A man being held at the Ramsey County jail on a violent robbery charge bit off his cellmate’s ear during a fight last week, according to a criminal complaint.

Michael Anthony Lewis, 34, of St. Paul, is now charged with first-degree assault in connection with the incident at the jail in St. Paul on Nov. 10.

Michael Anthony Lewis (Courtesy of the Ramsey County Sheriff’s Office)

According to the complaint, Lewis’ cellmate told a correctional officer that he and Lewis were going to fight. The officer went to check on them, and heard a noise coming from their cell.

She saw the cellmate, 40, lying on his bed trying to defend himself, the complaint said. His left ear was missing and blood was on his jail uniform, the walls and floor. A bloody pen was also on the floor.

Lewis yelled at his cellmate and the officer, while blood was coming from his mouth. Additional officers responded, and he was removed from the cell.

The man’s missing ear was recovered, placed on ice and taken with him to Regions Hospital. Doctors were unable to reattach it.

The man said Lewis tried to stab him with the inmate pen and bit his ear off. He said he and Lewis “had been beefing” since Lewis became his cellmate, the complaint read.

Lewis declined to provide a statement during a disciplinary hearing.

Lewis has been jailed since Oct. 20, when he was arrested and later charged with allegedly repeatedly striking an acquaintance in the head with a metal pole inside a downtown St. Paul apartment building.

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Lobby surveillance footage showed Lewis delivered several blows, dragged the man down the hallway and stole his shoes, wallet and pants, according to the complaint in that case charging him with first-degree aggravated robbery. He was being held in lieu of $20,000 bail.

Lewis went before a Ramsey County District Court judge on the latest charge on Monday, and his new bail was upped to $100,000. He’s due back in court for both cases on Dec. 9.

The Pioneer Press requested comment on the allegations Tuesday.

Lewis has convictions out of Louisiana that include home invasion, resisting an officer and simple battery, the complaints said.

The Vikings have turned the page to Sunday’s game at Green Bay, but there is one big question was still worth asking about their 19-17 loss to Chicago last weekend: What the heck went wrong on that kick return that set up the Bears’ winning field goal?

After a touchdown pass by quarterback J.J. McCarthy gave the Vikings the lead with 50 seconds left, they immediately gave up a 56-yard kick return to receiver Devin Duvernay that put the Bears in position to win the game.

As he reflected on the sequence 48 hours later, special teams coordinator Matt Daniels was asked how he felt walking off the field after a 48-yard field goal from kicker Cairo Santos sailed through the uprights as time expired.

“Sickening,” Daniels said. “I’ve never felt the way I felt after that game.”

It’s the fickle nature of playing special teams in the NFL.

There aren’t many people still thinking about how rookie receiver Myles Price gave the Vikings the spark they needed with a 42-yard punt return. Not after Duvernay’s return in the final minute cost the Vikings the game.

“We made a ton of plays in that game to help us go out and win it,” Daniels said. “Then when the team needed us most, we find a way to not answer the bell.”

The toughest part for Daniels to stomach was that the Vikings worked on that exact type of kick return because of what the Bears had shown on film. They even had kicker Will Reichard send the ball in the specific direction because they liked the one-on-one matchups they had on the wide side of the field.

All the Vikings needed was for everybody to stay in their lane, literally and figuratively, and they likely would have made the play. Instead, a few different players strayed from their  assignments, which allowed Duvernay to gallop into open space before finally being brought down by linebacker Eric Wilson.

“We live in a world where attention spans are shortening,” Daniels said. “There’s a belief of wanting this instant gratification, and everybody wants to be the guy to make the play.”

It appeared that the main players responsible were linebacker Ivan Pace Jr., rookie linebacker Austin Keys and rookie receiver Tai Felton. The film shows all of them freelancing after the ball is caught, which left a gaping hole toward the wide side of the field between edge rusher Tyler Batty and cornerback Tavierre Thomas.

“We have young players, and young players have to learn through the fire,” Daniels said. “Sometimes we’re going to get burnt, and obviously we got burnt in that situation.”

Though some criticized the Vikings for not booting the ball out of the back of the end zone, Daniels noted how 94 percent of the kickoffs they’ve covered this season have resulted in tackles behind the 35-yard line. They had earned the right to cover that kickoff.

They simply didn’t execute.

“We’ve been doing an unbelievable job of covering kickoffs up until that point,” Daniels said. “It’s unfortunate that guys got greedy out there looking to make the play. I totally understand wanting to get it; at the same time, there’s a level of discipline we have to have at the most precious moments.”

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By LEE KEATH, Associated Press

CAIRO (AP) — The U.N. Security Council has backed the United States’ ambitious plan for the future of the Gaza Strip. How and when it will be carried out remain largely unknown.

In a twist unimaginable across the tumultuous history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the plan would mean President Donald Trump becomes the de facto ruler of Gaza. The territory remains devastated by Israel’s campaign to eliminate Hamas after its Oct. 7, 2023, attack that sparked the war.

An international body known as the Board of Peace, chaired by Trump, is to govern Gaza and oversee reconstruction under a two-year, renewable U.N. mandate. An armed International Stabilization Force is to keep security and ensure the disarming of Hamas, a key demand of Israel.

Major questions hang over nearly every part of the plan and the timeframe for implementation. In the meantime, nearly all Palestinians remain displaced and dependent on humanitarian aid, Hamas retains significant control over nearly half of Gaza and the rebuilding of the territory has barely begun.

President Donald Trump waits to welcome Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman to the White House, Tuesday, Nov. 18, 2025, in Washington. (AP Photo/Mark Schiefelbein)

Challenges at every step

Some talks over the next steps have taken place behind the scenes among the U.S., Israel, Qatar, Egypt and other countries. But serious negotiations have not begun because Israel and Hamas remain in the first phase of the ceasefire deal that came into effect in October. Hamas is still required to hand over the bodies of the last three hostages.

The U.N. resolution passed Monday gave the plan international legitimacy. That opens the door for Arab and Muslim-majority nations to participate, particularly by contributing troops to the ISF. The U.S. is hoping that the more those countries are involved, the more palatable the international rule will be for Gaza’s more than 2 million people.

But the Palestinian public’s acceptance is far from certain. Without it, the Board of Peace risks becoming seen as a foreign occupation working on behalf of Israel, further thwarting their dream of self-determination and statehood.

The plan gives Palestinians almost no voice in governing Gaza. Because of Israel’s fierce opposition, it doesn’t promise statehood, offering only a vague reference that it might one day be possible. It also gives only an ambiguous timetable for reconstruction to begin and for the Israeli military to withdraw from the around 50% of the Gaza Strip that it still holds since the ceasefire began.

Israeli tanks are parked in a staging area near the border with Gaza, in southern Israel, Tuesday, Nov. 18, 2025. (AP Photo/Ohad Zwigenberg)

Will disarmament happen?

Disarming Hamas and demilitarizing Gaza are the keystones to the whole plan. But there’s no detail on how that will happen.

So far, Hamas has not agreed to disarm. In a statement after the U.N. resolution’s passage, Hamas said the fate of its weapons is connected to ensuring a path to the end of the Israeli occupation and the creation of a Palestinian state.

The International Stabilization Force is tasked with ensuring disarmament and the destruction of Hamas’ military infrastructure. The ISF will also oversee a Palestinian police force, made up of vetted members trained by Egypt and Jordan.

A number of nations have been cited as possible contributors to the ISF, including Egypt, Indonesia, Turkey and Azerbaijan. But none has committed to sending troops yet, and Israel opposes Turkey participating in the force.

They are unlikely to want their soldiers to take Hamas’ weapons by force. Hamas warned that trying to do so would turn the ISF “into a party to the conflict in favor of the occupation.”

Hamas is under heavy pressure, particularly from Qatar and Egypt, to find a compromise. One possible idea is a “decommissioning” – handing the arsenal over to the ISF for safekeeping — which Hamas could argue is not a permanent surrender of its right to armed resistance.

Without disarmament, much of the rest of the plan could stall. Israel’s troop withdrawal is linked to the pace of Hamas demilitarization and the deployment of the ISF. Reconstruction is also unlikely to happen in most of Gaza unless Hamas disarms.

Many Palestinians fear the end result will be a partition of Gaza between an Israeli-controlled zone, where some reconstruction might take place, and the rest, where almost all of the population of more than 2 million live with little rebuilding.

Palestinian children look at the camera as they play in a makeshift camp for displaced people in Zawayda, in the central Gaza Strip, Tuesday, Nov. 18, 2025. (AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana)

Who will make up the Board of Peace?

Trump has said the board will be made up of “distinguished leaders” from other countries, including former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, and that its members will be named in the coming weeks.

But who they will be is unknown, and even Blair’s participation has not been confirmed.

The U.N. resolution gives the Board complete say in Gaza with powers over the ISF, reconstruction and economic recovery. The Board is also to oversee a “technocratic, apolitical committee of competent Palestinians” who will run the day-to-day civil service in Gaza.

FILE – A general view shows a Security Council meeting at the U.N. headquarters, Sept. 23, 2025, at the United Nations. (AP Photo/Yuki Iwamura, File)

Who are these independent Palestinians?

The members of the Palestinian committee are to have no connection to either Hamas or the Palestinian Authority, which currently administers scattered parts of the Israeli-occupied West Bank. Israel has rejected any role for the PA in Gaza.

The plan doesn’t specify who will select the members, but that likely will fall to the Board of Peace. Israel will want to have a strong say in who can be included.

In an online post, Palestinian political analyst and pollster Khalil Shikaki said the committee should be picked through “an all Palestinian” process to boost its support, consulting among political factions, trade syndicates, local leaders and women’s and youth organizations.

But if the Board and the committee are seen as a tool for the U.S. or Israel, prominent Palestinians may be reluctant to join. In its statement Monday, Hamas denounced the “international guardianship” that the U.N. resolution places on Gaza, saying it aims to further Israel’s interests.

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What is all this leading to?

The plan emphasizes two goals for Gaza – demilitarization and reconstruction. Anything beyond that remains largely blank.

The U.N. resolution offers the possibility of the Palestinian Authority eventually taking control of Gaza if it carries out a slate of internal reforms to the satisfaction of the Board of Peace – everything from fighting corruption, increasing efficiency to holding elections.

The Palestinian Authority welcomed the U.N. resolution in a statement Monday and said it was prepared to step in to govern Gaza. But Israeli opposition raises doubts whether that will ever be allowed to happen.

Under pressure from Arab allies, the United States inserted a reference to Palestinian statehood in the U.N. resolution.

But it remains only a vague nod. It states that if the Palestinian Authority “faithfully” carries out reforms and if Gaza redevelopment advances, “conditions may finally be in place for a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination and statehood.”

The lack of a clear path to self-determination threatens to complicate every other step. For example, Shikaki wrote, without a path to statehood, “disarmament will be seen as capitulation; with it, demobilization can be framed as part of national strategy.”

For much of the population, the priority is to see reconstruction and a revival of Gaza’s economy so families have livelihoods. If that comes, it could paper over reluctance toward international rule, at least for a time. If it doesn’t or if Palestinians see no progress toward self-determination, resentment is likely to mount.

The potential for chaos is high with the multiple divisions within Gaza. Already, the territory has Hamas, several Israeli-backed armed gangs that oppose the group and the Israeli military itself. Add to those a Palestinian police force, international troops, Palestinians who join the administration and those who oppose it – and the scene becomes even more volatile.

“I learned the hard way that affordable housing isn’t guaranteed—it’s conditional. The moment your income changes or an agency misses a form, the system recalculates your worth and can pull the rug out from under you.”

An apartment building in The Bronx. (Adi Talwar/City Limits)

When I received a housing voucher, I was finally able to move into a rent-stabilized apartment in what many would call a “luxury” building. I was told that if I maintained the apartment for five years, my rent would be locked in. But when COVID-19 hit, my case management through Homebase fell apart, and I had to pay the rent from my Social Security Disability income just to stay housed. 

I learned the hard way that affordable housing isn’t guaranteed—it’s conditional. The moment your income changes or an agency misses a form, the system recalculates your worth and can pull the rug out from under you. The recertification process has become a quiet form of income discrimination, punishing stability instead of supporting it. These systems are set up for people to stay stuck or fail. They claim to promote independence, but the fine print ensures dependence.

Seniors and families with children are the most vulnerable. Toby, 10, cried when his mother told him they had to go to a shelter. He lost his school, his friends, and his sense of home. Nearly a year later, he laughed again when his mom was finally awarded a housing voucher. For the first time, he felt safe.

 But today, at 16, Toby is back on unstable ground—his family must leave the apartment they fought so hard to keep. The fear and displacement he experienced as a child have returned, and this time, the pain runs deeper. Children internalize trauma quickly, and Toby’s story is not unique. When families are forced to move again and again, we are watching the slow unraveling of a generation.

And then there are our seniors—the silent backbone of our communities—being told to work longer, to survive on less, and to somehow “adjust” as costs climb and health declines. Many of us have already raised families, buried loved ones, and outlived friends. We are tired, yet the system demands endurance instead of compassion. Seniors shouldn’t have to prove their productivity to deserve peace. Stability and dignity in housing should be a right, not a reward for those who can still punch a clock.

If we are serious about ending homelessness, we must reform the voucher recertification process so that progress isn’t penalized and stability isn’t temporary. Families who rise should not be punished for surviving, and elders who have given their best years should not be left to struggle alone. 

City and state agencies must also invest in clear education for tenants with subsidies—plain-language guides, real-time alerts, and transparent communication about what happens when income or benefits shift. Housing should not be a secret exam that no one is taught how to pass.

With a new mayoral administration on the horizon—and Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani promising “affordable housing” and rent freezes—it’s time to demand accountability for what those words really mean. 

Affordability without security is a half-truth. Until recertification reform, transparency, and tenant education are prioritized, we are not building affordable housing—we are maintaining conditional housing. The next mayor has an opportunity, and an obligation, to change that.

Rhonda Jackson is co-chair of the NYC Fund to End Youth and Family Homelessness, a steering committee member of the NYC Family Homelessness Coalition* and a longtime advocate for housing as a human right. A survivor of homelessness herself, she works to ensure that no child grows up believing instability is normal.

*The Family Homelessness Coalition is among City Limits’ funders.

The post Opinion: Conditional Housing Is Still Discriminatory appeared first on City Limits.