonballs continued to land during the Gophers football program’s “Summer Splash” recruiting weekend on Sunday.

Peoria, Ariz., offensive lineman Nick Spence started things off with a pledge at 9 a.m. The 6-foot-6, 290-pound, three-star recruit from Liberty High School had offers from Duke, Iowa State, San Diego State and others.

“Proud to announce my commitment to Minnesota!” Spence posted on social media.

Naples, Fla., receiver Bradley Martino gave his verbal just before 10 a.m. The 6-foot-3, 175-pound four-star prospect from Golden Gate High School had offers from Michigan State, Louisville, North Carolina State, Oregon State, Pittsburgh and more.

“I’d really like to give a social thanks to coach (P.J.) Fleck and the entire Minnesota coaching staff for making me feel welcome,” Martino wrote on social media. “All the support and guidance you have provided me throughout my recruitment process has been phenomenal.

“With that being said, after an awesome weekend I am committing to the University of Minnesota! ROW THE BOAT!”

Martino is now the Gophers’ second-highest rated recruit in next year’s class, behind Laguna Beach, Calif., quarterback Jackson Kollock.

The Gophers have 14 commits in its 2025 class. The weekend started off with three-star defensive lineman Abe Tarawallie, of Heritage Christian Academy in Maple Grove, pledging to the U on Monday.

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Letters: Minnesota can’t subsidize its way to enough affordable housing

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It’s time to shift from subsidies if we want more affordable housing

The recently announced delay to housing construction at the former Hillcrest Golf Course in St. Paul underscores a critical issue: We cannot subsidize our way to more affordable housing.

The Heights, a new mixed-use low-carbon community, was recently touted as an answer to Minnesota’s housing needs by its backers. This claim is far from accurate. Despite my enthusiasm and support for this project as a member of the City’s Planning Commission, it is clear that relying heavily on public subsidies is not a sustainable solution to affordable housing.

While projects like The Heights can occasionally proceed, they are far from addressing our broader housing needs. Instead, we need to implement zoning and building code changes, such as those at the state Legislature that failed to pass this year, and remove restrictive requirements such as parking mandates, large lot size minimums, and restrictive setbacks. Additionally, reducing the impact of increasing municipal fee burdens on new developments is essential.

The Heights project requires over $120 million in public subsidies (including $73 million from the state, $43 million from the city, and $2.5 million from the Port Authority) and its viability is contingent on funds that even a supportive DFL trifecta could not secure.

Funding projects like these is a complex, time-consuming and uncertain endeavor reliant on a number of other small public grants. For example: In addition to the above, The Heights has also received a variety of other public grants, including $7 million from the Port Jobs Bill, $670,000 in a remediation Grant, $2 million from DEED, $500,000 from the Met Council, and $800,000 from the EPA.

At full build-out, The Heights would deliver 900 new homes at a public subsidy of over $130,000 per unit. By contrast, changing zoning and building codes at the local and state levels could easily deliver more housing and economic development with zero public subsidy (and a windfall to public coffers).

While projects like The Heights are valuable on a small scale, they aren’t a way to address broad housing affordability in the city or in this state. It’s not possible to replicate it at any scale without municipalities going into bankruptcy. It’s time to shift our focus from subsidies to structural changes that facilitate development and address our housing crisis more effectively.

Nate Hood, St. Paul
The writer is a member of the St. Paul Zoning Committee and Planning Commission

 

Part of a larger problem

After WNBA player Chennedy Carter shoulder-checked Caitlin Clark, Carter’s teammate Angel Reese hugged and congratulated her. Clark didn’t have the ball — so it was a flagrant foul. But Chennedy wasn’t ejected from the game or suspended for following games.

The message to our youth: “Violence in sports is OK when you are older, even though we tell you as children and teenagers it is never OK to hurt someone just because you are angry.”

The WNBA, like male sports teams, takes a soft approach on violence. Carter’s coach said, “Chennedy was caught up in the heat of the moment.” Sports commentators said, “It’s life as a rookie in the WNBA.” And one even said, “Caitlin is getting pushed around. Good.”

The underlying message is, unwarranted violence in sports is to be expected, admired, and is OK. Being out of control is OK. You just have to be a pro.

Geoffrey Saign, St. Paul

 

Pride in St. Paul

Thank you to St. Paul, for hanging pride flags on the Wabasha Street bridge during June. Let’s celebrate that love is love and all are welcome here.

Beth Hvass, St. Paul

 

Sainted, Tainted

Sainted to ALL the graduates from our local and suburb areas. What a fine group of young women and men. You are our future.

Tainted to those at some of the graduation ceremonies who thought it was just their one and only with the incessant air horns that blasted well into others’ names being announced. No decorum or sense of shame for what you deemed to be your God-given right. I hope your graduate was totally embarrassed  Their future may bring some resolution to this practice.

Kathy Moore, West St. Paul

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Real World Economics: Life mimics art for 3M’s PFAS cases

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Edward Lotterman

There are a lot of Norskis in Minnesota; there are lots of literary types too.

So of those who read an 8,000-word article by Sharon Lerner in the May 27 issue of the New Yorker, describing how 3M handled the discovery that a highly profitable class of chemicals was also highly toxic, many may call to mind Norwegian playwright Henrik Ibsen’s 1882 play, “The Enemy of the People.”

Life mimics art, to be sure.

In the play, a doctor discovers toxic contamination in the waters that feed a popular spa that is the economic lifeblood of his town. He feels a moral duty to publicize the dangers to the public, but runs into opposition from those who benefit monetarily. These lead the entire town to oppose the doctor, vandalize his house and make him a pariah.

But the water remains toxic.

Lerner’s New Yorker article, “You Make Me Sick: How 3M Discovered, Then Concealed, the Dangers of Forever Chemicals,” researched and written in cooperation with Pro Publica, describes how a Twin Cities-based 3M scientist, told in 1997 to investigate whether fluorocarbon compound chemicals could be detected in blood from the general population, as well as in that of 3M production employees, finds some surprising answers.

Fluorocarbon chemical compounds, used in the production of myriad high-selling 3M products, including its Scotchgard fabric stain repellent, in cookware and food product packaging and in firefighting foams, are toxic to humans and other organisms. Their chemical composition is such that they last essentially forever. And they are ubiquitous — the scientist found that that not only were the chemicals in blood of 3M production employees or that obtained from laboratory supply companies certified as completely pure, but were in the blood of nearly everyone in the general population, along with possibly every other living thing on Earth, from polar bears in the Arctic to you and me.

But even more surprising, was the discovery of 3M’s reaction to the data.

The article describes years of increasing resistance to the scientist’s findings and her eventual leaving the company. It also described how others at 3M knew of these facts earlier, and still pressed ahead with the production and sale of the products. The issues she raised were taken up by other researchers elsewhere. Understanding of the extent of contamination and the extended effects of the chemicals advanced apace.

Government regulations eventually curtailed the production and use of the so-called “forever chemicals.” 3M has had to pay out many billions of dollars in fines and damages. Litigation has not yet ended, nor have payments of remediation to, for example, municipalities drawing water from contaminated aquifers. Because of the ubiquitousness of the contamination, legal experts foresee this as the biggest single corporate liability case in history.

Form an academic standpoint, the whole affair — going back even to Ibsen’s play — is a case study in the complex economics of “external costs.” These are the harms from the economic activity of producing or consuming a product that hit society as a whole, and are not borne solely by the person or business doing the production or consumption. Basic introductory econ theory demonstrates that even when the product is a useful one, in the absence of government action, too much will be produced, and society will be worse off.

This breaks down the assumptions of free marketers like economist Milton Friedman and author Ayn Rand and others who feel that unregulated free markets always produce optimal outcomes for society. While acknowledging external costs, they dream that such problems can be solved by litigation, thus eliminating the need for regulation — if only the legal rules are well defined. This has proved a false hope in the real world. There are myriad examples of prudent regulation solving “market failures” and making society better off.

Yet challenges are knotty. There are “information problems.” Producers cannot anticipate all problems that may arise. 3M produces thousands of useful products that make our lives better and may even save our lives. The scientists and managers who made decisions decades ago to manufacture products containing these chemicals were not evil people blithely ready to hurt others for a few fast bucks. They saw themselves, to steal an old slogan from DuPont, 3M’s major rival, as producing “better things for better living through chemistry.”

3M had a very well-deserved reputation for good management fostering innovative research and development. 3M had superb scientists and research facilities. It employed best practices and treated employees well. It was a good corporate citizen.

So fluorochemical contamination, at its beginning, basically was what economists call an “information problem.” At the time decisions were made to make stain repellents, firefighting foam and hundreds of other products, scientists and managers literally did not know what harms these might cause. If you don’t know all the costs and all the benefits, including those to third parties as well as producers or consumers, of some product, you get bad outcomes for society as a whole.

Unfortunately, even tragically, governments face the same information problems as producers. Regulators do not have omniscient knowledge of all possible outcomes, including harms.

Laws forcing innovative firms to conduct exhaustive tests over a span of decades to prove usefulness and safety are one possible measure. But these are expensive, taking up resources that might have uses of higher benefit to society. A 10-year test of a new product might in the long run prove lifesaving; but it might also mean that a dozen useful medical products never get off the ground.

In the end, decisions about pre-sale safety testing of new products, whether made by companies or regulatory agencies, essentially must involve subjective weighing of uncertain factors.

And again, an in Ibsen’s play, the core of Lerner’s article is the reaction of 3M executives to the unwelcome news of a majority toxicity problem in dozens of their best-selling products. It describes resistance to the news, increased muzzling of scientists who found problems, delaying actions at increasing levels of management and foot-dragging even after harms were known. Here, economic incentives come into play, not only over the loss of a group of very profitable products, but also foreseeing the huge costs of litigation, the resulting personal financial hit to 3M executives and shareholders. Government regulation had to be escalated and hundreds of lawsuits had to be filed before the company’s truculence was overcome.

3M eventually came around. Search for its fact sheet “PFAS and their uses” on the company’s website. Production of the chemicals themselves should end next year. Products containing them will be phased out as soon as possible.

But here other problems arise. 3M is far from the only producer of PFAS. Other companies continue to churn them out. The EU and several modern industrial nations have actions parallel to ours. Yet other major producers have not. China, for example, while paying lip service to generalities about the need to end production, has “barely begun to scratch the surface” according to a December 2023 report in The Hill news service.

This problem has a parallel in public finance. That includes the concept of “fiscal correspondence,” or the degree to which taxes raised from a given jurisdiction are spent to benefit that area. Similarly, the degree to which the economic costs of giving up production of useful, but also harmful, substances by a given jurisdiction, like the United States or the EU, match the benefits of the prohibition might be called “regulatory correspondence.” To the degree that demand for PFAS-based products remains, some of the benefits of stinting production here eventually benefit those unwilling to do the same over there.

One other approach recognizes that information about toxicities is a “public good,” that won’t be produced by the private sector but with the benefits of which flow to all. Rather than require hundreds of separate companies to research all possible harms of new substances, increased open research funded or fostered by government could reduce information problems.

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St. Paul economist and writer Edward Lotterman can be reached at stpaul@edlotterman.com.

Jackie Calmes: Which is it, Biden the mastermind or Biden the bungler?

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News flash: Republicans haven’t said it in so many words, but they seem to have a new line of attack against President Joe Biden: He suffers from dissociative identity disorder. Biden has multiple personalities.

For months on end, Republicans have hammered the message that he’s an addled octogenarian — a “well-meaning, elderly man with a poor memory,” in the gratuitous, much-repeated words of the Republican special counsel who cleared Biden of criminality for having a few classified documents.

Then Republicans flipped the script: Biden is a criminal mastermind!

They’re telling us that this political superman has successfully “weaponized” the justice system. Biden convened a “kangaroo court” — no, worse, a Stalinist show trial! — and executed “the most egregious miscarriage of justice in our nation’s history” by getting a jury to find Donald Trump guilty of 34 felonies in advance of the 2024 election. And stand by for the sentencing: On July 11, Biden the deep state puppetmaster surely will pull Judge Juan M. Merchan’s strings again, to ensure that he throws Trump in the clink.

“I grew up in Miami listening to the stories about the Castro show trials in Cuba,” Florida’s politically pliant Republican senator, Marco Rubio, wailed in Trump’s defense. “Not even in my worst nightmares would something like that ever happen here in America. But it did.” (It bears repeating: In 2016 Rubio said, “Many people … are going to be having to explain and justify how they fell into this trap of supporting Donald Trump.”)

How does Biden do it? How did he get a state grand jury, trial jury and judge to do his bidding? Well, leave it to Republican Rep. Jim Jordan of Ohio, that wrestler-turned-congressional combatant who chairs the House Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government (yes, there really is such a thing in the Republican-controlled House), to seek the answer. Jordan has summoned Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg and Bragg’s lead prosecutor in the Trump trial to testify under oath next Thursday. Never mind that they are New York officials, not cogs in the federal government under Biden’s management.

But, wait — the supposed commander in chief of this weaponized government has morphed yet again. His new persona: Biden the bungler.

Republicans would have us believe that the president engineered a “sham” case to make Trump a convicted felon, and yet Biden has been unable to prevent “his” Justice Department from putting his own son on trial. Hunter Biden is in court now, on three criminal charges alleging that he lied about his drug use when he bought a firearm in 2018.

And there are more prosecutions that only a partisan bungler, not a diabolical mastermind, would have allowed. The Justice Department this week also is trying a Democratic senator, Robert Menendez of New Jersey, on corruption charges. (Facing defeat for reelection as a Democrat, Menendez on Monday filed papers to possibly run as an independent.) And last month, the DOJ indicted yet another Democrat, Rep. Henry Cuellar of Texas, also on bribery charges involving foreign interests.

Apparently Biden created a Frankenstein’s monster out of the nation’s top law-enforcement department, which has not only turned on his own party, but also his own family.

Republicans, Fox News and the rest of MAGA Media Inc. are reveling in the Hunter Biden trial, without, of course, acknowledging that it contradicts their cockamamie “two-tier system of justice” blather. But even among those celebrating what they consider to be righteous prosecutions, some can’t help themselves. They’re claiming that both the current federal trial and a second one that Hunter Biden faces in September in Los Angeles, on tax-evasion charges, are “rigged.”

Fox News’ Steve Doocy began an interview Monday with right-wing columnist Miranda Devine of the New York Post by noting that Hunter is being tried in Wilmington, Delaware, President Biden’s hometown and the site of his campaign headquarters. “Every other federal building,” and even a popular I-95 rest stop in Delaware bears the Biden name, Doocy said. Who, he asked, would “want to go against the Biden family?” As if it were a crime family.

Devine, live from Wilmington, played right along. With the president in town over the weekend, she said, “everybody” knows he’s “keeping a very close eye on what Judge Maryellen Noreika is doing in her courtroom.” He’s making “a real conspicuous display of being alongside his son,” she said. That’s a presidential signal, she claims: ” ‘Mess with my son, you mess with me.’ ”

Hunter Biden’s trial is “the opposite, really, of Donald Trump,” Devine closed. “The odds are stacked for Hunter Biden in this case.”

Really?

The investigation of Hunter began six years ago at the Trump Justice Department (without any bleating from Joe Biden about “weaponization of justice”). When the father became president, he kept in place the Trump-appointed U.S. attorney investigating his son, Republican David Weiss. (Can’t you just see Trump, as president, doing the same if a Democratic appointee were investigating Donald Jr.?) When Hunter’s plea deal on gun and tax charges collapsed in July (quashed by the Trump-appointed judge, Noreika), President Biden’s attorney general granted Weiss’ request to become a special counsel. As such, Weiss could bring charges against the son in any federal court. Blame him for choosing Bidenland, Delaware, and blue L.A.

Nothing about Hunter Biden’s humiliating legal predicament suggests odds-stacking by Joe Biden, Mastermind. And God love ‘im, as Biden himself might say. For respecting the rule of law, even against his sole living son.

Jackie Calmes writes a column for the Los Angeles Times.

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