Trump is having a bad week. Will it matter in the election?

posted in: All news | 0

By Noah Bierman, Los Angeles Times

WASHINGTON — Former President Donald Trump’s tough week showed as well as any to date why he is facing a new and unprecedented reality as a presidential candidate — as he ping-ponged among a dizzying array of court appearances, judicial rulings, competing allegations and subsequent grievances.

By Thursday, he was complaining about the overlap in his busy legal schedule, railing that Judge Juan M. Merchan, who is presiding over his hush-money case in New York, wouldn’t let him leave that trial to attend a Supreme Court hearing in Washington, D.C., over whether he can face criminal prosecution for trying to overturn the 2020 election. That decision also could affect Trump’s classified-documents case in Florida.

“I should be there!” Trump fumed about the Supreme Court. “He wouldn’t allow it to happen. He puts himself above the Supreme Court.”

Related Articles

National Politics |


Tennessee lawmakers OK bill penalizing adults who help minors receive gender-affirming care

National Politics |


Trump to convene donors, vice president hopefuls in Palm Beach

National Politics |


Will Supreme Court make Trump immune from Jan. 6 prosecution?

National Politics |


Mark Meadows, Trump’s chief of staff, indicted in Arizona election interference case

National Politics |


States move to label deepfake political ads

Most of the week, Trump sat in Merchan’s Manhattan courtroom as former National Enquirer Publisher David Pecker testified. Pecker, a key witness in the 34 felony counts of falsifying business records, helped prosecutors outline the alleged conspiracy that involved using the tabloid to kill negative stories about Trump and covering up payments during the 2016 campaign.

A trial break Wednesday might have offered a reprieve for Trump. Instead, it was full of more action against the former president. Trump was identified as a co-conspirator in two states: Michigan, during a pretrial hearing involving a group of “fake electors” who were charged as part of an election subversion scheme; and Arizona, where some of Trump’s closest allies were charged in yet another plot to overturn the election using fake electors.

That indictment hit close to Trump because it included Mark Meadows, his former chief of staff, and Rudy Giuliani, the former New York mayor who became Trump’s political fixer and confidant.

It didn’t end there. By the time Trump got back to court on Thursday, prosecutors alleged that his attempts to spin perceptions about his Manhattan case — including calling Pecker “a nice guy” — violated the gag order because he was trying to sway a potentially harmful witness.

To cap it off, a federal judge in New York rejected Trump’s attempt to throw out an $83.3-million civil defamation judgment for E. Jean Carroll, a former magazine columnist who accused Trump of raping her in a department store in the 1990s. A jury ruled Trump defamed Carroll by denying her sexual-abuse allegations.

Will it matter in the election? Trump appeared unharmed during the presidential primary, with many Republican voters either dismissing the charges as a distraction or agreeing with Trump that he was being persecuted for upending the establishment.

In interviews last week with voters in Arizona, a key swing state, one supporter dismissed the fury around Trump’s actions on Jan. 6, 2021, as overblown. Other supporters and potential supporters said their concerns about the economy and immigration and frustration with President Biden were more important than anything else.

But a poll released Wednesday had some data that might concern Trump’s campaign. Six in 10 voters said the charges in the Manhattan case — considered the weakest of the four indictments against the former president — were either very serious or somewhat serious, according to a Quinnipiac University poll of registered voters.

Just under half of those polled said Trump did something illegal, while more than a quarter said it was unethical but not illegal.

Most voters said a conviction would not influence their vote. But a sizable minority — including 5% of Trump voters — said they would be less likely to vote for Trump if he is found guilty.

That may not seem like much, and some of those voters could change their minds. But in an election that both sides expect to be close, even a relatively small number of lost votes could matter.

“Any slice of 2% to 3% of people who will be persuaded matters,” said David Paleologos, a pollster and director of the Suffolk University Political Research Center in Boston.

There’s also an opportunity cost, as Trump is losing time to get out in front of swing-state voters.

“The only way a week like this is reversed is if he has a positive outcome in one of his trials,” Paleologos said.

For Trump, a positive result could include not only an outright win but also a ruling by the Supreme Court that delays one or more of his trials until after the election, allowing him to further scuttle or quash the proceedings if he becomes president again.

“It’s one thing to be tied up in court a week and then win,” Paleologos said. “And it’s another to have lost all of that time and lose.”

©2024 Los Angeles Times. Visit at latimes.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

Holdout states consider expanding Medicaid — with work requirements

posted in: All news | 0

By Shalina Chatlani, Stateline.org

In Humphreys County, Mississippi — about 70 miles north of the state capital, in the heart of the fertile Delta region — a third of the residents live in poverty. In Belzoni, the county seat, there are just a handful of health care clinics. The town’s only major hospital closed more than a decade ago, around the same time its catfish industry collapsed.

Jobs in the area are scarce, said Wardell Walton, who was mayor of Belzoni from 2005 to 2013. But even if there were jobs, he said, a lot of Belzoni residents wouldn’t be able to get to them — they don’t own cars, and there is no public transportation.

Many people in Belzoni, and Humphreys County, would get free health care coverage if the state expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act. But for a decade, Mississippi and nine other states have declined to do so. Republican opponents have long derided expansion as a government handout. They also have warned that the federal government would someday renege on its promise to cover nearly all of it.

Related Articles

Health |


The horrors of TMJ: Chronic pain, metal jaws and futile treatments

Health |


Medicare’s push to improve chronic care attracts businesses, but not many doctors

Health |


FTC chief says tech advancements risk health care price fixing

Health |


Gillette Children’s hosts superhero event at St. Paul campus with Ramsey County Sheriff’s Department/SWAT and St. Paul Fire Department

Health |


Washington County to ban cannabis use in county parks

Now there is growing momentum in deep-red Mississippi and several other holdout states to shift course, with many GOP lawmakers swayed by the prospect of giving a financial infusion to struggling rural hospitals.

But they support expanding Medicaid on one condition: that enrollees get a job.

Medicaid is a joint program run by states and the U.S. government, and the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services has to sign off on specific rules. That includes requiring recipients to work.

The Biden administration has repeatedly refused to give states permission to impose work requirements, and it has rescinded approvals granted by its predecessor. However, the prospect of a second Trump administration, which almost certainly would allow work rules, has sparked renewed GOP interest in Medicaid expansion.

“We all feel like politically and as an incentive to get Mississippians back to work, that it’s important to be in the bill,” said Mississippi Republican state Rep. Sam Creekmore, who chairs the House’s public health committee. Creekmore noted that Gov. Tate Reeves, a Republican, is still opposed to expansion. “If we’re going to have a veto-proof bill or a bill that can override a veto, the work requirement is going to have to be in there.”

Some states that already have expanded Medicaid, including ArkansasIdaho and Louisiana, also are considering adding work requirements.

Meanwhile, some Democrats in holdout states see work rules as way to finally get expansion over the finish line. And if a second Biden administration strips them out later on, all the better.

But Walton cautions that in places like Humphreys County, a work requirement might prevent Medicaid expansion from being much help at all.

“I know it would not be effective for this community if it’s a requirement,” Walton said. “Here, if you don’t have a job, you cannot even afford the gas — even if you have a vehicle to travel.”

Coverage gap

The Affordable Care Act, enacted in 2010 and also known as Obamacare, included a requirement that states expand Medicaid to cover all adults with low incomes up to 138% of the federal poverty level (about $20,780 for an individual) instead of limiting it to parents of young children and people with disabilities.

But in 2012, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that Medicaid expansion was optional for states. Since then, the District of Columbia and 40 states have expanded the program; other states have not.

Mississippi and the other nine holdouts have resisted substantial financial incentives. The federal government covers from 50% to nearly 78% of the cost for people enrolled in traditional Medicaid, depending on a state’s per capita income. The federal share for the expansion population is 90%.

If every holdout state fully expanded Medicaid under the ACA, nearly 3 million uninsured adults would get coverage.

In Kansas, Mississippi and Wyoming, some lawmakers are pushing for work requirements as part of a full-fledged expansion, triggering the 90% match. Other non-expansion states, including Georgia and South Carolina, have asked the federal government to allow them to include work requirements in something less than a full expansion under the ACA. (States can make more people eligible for Medicaid, but if they don’t expand it to everyone making 138% of the poverty level, they don’t get the full 90% match.)

The idea of imposing a work requirement on Medicaid enrollees is not new: The Trump administration approved 13 states’ requests to do so. But the Biden administration and the courts rescinded those approvals, and now only Georgia, which is fighting the administration in court, has a strict work rule for any of its Medicaid enrollees.

Even without actual requirements, 60% of non-disabled, non-elderly Medicaid recipients work either full or part time, according to KFF, a health care research organization.

Joan Alker, executive director of Georgetown University’s Center for Children and Families, said the problem with work requirements largely is one of paperwork: Many Medicaid recipients who work struggle with the administrative burden of proving it, causing them to lose their coverage.

“Work requirements don’t work,” Alker told Stateline. “If you want to support people working, you are much better off helping them address their health problems that may be preventing them from working.”

Mississippi middle ground?

In Mississippi, Rep. Creekmore laments that his state’s failure to expand Medicaid means it is leaving billions of federal dollars on the table — money that would help support struggling rural hospitals by providing health insurance to about 123,000 people. Creekmore represents several rural counties with small hospitals.

For many conservatives, however, opposition to Medicaid expansion is fundamental, a function of their antipathy toward former President Barack Obama and welfare in general.

Gov. Reeves is one of them. He has pledged to veto any expansion bill, and last month he reiterated his opposition on X, formerly known as Twitter. “Our country is going broke, and he wants to add millions more to the welfare rolls,” Reeves wrote after President Joe Biden’s State of the Union speech. “We have to stand strong in Mississippi! NO Obamacare Medicaid expansion!”

In February, the Mississippi House approved bipartisan legislation that would fully expand Medicaid under the ACA, with a work requirement of 20 hours a week. However, the bill states that expansion would happen even if federal officials rejected the work rule. And Medicaid recipients would be allowed to meet the work rule by being full-time students or participating in workforce training.

Alker said the Mississippi House bill “builds in different pathways to get to the end result.”

“There’s lots of ways to think about the intersection of Medicaid and work,” she said. “So, they just built in flexibility to the bill, so that they can negotiate and get at the end of the day access to that extra federal funding and give people health care.”

Mississippi Democratic state Rep. Zakiya Summers, who co-authored the bill with Republican colleagues, said “the goal would be that we could get people better so that they actually can work.” Summers noted that even if the Biden administration rejected the work requirement, Mississippi could seek approval from a GOP administration later on.

But last month, the state Senate approved an amended version with expansion only up to 100% of the federal poverty level, and a provision that Mississippi would only implement the limited expansion following federal approval of a work requirement.

Now Mississippi lawmakers are trying to find middle ground, knowing that they need a bill that can garner a veto-proof majority.

In Belzoni, Walton, who is a Democrat, wants the state to expand Medicaid to its fullest without any work requirements. But he said people in Humphreys County could live with the flexible requirements in the House expansion bill.

“I could go along with that,” he said. “And I think that will be more acceptable in these rural areas.”

Resistance in Kansas

In Kansas, another holdout state, Democratic Gov. Laura Kelly is pushing a full-fledged Medicaid expansion bill that includes work requirements, designed to win the approval of the Republican-dominated legislature. It would cover an estimated 152,000 Kansans.

At a news conference last month, Kelly emphasized that expansion would help Kansas hospitals in danger of closing.

“At this point, any legislator standing in the way of Medicaid expansion is going against a commonsense, fiscally responsible proposal that benefits their constituents, their hospitals, their businesses, their community and our entire state,” Kelly said.

“I don’t know how many more hospitals, health clinics and emergency rooms must close before we expand Medicaid in Kansas,” she added. “The answer should be zero.”

But Kansas House Speaker Dan Hawkins, a Republican, remains fiercely opposed. At a town hall meeting last week, Hawkins called Kelly’s plan “smoke and mirrors,” according to the Kansas Reflector.

“We don’t want to make a huge mistake,” Hawkins said. “Medicaid expansion is a huge mistake.”

And in Wyoming, Republican state Sen. Cale Case, who supports expansion, said in an interview that he doesn’t think work requirements are enough to win approval — even with the possibility of another Trump administration. Case represents Fremont County, which is about to get a new hospital. He also represents much of the Wind River Indian Reservation, which has a poverty rate of 22.6%, twice the statewide rate.

“My colleagues refuse to accept the basic proposition that this would benefit our rural health care system,” Case said. “They actually think it would hurt our rural health care system and they are wrong. They’re blatantly wrong.”

Stateline is part of States Newsroom, a national nonprofit news organization focused on state policy.

©2024 States Newsroom. Visit at stateline.org. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

He thinks his wife died in an understaffed hospital. Now he’s trying to change the industry

posted in: News | 0

Kate Wells, Michigan Public | (TNS) KFF Health News

For the past year, police Detective Tim Lillard has spent most of his waking hours unofficially investigating his wife’s death.

The question has never been exactly how Ann Picha-Lillard died on Nov. 19, 2022: She succumbed to respiratory failure after an infection put too much strain on her weakened lungs. She was 65.

For Tim Lillard, the question has been why.

Lillard had been in the hospital with his wife every day for a month. Nurses in the intensive care unit had told him they were short-staffed, and were constantly rushing from one patient to the next.

Lillard tried to pitch in where he could: brushing Ann’s shoulder-length blonde hair or flagging down help when her tracheostomy tube gurgled — a sign of possible respiratory distress.

So the day he walked into the ICU and saw staff members huddled in Ann’s room, he knew it was serious. He called the couple’s adult children: “It’s Mom,” he told them. “Come now.”

All he could do then was sit on Ann’s bed and hold her hand, watching as staff members performed chest compressions, desperately trying to save her life.

A minute ticked by. Then another. Lillard’s not sure how long the CPR continued — long enough for the couple’s son to arrive and take a seat on the other side of Ann’s bed, holding her other hand.

Finally, the intensive care doctor called it and the team stopped CPR. Time of death: 12:37 p.m.

Lillard didn’t know what to do in a world without Ann. They had been married almost 25 years. “We were best friends,” he said.

Just days before her death, nurses had told Lillard that Ann could be discharged to a rehabilitation center as soon as the end of the week. Then, suddenly, she was gone. Lillard didn’t understand what had happened.

Lillard said he now believes that overwhelmed, understaffed nurses hadn’t been able to respond in time as Ann’s condition deteriorated. And he has made it his mission to fight for change, joining some nursing unions in a push for mandatory ratios that would limit the number of patients in a nurse’s care. “I without a doubt believe 100% Ann would still be here today if they had staffing levels, mandatory staffing levels, especially in ICU,” Lillard said.

Last year, Oregon became the second state after California to pass hospital-wide nurse ratios that limit the number of patients in a nurse’s care. Michigan, Maine, and Pennsylvania are now weighing similar legislation.

But supporters of mandatory ratios are going up against a powerful hospital industry spending millions of dollars to kill those efforts. And hospitals and health systems say any staffing ratio regulations, however well-intentioned, would only put patients in greater danger.

Putting Patients at Risk

By next year, the United States could have as many as 450,000 fewer nurses than it needs, according to one estimate. The hospital industry blames covid-19 burnout, an aging workforce, a large patient population, and an insufficient pipeline of new nurses entering the field.

But nursing unions say that’s not the full story. There are now 4.7 million registered nurses in the country, more than ever before, with an estimated 130,000 nurses having entered the field from 2020 to 2022.

The problem, the unions say, is a hospital industry that’s been intentionally understaffing their units for years in order to cut costs and bolster profits. The unions say there isn’t a shortage of nurses but a shortage of nurses willing to work in those conditions.

The nurse staffing crisis is now affecting patient care. The number of Michigan nurses who say they know of a patient who has died because of understaffing has nearly doubled in recent years, according to a Michigan Nurses Association survey last year.

Ann Picha-Lillard died at DMC Huron Valley-Sinai Hospital in Commerce Township, Michigan, in November 2022 at age 65. Months earlier, nurses and doctors at the health system had filed a complaint with the Michigan attorney general about staffing shortages affecting patient care. (Beth Weiler/Michigan Public/TNS)

Just months before Ann Picha-Lillard’s death, nurses and doctors at the health system where she died had asked the Michigan attorney general to investigate staffing cuts they believed were leading to dangerous conditions, including patient deaths, according to The Detroit News.

But Lillard didn’t know any of that when he drove his wife to the hospital in October 2022. She had been feeling short of breath for a few weeks after she and Lillard had mild covid infections. They were both vaccinated, but Ann was immunocompromised. She suffered from rheumatoid arthritis, a condition that had also caused scarring in her lungs.

To be safe, doctors at DMC Huron Valley-Sinai Hospital wanted to keep Ann for observation. After a few days in the facility, she developed pneumonia. Doctors told the couple that Ann needed to be intubated. Ann was terrified but Lillard begged her to listen to the doctors. Tearfully, she agreed.

With Ann on a ventilator in the ICU, it seemed clear to Lillard that nurses were understaffed and overwhelmed. One nurse told him they had been especially short-staffed lately, Lillard said.

“The alarms would go off for the medications, they’d come into the room, shut off the alarm when they get low, run to the medication room, come back, set them down, go to the next room, shut off alarms,” Lillard recalled. “And that was going on all the time.”

Lillard felt bad for the nurses, he said. “But obviously, also for my wife. That’s why I tried doing as much as I could when I was there. I would comb her hair, clean her, just keep an eye on things. But I had no idea what was really going on.”

Finally, Ann’s health seemed to be stabilizing. A nurse told Lillard they’d be able to discharge Ann, possibly by the end of that week.

By Nov. 17, Ann was no longer sedated and she cried when she saw Lillard and her daughter. Still unable to speak, she tried to mouth words to her husband “but we couldn’t understand what she was saying,” Lillard said.

The next day, Lillard went home feeling hopeful, counting down the days until Ann could leave the hospital.

Less than 24 hours later, Ann died.

Lillard couldn’t wrap his head around how things went downhill so fast. Ann’s underlying lung condition, the infection, and her weakened state could have proved fatal in the best of circumstances. But Lillard wanted to understand how Ann had gone from nearly discharged to dying, seemingly overnight.

He turned his dining room table into a makeshift office and started with what he knew. The day Ann died, he remembered her medical team telling him that her heart rate had spiked and she had developed another infection the night before. Lillard said he interviewed two DMC Huron Valley-Sinai nurse administrators, and had his own doctor look through Ann’s charts and test results from the hospital. “Everybody kept telling me: sepsis, sepsis, sepsis,” he said.

Sepsis is when an infection triggers an extreme reaction in the body that can cause rapid organ failure. It’s one of the leading causes of death in U.S. hospitals. Some experts say up to 80% of sepsis deaths are preventable, while others say the percentage is far lower.

Lives can be saved when sepsis is caught and treated fast, which requires careful attention to small changes in vital signs. One study found that for every additional patient a nurse had to care for, the mortality rate from sepsis increased by 12%.

Lillard became convinced that had there been more nurses working in the ICU, someone could have caught what was happening to Ann.

“They just didn’t have the time,” he said.

DMC Huron Valley-Sinai’s director of communications and media relations, Brian Taylor, declined a request for comment about the 2022 staffing complaint to the Michigan attorney general.

Following the Money

When Lillard asked the hospital for copies of Ann’s medical records, DMC Huron Valley-Sinai told him he’d have to request them from its parent company in Texas.

Like so many hospitals in recent years, the Lillards’ local health system had been absorbed by a series of other corporations. In 2011, the Detroit Medical Center health system was bought for $1.5 billion by Vanguard Health Systems, which was backed by the private equity company Blackstone Group.

Two years after that, in 2013, Vanguard itself was acquired by Tenet Healthcare, a for-profit company based in Dallas that, according to its website, operates 480 ambulatory surgery centers and surgical hospitals, 52 hospitals, and approximately 160 additional outpatient centers.

As health care executives face increasing pressure from investors, nursing unions say hospitals have been intentionally understaffing nurses to reduce labor costs and increase revenue. Also, insurance reimbursements incentivize keeping nurse staffing levels low. “Hospitals are not directly reimbursed for nursing services in the same way that a physician bills for their services,” said Karen Lasater, an associate professor of nursing in the Center for Health Outcomes and Policy Research at the University of Pennsylvania. “And because hospitals don’t perceive nursing as a service line, but rather a cost center, they think about nursing as: How can we reduce this to the lowest denominator possible?” she said.

Lasater is a proponent of mandatory nurse ratios. “The nursing shortage is not a pipeline problem, but a leaky bucket problem,” she said. “And the solutions to this crisis need to address the root cause of the issue, which is why nurses are saying they’re leaving employment. And it’s rooted in unsafe staffing. It’s not safe for the patients, but it’s also not safe for nurses.”

A Battle Between Hospitals and Unions

In November, almost one year after Ann’s death, Lillard told a room of lawmakers at the Michigan State Capitol that he believes the Safe Patient Care Act could save lives. The health policy committee in the Michigan House was holding a hearing on the proposed act, which would limit the amount of mandatory overtime a nurse can be forced to work, and require hospitals to make their staffing levels available to the public.

Most significantly, the bills would require hospitals to have mandatory, minimum nurse-to-patient ratios. For example: one nurse for every patient in the ICU; one for every three patients in the emergency room; a nurse for triage; and one nurse for every four postpartum birthing patients and well-baby care.

Efforts to pass mandatory ratio laws failed in Washington and Minnesota last year after facing opposition from the hospital industry. In Minnesota, the Minnesota Nurses Association accused the Mayo Clinic of using “blackmail tactics”: Mayo had told lawmakers it would pull billions of dollars in investment from the state if mandatory ratio legislation passed. Soon afterward, lawmakers removed nurse ratios from the legislation.

While Lillard waited for his turn to speak to Michigan lawmakers about the Safe Patient Care Act in November, members of the Michigan Nurses Association, which says it represents some 13,000 nurses, told lawmakers that its units were dangerously understaffed. They said critical care nurses were sometimes caring for up to 11 patients at a time.

“Last year I coded someone in an ICU for 10 minutes, all alone, because there was no one to help me,” said the nurses association president and registered nurse Jamie Brown, reading from another nurse’s letter.

“I have been left as the only specially trained nurse to take care of eight babies on the unit: eight fragile newborns,” said Carolyn Clemens, a registered nurse from the Grand Blanc area of Michigan.

Nikia Parker said she has left full-time emergency room nursing, a job she believes is her calling. After her friend died in the hospital where she worked, she was left wondering whether understaffing may have contributed to his death.

“If the Safe Patient Care Act passed, and we have ratios, I’m one of those nurses who would return to the bedside full time,” Parker told lawmakers. “And so many of my co-workers who have left would join me.”

But not all nurses agree that mandatory ratios are a good idea.

While the American Nurses Association supports enforceable ratios as an “essential approach,” that organization’s Michigan chapter does not, saying there may not be enough nurses in the state to satisfy the requirements of the Safe Patient Care Act.

For some lawmakers, the risk of collateral damage seems too high. State Rep. Graham Filler said he worries that mandating ratios could backfire.

“We’re going to severely hamper health care in the state of Michigan. I’m talking closed wards because you can’t meet the ratio in a bill. The inability for a hospital to treat an emergent patient. So it feels kind of to me like a gamble we’re taking,” said Filler, a Republican.

Michigan hospitals are already struggling to fill some 8,400 open positions, according to the Michigan Health & Hospital Association. That association says that complying with the Safe Patient Care Act would require hiring 13,000 nurses.

Every major health system in the state signed a letter opposing mandatory ratios, saying it would force them to close as many as 5,100 beds.

Lillard watched the debate play out in the hearing. “That’s a scare tactic, in my opinion, where the hospitals say we’re going to have to start closing stuff down,” he said.

He doesn’t think legislation on mandatory ratios — which are still awaiting a vote in the Michigan House’s health policy committee — are a “magic bullet” for such a complex, national problem. But he believes they could help.

“The only way these hospitals and the administrations are gonna make any changes, and even start moving towards making it better, is if they’re forced to,” Lillard said.

Seated in the center of the hearing room in Lansing, next to a framed photo of Ann, Lillard’s hands shook as he recounted those final minutes in the ICU.

“Please take action so that no other person or other family endures this loss,” he said. “You can make a difference in saving lives.”

Grief is one thing, Lillard said, but it’s another thing to be haunted by doubts, to worry that your loved one’s care was compromised before they ever walked through the hospital doors. What he wants most, he said, is to prevent any other family from having to wonder, “What if?”

____

This article is from a partnership that includes Michigan Public , NPR , and KFF Health News.

___

(KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs of KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling and journalism.)

©2024 KFF Health News. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

Rural jails turn to community health workers to help the newly released succeed

posted in: News | 0

By Lillian Mongeau Hughes, KFF Health News

MANTI, Utah — Garrett Clark estimates he has spent about six years in the Sanpete County Jail, a plain concrete building perched on a dusty hill just outside this small, rural town where he grew up.

He blames his addiction. He started using in middle school, and by the time he was an adult he was addicted to meth and heroin. At various points, he’s done time alongside his mom, his dad, his sister, and his younger brother.

“That’s all I’ve known my whole life,” said Clark, 31, in December.

On the day of her release from Sanpete County Jail in rural Utah in December, Shantel Clark hugs Cheryl Swapp, the jail’s community health worker, at the sheriff’s office. Clark’s sweatshirt had just been pulled from a supply of clothing for people who are released at a different time of year than when they were booked. (Lillian Mongeau Hughes for KFF Health News/TNS)

Clark was at the jail to pick up his sister, who had just been released. The siblings think this time will be different. They are both sober. Shantel Clark, 33, finished earning her high school diploma during her four-month stay at the jail. They have a place to live where no one is using drugs.

And they have Cheryl Swapp, the county sheriff’s new community health worker, on their side.

“She saved my life probably, for sure,” Garrett Clark said.

Swapp meets with every person booked into the county jail soon after they arrive and helps them create a plan for the day they get out.

She makes sure everyone has a state ID card, a birth certificate, and a Social Security card so they can qualify for government benefits, apply to jobs, and get to treatment and probation appointments. She helps nearly everyone enroll in Medicaid and apply for housing benefits and food stamps. If they need medication to stay off drugs, she lines that up. If they need a place to stay, she finds them a bed.

Then Swapp coordinates with the jail captain to have people released directly to the treatment facility. Nobody leaves the jail without a ride and a drawstring backpack filled with items like toothpaste, a blanket, and a personalized list of job openings.

“A missing puzzle piece,” Sgt. Gretchen Nunley, who runs educational and addiction recovery programming for the jail, called Swapp.

Swapp also assesses the addiction history of everyone held by the county. More than half arrive at the jail addicted to something.

Garrett Clark, left, puts his arm around his sister, Shantel, minutes after she was released from the Sanpete County Jail in rural Utah in December. Cheryl Swapp, second from right, helps smooth detainees’ transition to the outside as the jail’s community health worker. Ryan Montag, right, has been helped by Swapp in the past. (Lillian Mongeau Hughes for KFF Health News/TNS)

Nationally, 63% of people booked into local jails struggle with a substance use disorder — at least six times the rate of the general population, according to the federal Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration. The incidence of mental illness in jails is more than twice the rate in the general population, federal data shows. At least 4.9 million people are arrested and jailed every year, according to an analysis of 2017 data by the Prison Policy Initiative, a nonprofit organization that documents the harm of mass incarceration. Of those incarcerated, 25% are booked two or more times, the analysis found. And among those arrested twice, more than half had a substance use disorder and a quarter had a mental illness.

“We don’t lock people up for being diabetic or epileptic,” said David Mahoney, a retired sheriff in Dane County, Wisconsin, who served as president of the National Sheriffs’ Association in 2020-21. “The question every community needs to ask is: ‘Are we doing our responsibility to each other for locking people up for a diagnosed medical condition?’”

The idea that county sheriffs might owe it to society to offer medical and mental health treatment to people in their jails is part of a broader shift in thinking among law enforcement officials that Mahoney said he has observed during the past decade.

“Don’t we have a moral and ethical responsibility as community members to address the reasons people are coming into the criminal justice system?” asked Mahoney, who has 41 years of experience in law enforcement.

Cheryl Swapp, a community health worker, makes notes between meetings with new detainees at the Sanpete County Jail outside Manti, Utah, on Dec. 18, 2023. Swapp usually meets with people inside the jail but was using a visitation room to accommodate a visiting journalist. (Lillian Mongeau Hughes for KFF Health News/TNS)

Swapp previously worked as a teacher’s aide for those she calls the “behavior kids” — children who had trouble self-regulating in class. She feels her work at the jail is a way to change things for the parents of those kids. And it appears to be working.

Since the Sanpete County Sheriff’s Office hired Swapp last year, recidivism has dropped sharply. In the 18 months before she began her work, 599 of the people booked into Sanpete County Jail had been there before. In the 18 months after she started, that number dropped to 237.

In most places, people are released from county jails with no health care coverage, no job, nowhere to live, and no plan to stay off drugs or treat their mental illness. Research shows that people newly released from incarceration face a risk of overdose that is 10 times as high as that of the general public.

Sanpete wasn’t any different.

“For seven to eight years of me being here, we’d just release people and cross our fingers,” said Jared Hill, the clinical director for Sanpete County and a counselor at the jail.

Nunley, the programming sergeant, remembers watching people released from jail walk the mile to town with nothing but the clothes they’d worn on the day they were arrested — it was known as the “walk of shame.” Swapp hates that phrase. She said no one has made the trip on foot since she started in July 2022.

Folders fill several drawers in the office of Cheryl Swapp, a community health worker at Sanpete County Sheriff’s Office in rural Utah. (Lillian Mongeau Hughes for KFF Health News/TNS)

Swapp’s work was initially funded by a grant from the U.S. Health Resources and Services Administration, but it has proved so popular that commissioners in Sanpete County voted to use a portion of its opioid settlement money to cover the position in the future.

Swapp doesn’t have formal medical or social work training. She is certified by the state of Utah as a community health worker, a job that has become more common nationwide. There were about 67,000 people working as community health workers in 2022, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.

Evidence is mounting that the model of training people to help their neighbors connect to government and health care services is sound, said Aditi Vasan, a senior fellow at the Leonard Davis Institute of Health Economics at the University of Pennsylvania who has reviewed the research on the relatively new role.

The day before Swapp coordinated Shantel Clark’s release, she sat with Robert Draper, a man in his 50s with long white hair and bright-blue eyes. Draper has been in and out of jail for decades. He was sober for a year and had been taking care of his ill mother. She kept getting worse. Then his daughter and her child came to help. It was all a little too much.

“I thought, if I can just go and get high, I can deal with this shit,” said Draper. “But after you’ve been using for 40 years, it’s kinda easy to slip back in.”

He didn’t blame his probation officer for throwing him back in jail when he tested positive for drugs, he said. But he thinks jail time is an overreaction to a relapse. Draper sent a note to Swapp through the jail staff asking to see her. He was hoping she could help him get out so he could be with his mom, who had just been sent to hospice. He had missed his father’s death years ago because he was in jail at the time.

Swapp listened to Draper’s story without interruptions or questions. Then she asked if she could run through her list with him so she would know what he needed.

“Do you have your Social Security card?”

“My card?” Draper shrugged. “I know my number.”

“Your birth certificate, you have it?”

“Yeah, I don’t know where it is.”

“Driver’s license?”

“No.”

“Was it revoked?”

“A long, long time ago,” Draper said. “DUI from 22 years ago. Paid for and everything.”

“Are you interested in getting it back?”

“Yeah!”

Swapp has some version of this conversation with every person she meets in the jail. She also runs through their history of addiction and asks them what they most need to get back on their feet.

She told Draper she would try to get him into intensive outpatient therapy. That would involve four to five classes a week and a lot of driving. He’d need his license back. She didn’t make promises but said she would talk to his probation officer and the judge. He sighed and thanked her.

“I’m your biggest fan here,” Swapp said. “I want you to succeed. I want you to be with your mom, too.”

The federal grant that funded the launch of Sanpete’s community health worker program is held by the regional health care services organization Intermountain Health. Intermountain took the idea to the county and has provided Swapp with support and training. Intermountain staff also administer the $1 million, three-year grant, which includes efforts to increase addiction recovery services in the area.

The library and therapy room at Castle Ridge Behavioral Health in Castle Dale, Utah, is meant to be a peaceful place to study and think for people recovering from substance use disorder. (Lillian Mongeau Hughes for KFF Health News/TNS)

A similarly funded program in Kentucky called First Day Forward took the community health worker model a step further, using “peer support specialists” — people who have experienced the issues they are trying to help others navigate. Spokespeople from HRSA pointed to four programs, including the ones in Utah and Kentucky, that are using their grant money for people facing or serving time in local jails.

Back in Utah, Sanpete’s new jail captain, Jeff Nielsen, said people in small-town law enforcement weren’t so far removed from those serving time.

“We know these people,” Nielsen said. He has known Robert Draper since middle school. “They are friends, neighbors, sometimes family. We’d rather help than lock them up and throw away the key. We’d rather help give them a good life.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs of KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling and journalism.

©2024 KFF Health News. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.