Top former US generals say failures of Biden administration in planning drove chaotic fall of Kabul

posted in: Politics | 0

By TARA COPP (Associated Press)

WASHINGTON (AP) — The top two U.S. generals who oversaw the evacuation of Afghanistan as it fell to the Taliban in August 2021 blamed the Biden administration for the chaotic departure, telling lawmakers Tuesday that it inadequately planned for the evacuation and did not order it in time.

The rare testimony by the two retired generals publicly exposed for the first time the strain and differences the military leaders had with the Biden administration in the final days of the war. Two of those key differences included that the military had advised that the U.S. keep at least 2,500 service members in Afghanistan to maintain stability and a concern that the State Department was not moving fast enough to get an evacuation started.

The remarks contrasted with an internal White House review of the administration’s decisions found that President Joe Biden’s decisions had been “severely constrained” by previous withdrawal agreements negotiated by former President Donald Trump and blamed the military, saying top commanders said they had enough resources to handle the evacuation.

Thirteen U.S. service members were killed by a suicide bomber at the Kabul airport’s Abbey Gate in the final days of the war, as the Taliban took over Afghanistan.

Thousands of panicked Afghans and U.S. citizens desperately tried to get on U.S. military flights that were airlifting people out. In the end the military was able to rescue more than 130,000 civilians before the final U.S. military aircraft departed.

That chaos was the end result of the State Department failing to call for an evacuation of U.S. personnel until it was too late, both former Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Mark Milley and U.S. Central Command retired Gen. Frank McKenzie told the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

“On 14 August the non-combatant evacuation operation decision was made by the Department of State and the U.S. military alerted, marshalled, mobilized and rapidly deployed faster than any military in the world could ever do,” Milley said.

But the State Department’s decision came too late, Milley said.

“The fundamental mistake, the fundamental flaw was the timing of the State Department,” Milley said. “That was too slow and too late.”

Evacuation orders must come from the State Department, but in the weeks and months before Kabul fell to the Taliban, the Pentagon was pressing the State Department for evacuation plans, and was concerned that State was not ready, McKenzie said.

“We had forces in the region as early as 9 July, but we could do nothing,” McKenzie said.

“I believe the events of mid and late August 2021 were the direct result of delaying the initiation of the (evacuation) for several months, in fact until we were in extremis and the Taliban had overrun the country,” McKenzie said.

Milley was the nation’s top-ranking military officer at the time, and had urged President Joe Biden to keep a residual force of 2,500 forces there to give Afghanistan’s special forces enough back-up to keep the Taliban at bay and allow the U.S. military to hold on to Bagram Air Base, which could have provided the military additional options to respond to Taliban attacks.

Biden did not approve the larger residual force, opting to keep a smaller force of 650 that would be limited to securing the U.S. embassy. That smaller force was not adequate to keeping Bagram, which was quickly taken over by the Taliban.

The Taliban have controlled Afghanistan since the U.S. departure, resulting in many dramatic changes for the population, including the near-total loss of rights for women and girls.

The White House found last year that the chaotic withdrawal occurred because President Joe Biden was “constrained” by previous agreements made by President Donald Trump to withdraw forces.

That 2023 internal review further appeared to shift any blame in the Aug. 26, 2021, suicide bombing at Hamid Karzai International Airport, saying it was the U.S. military that made one possibly key decision.

“To manage the potential threat of a terrorist attack, the President repeatedly asked whether the military required additional support to carry out their mission at HKIA,” the 2023 report said, adding, “Senior military officials confirmed that they had sufficient resources and authorities to mitigate threats.”

A message left with the State Department was not immediately returned on Tuesday.

Operating in the red: Half of rural hospitals lose money, as many cut services

posted in: News | 0

Jazmin Orozco Rodriguez | (TNS) KFF Health News

In a little more than two years as CEO of a small hospital in Wyoming, Dave Ryerse has witnessed firsthand the worsening financial problems eroding rural hospitals nationwide.

In 2022, Ryerse’s South Lincoln Medical Center was forced to shutter its operating room because it didn’t have the staff to run it 24 hours a day. Soon after, the obstetrics unit closed.

Ryerse said the publicly owned facility’s revenue from providing care has fallen short of operating expenses for at least the past eight years, driving tough decisions to cut services in hopes of keeping the facility open in Kemmerer, a town of about 2,400 in southwestern Wyoming.

South Lincoln’s financial woes aren’t unique, and the risk of hospital closures is an immediate threat to many small communities. “Those cities dry out,” Ryerse said. “There’s a huge sense of urgency to make sure that we can maintain and really eventually thrive in this area.”

A recently released report from the health analytics and consulting firm Chartis paints a clear picture of the grim reality Ryerse and other small-hospital managers face. In its financial analysis, the firm concluded that half of rural hospitals lost money in the past year, up from 43% the previous year. It also identified 418 rural hospitals across the U.S. that are “vulnerable to closure.”

Mark Holmes, director of the Cecil G. Sheps Center for Health Services Research at the University of North Carolina, said the report’s findings weren’t a surprise, since the financial nosedive it depicted has been a concern of researchers and rural health advocates for decades.

The report noted that small-town hospitals in states that expanded Medicaid eligibility have fared better financially than those in states that didn’t.

Leaders in Montana, whose population is nearly half rural, credit Medicaid expansion as the reason their hospitals have largely avoided the financial crisis depicted by the report despite escalating costs, workforce shortages, and growing administrative burden.

“Montana’s expansion of Medicaid coverage to low-income adults nearly 10 years ago has cut in half the percentage of Montanans without insurance, increased access to care and preserved services in rural communities, and reduced the burden of uncompensated care shouldered by hospitals by nearly 50%,” said Katy Mack, vice president of communications for the Montana Hospital Association.

Not one hospital has closed in the state since 2015, she added.

Hospitals elsewhere haven’t fared so well.

Michael Topchik, national leader for the Chartis Center for Rural Health and an author of the study, said he expects next year’s update on the report will show rural hospital finances continuing to deteriorate.

“In health care and in many industries, we say, ‘No margin, no mission,’” he said, referring to the difference between income and expenses. Rural hospitals “are all mission-driven organizations that simply don’t have the margin to reinvest in themselves or their communities because of deteriorating margins. I’m very, very concerned for their future.”

People living in rural America are older, sicker, and poorer than their urban and suburban counterparts. Yet, they often live in places where many health care services aren’t available, including primary care. The shorter life expectancies in these communities are connected to the lack of success of their health facilities, said Alan Morgan, CEO of the National Rural Health Association, a nonprofit advocacy group.

“We’re really talking about the future of rural here,” Morgan said.

Like South Lincoln, other hospitals still operating are likely cutting services. According to Chartis, nearly a quarter of rural hospitals have closed their obstetrics units and 382 have stopped providing chemotherapy.

Halting services has far-reaching effects on the health of the communities the hospitals and their providers serve.

While people in rural America are more likely to die of cancer than people in urban areas, providing specialty cancer treatment also helps ensure that older adults can stay in their communities. Similarly, obstetrics care helps attract and keep young families.

Whittling services because of financial and staffing problems is causing “death by a thousand cuts,” said Topchik, adding that hospital leaders face choices between keeping the lights on, paying their staff, and serving their communities.

The Chartis report noted that the financial problems are driving hospitals to sell to or otherwise join larger health systems; it said nearly 60% of rural hospitals are now affiliated with large systems. South Lincoln in Wyoming, for example, has a clinical affiliation with Utah-based Intermountain Health, which lets the facility offer access to providers outside the state.

In recent years, rural hospitals have faced many added financial pressures, according to Chartis and other researchers. The rapid growth of rural enrollment in Medicare Advantage plans, which do not reimburse hospitals at the same rate as traditional Medicare, has had a particularly profound effect.

Topchik predicted sustainability for rural health facilities will ultimately require greater investment from Congress.

In 1997, Congress responded to a rural hospital crisis by creating the “Critical Access Hospital” designation, meant to alleviate financial burdens rural hospitals face and help keep health services available by giving facilities cost-based reimbursement rates from Medicare and in some states Medicaid.

But these critical access hospitals are still struggling, including South Lincoln.

In 2021, Congress established a new designation, “Rural Emergency Hospital,” which allows hospitals to cut most inpatient services but continue running outpatient care. The newer designation, with its accompanying financial incentives, has kept some smaller rural hospitals from closing, but Morgan said those conversions still mean a loss of services.

“It’s a good thing that now we keep the emergency room care, but I think it masks the fact that 28 communities lost inpatient care just last year alone,” he said. “I’m afraid that this hospital closure crisis is now going to run under the radar.”

“It ends up costing local and state governments more, ultimately, and costs the federal government more, in dollars for health care treatment,” Morgan said. “It’s just bad public policy. And bad policy for the local communities.”

(KFF Health News, formerly known as Kaiser Health News (KHN), is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs of KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling and journalism.)

©2024 KFF Health News. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

Four intriguing Loons in line for more playing time in U.S. Open Cup or St. Patrick’s friendly

posted in: News | 0

Minnesota United head coach Eric Ramsay is not treating Wednesday’s exhibition game against Irish club St. Patrick’s as just another friendly on Wednesday night at Allianz Field.

Ramsay is only in his second week on the job and is still learning about his team. He wants players to take advantage of the opportunity to be in a competitive context, which will, in turn, help him further assess his new squad.

“I think the opposition will be decent, so it’s a really good chance for us to approach it as though it’s a proper game,” Ramsay said.

Ramsay will not have a full roster at his disposal, with six players away on international duties: Teemu Pukki and Robin Lod (Finland), Michael Boxall (New Zealand), Dayne St. Clair (Canada), Joseph Rosales (Honduras) and Alejandro Bran (Costa Rica).

Plus, Loons star midfielder Emanuel Reynoso is currently away from the team while the Argentine works on his U.S. green card.

The friendly will be played at the exact same time, 7 p.m. Wednesday, as MNUFC2 will compete against Chicago House in the U.S. Open Cup first-round game in Elmhurst, Ill.

“This is a really messy week to deal with,” Ramsay said.

Ramsay, who arrived from Manchester United, wanted to “reserve comment” about MLS’ decision to limit the amount of first-team clubs in the Open Cup this year. Since joining MLS in 2017, this is the first time in non-pandemic seasons that MNUFC’s first team is not competing in the national tournament.

“I’m not familiar enough with the history and the ins and outs of it and I’m sure the club has a stance on how they see things planning out in the coming years, but I’m in a position where I want to value all competitions that the club plays in,” Ramsay said. “If the second team go and play in the U.S. Open Cup, we are going to play to win and support them how we can and how we can construct the squads. I think this week is an anomaly with two games. It’s a really difficult situation for everyone to deal with.”

For the Open Cup, the Loons will loan only one player to their second team: forward Jordan Adebayo-Smith.

Here’s are four players who might get an extended opportunity to play on Wednesday:

Victor Eriksson

The Loons signed the 23-year-old Swedish center back in January, but immigration paperwork issues and the starting duo of Boxall and Tapias limited his opportunities to play in the first four MLS games.

With Boxall gone, the 6-foot-4 Eriksson is in line for more playing time against St. Patrick’s.

“Very physically imposing, very aggressive,” Ramsay said. “It’s, again, difficult to evaluate properly without having seen him in a game and seeing him at a point where he has enough minutes under his belt. The oddities in coming from Sweden to here and the way in which the signing process worked means he hasn’t played for an awful long time. … To put it bluntly, I’m not expecting a great deal from him (Wednesday). But there is obvious promise there.”

Moses Nyeman

Ramsay had a few-minute post-training session chat with the 20-year-old central midfielder on Tuesday.

“I just wanted him to know he’s an important part of what we want to do here,” Ramsay said. “I really liked watching him in this session. He has a lot of qualities that he can bring to the table.”

Nyeman, who was born in Liberia, debuted for D.C. United at age 15 in 2019 and has also been a part of SK Beveren in Belgium and with Real Salt Lake and its second team, Real Monarchs.

“He has had a really interesting path to get to this point,” Ramsay said. “I know it hasn’t quite worked out for him at various stages in his career, but he is still incredibly young. He’s always been from what I gather, high potential. Hopefully there are some ingredients, if we knit them together, can be important player for the club.”

Jordan Adebayo-Smith

On draft day in January, the Loons traded with New England Revolution for the 22-year-old center forward. He has shown why MNUFC wanted him.

In MLS, Adebayo-Smith contributed a secondary assist on Bongi Hlongwane’s game-winning goal at Orlando City two weeks ago and scored the lone goal in MNUFC2’s 4-1 loss to LAFC2 on Sunday. Nyeman helped create the scoring chance.

“His movement was really good (on Sunday),” MNUFC2 head coach Jeremy Hall said Tuesday. “He will probably be a little bit disappointed with himself to not finish a couple more chances, but his movement is there and he’s going to continue to get chances. Then it’s about being clinical.”

Darius Randell

One of the academy players who will be in the mix against Chicago House is 16-year-old winger Darius Randell.

“He’s still a young player,” said Hall, who was a MNUFC2 assistant in 2022-23. “Last year, having him in the group with the second team, he showed glimpses of what he can do. He still needs some work. He’s still a bit raw, but we are excited about him.”

Randell is expected to have a bigger role within MNUFC2 this season.

Briefly

Incoming assistant coach Dennis Lawrence has visited the Trinidad and Tobago embassy in the U.K. and the hope is he can join MNUFC by Monday. The Loons are off from MLS play this weekend. …Goalkeeper Fred Emmings is sidelined with a concussion; he suffered the injury during training last week. The St. Paul goalkeeper has a history with concussions. … New MNUFC2 defender Finn McRobb, whose signing was announced last week, needs visa to be eligible to play. At least one more MNUFC2 signing has yet to be announced. … United’s Under-15 attacking midfielder Hector Cruz participated in the U.S. Soccer identification camp in Atlanta last week. … Left back Derek Dodson was injured in the MNUFC2 loss Sunday. He is out Wednesday. … Right back Jonah Gasho, a member of the U19 team, started vs. LAFC2 and will be a part of the MNUFC2 roster on Wednesday. The St. Paul native has signed to play college soccer at Nebraska Omaha.

How the anti-vaccine movement pits parental rights against public health

posted in: Politics | 0

Amy Maxmen | (TNS) KFF Health News

Gayle Borne has fostered more than 300 children in Springfield, Tennessee. She’s cared for kids who have rarely seen a doctor — kids so neglected that they cannot speak. Such children are now even more vulnerable because of a law Tennessee passed last year that requires the direct consent of birth parents or legal guardians for every routine childhood vaccination. Foster parents, social workers, and other caregivers cannot provide permission.

In January, Borne took a foster baby, born extremely premature at just over 2 pounds, to her first doctor’s appointment. The health providers said that without the consent of the child’s mother, they couldn’t vaccinate her against diseases like pneumonia, hepatitis B, and polio. The mother hasn’t been located, so a social worker is now seeking a court order to permit immunizations. “We are just waiting,” Borne said. “Our hands are tied.”

Tennessee’s law has also stymied grandmothers and other caregivers who accompany children to routine appointments when parents are at work, in drug and alcohol rehabilitation clinics, or otherwise unavailable. The law claims to “give parents back the right to make medical decisions for their children.”

Framed in the rhetoric of choice and consent, it is one of more than a dozen recent and pending pieces of legislation nationwide that pit parental freedom against community and children’s health. In actuality, they create obstacles to vaccination, the foundation of pediatric care.

Such policies have another effect. They seed doubt about vaccine safety in a climate rife with medical misinformation. The trend has exploded as politicians and social media influencers make false claims about risks, despite studies showing otherwise.

Doctors traditionally give caregivers vaccine information and get their permission before delivering more than a dozen childhood immunizations that defend against measles, polio, and other debilitating diseases.

But now, Tennessee’s law demands that birth parents attend routine appointments and sign consent forms for every vaccine given over two or more years. “The forms could have a chilling effect,” said Jason Yaun, a Memphis pediatrician and past president of the Tennessee chapter of the American Academy of Pediatrics.

“People who promote parental rights on vaccines tend to downplay the rights of children,” said Dorit Reiss, a vaccine policy researcher at the University of California Law-San Francisco.

Drop in Routine Vaccination Rates

Misinformation coupled with a parental rights movement that shifts decision-making away from public health expertise has contributed to the lowest childhood vaccine rates in a decade.

This year, legislators in Arizona, Iowa, and West Virginia have introduced related consent bills. A “Parents’ Bill of Rights” amendment in Oklahoma seeks to ensure that parents know they can exempt their children from school vaccine mandates along with lessons on sex education and AIDS. In Florida, the medical skeptic leading the state’s health department recently defied guidance from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention by telling parents they could send unvaccinated children to a school during a measles outbreak.

Last year, Mississippi began allowing exemptions from school vaccine requirements for religious reasons because of a lawsuit funded by the Informed Consent Action Network, which is listed as a leading source of anti-vaccine disinformation by the Center for Countering Digital Hate. A post on ICAN’s website said it “could not be more proud” in Mississippi to “restore the right of every parent in this country to have his or her convictions respected and not trampled by the government.”

Even if some bills fail, Reiss fears, the revived parental rights movement may eventually abolish policies that require routine immunizations to attend school. At a recent campaign rally, Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump said, “I will not give one penny to any school that has a vaccine mandate.”

The movement dates to the wake of the 1918 influenza pandemic, when some parents pushed back against progressive reforms that required school attendance and prohibited child labor. Since then, tensions between state measures and parental freedom have occasionally flared over a variety of issues. Vaccines became a prominent one in 2021, as the movement found common ground with people skeptical of COVID-19 vaccines.

“The parental rights movement didn’t start with vaccines,” Reiss said, “but the anti-vaccine movement has allied themselves with it and has expanded their reach by riding on its coattails.”

When Lawmakers Silence Health Experts

In Tennessee, anti-vaccine activists and libertarian-leaning organizations railed against the state’s health department in 2021 when it recommended COVID vaccines to minors, following CDC guidance. Gary Humble, executive director of the conservative group Tennessee Stands, asked legislators to blast the health department for advising masks and vaccination, suggesting the department “could be dissolved and reconstituted at your pleasure.”

Backlash also followed a notice sent to doctors from Michelle Fiscus, then the state’s immunization director. She reminded them that they didn’t need parental permission to vaccinate consenting adolescents 14 or older, according to a decades-old state rule called the Mature Minor Doctrine.

In the weeks that followed, state legislators threatened to defund the health department and pressured it into scaling back COVID vaccine promotion, as revealed by The Tennessean. Fiscus was abruptly fired.“Today I became the 25th of 64 state and territorial immunization program directors to leave their position during this pandemic,” she wrote in a statement. “That’s nearly 40% of us.” Tennessee’s COVID death rate climbed to one of the nation’s highest by mid-2022.

By the time two state legislators introduced a bill to reverse the Mature Minor Doctrine, the health department was silent on the proposal. Despite obstacles for foster children who would require a court order for routine immunizations, Tennessee’s Department of Children’s Services was silent, too.

Notably, the legislator who introduced the bill, Republican Rep. John Ragan, was among those simultaneously overseeing a review of the agency that would determine its leadership and budget for the coming years. “Children belong to their families, not the state,” said Ragan as he presented the bill at a state hearing in April 2023.

Democratic Rep. Justin Pearson spoke out against the bill. It “doesn’t take into account people and children who are neglected,” he told Ragan. “We are legislating from a point of privilege and not recognizing the people who are not privileged in this way.”

Rather than address such concerns, Ragan referenced a Supreme Court ruling in favor of parental rights in 2000. Specifically, judges determined that a mother had legal authority to decide who could visit her daughters. Yet the Supreme Court has also done the opposite. For instance, it sided against a legal guardian who removed her child from school to proselytize for the Jehovah’s Witnesses.

Still, Ragan swiftly won the majority vote. Tennessee Gov. Bill Lee, a Republican, signed the bill in May, making it effective immediately. Deborah Lowen, then the deputy commissioner of child health at the Department of Children’s Services, was flooded with calls from doctors who now face jailtime and fines for vaccinating minors without adequate consent. “I was and remain very disheartened,” she said.

A Right to Health

Yaun, the Memphis pediatrician, said he was shaken as he declined to administer a first series of vaccines to an infant accompanied by a social worker. “That child is going into a situation where they are around other children and adults,” he said, “where they could be exposed to something we failed to protect them from.”

“We have had numerous angry grandparents in our waiting room who take kids to appointments because the parents are at work or down on their luck,” said Hunter Butler, a pediatrician in Springfield, Tennessee. “I once called a rehabilitation facility to find a mom and get her on the phone to get verbal consent to vaccinate her baby,” he said. “And it’s unclear if that was OK.”

Childhood immunization rates have dropped for three consecutive years in Tennessee. Nationwide, downward trends in measles vaccination led the CDC to estimate that a quarter million kindergartners are at risk of the highly contagious disease.

Communities with low vaccination rates are vulnerable as measles surges internationally. Confirmed measles cases in 2023 were almost double those in 2022 — a year in which the World Health Organization estimates that more than 136,000 people died from the disease globally. When travelers infected abroad land in communities with low childhood vaccination rates, the highly contagious virus can spread swiftly among unvaccinated people, as well as babies too young to be vaccinated and people with weakened immune systems.

“There’s a freedom piece on the other side of this argument,” said Caitlin Gilmet, communications director at the vaccine advocacy group SAFE Communities Coalition and Action Fund. “You should have the right to protect your family from preventable diseases.”

In late January, Gilmet and other child health advocates gathered in a room at the Tennessee Statehouse in Nashville, offering a free breakfast of fried chicken biscuits. They handed out flyers as legislators and their aides drifted in to eat. One pamphlet described the toll of a 2018-19 measles outbreak in Washington state that sickened 72 people, most of whom were unvaccinated, costing $76,000 in medical care, $2.3 million for the public health response, and an estimated $1 million in economic losses due to illness, quarantine, and caregiving.

Barb Dentz, an advocate with the grassroots group Tennessee Families for Vaccines, repeated that most of the state’s constituents support strong policies in favor of immunizations. Indeed, seven in 10 U.S. adults maintained that public schools should require vaccination against measles, mumps, and rubella, in a Pew Research Center poll last year. But numbers have been dropping.

“Protecting kids should be such a no-brainer,” Dentz told Republican Rep. Sam Whitson, later that morning in his office. Whitson agreed and reflected on an explosion of anti-vaccine misinformation. “Dr. Google and Facebook have been such a challenge,” he said. “Fighting ignorance has become a full-time job.”

Whitson was among a minority of Republicans who voted against Tennessee’s vaccine amendment last year. “The parental rights thing has really taken hold,” he said, “and it can be used for and against us.”

___

(KFF Health News, formerly known as Kaiser Health News (KHN), is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs of KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling and journalism.)

©2024 KFF Health News. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.