Source: Vikings acquire No. 23 pick in 2024 NFL Draft in trade with Texans

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It seems as if the Vikings are going to be aggressive in their pursuit of their next quarterback.

A source confirmed to the Pioneer Press that the Vikings have acquired the No. 23 pick from the Houston Texans in a trade that gives them more ammunition heading into the 2024 NFL Draft next month.

Since the Vikings are already equipped with the No. 11 pick, they now have a pair of first rounders that gives them the option to trade up, perhaps for a top quarterback like Drake Maye out of UNC or Jayden Daniels out of LSU. There is also belief that they are intrigued by J.J. McCarthy out of Michigan.

The full terms of the trade feature the Vikings getting the No. 23 pick and the No. 232 pick in the 2024 NFL Draft in exchange for a package that includes the No. 42 pick and the No. 188 pick in the 2024 NFL Draft as well as a second rounder in the 2025 NFL Draft.

The initial reaction is that the general manager Kwesi Adofo-Mensah is cooking up something even bigger here. It’s no secret that the Vikings are looking to make a splash after losing franchise quarterback Kirk Cousins to the Atlanta Falcons this week.

Though the Vikings signed journeyman quarterback Sam Darnold as a bridge from the present to the future, head coach Kevin O’Connell likely wants to pick the next player in charge of leading his offense. Let’s just say the Vikings might not be done wheeling and dealing.

This is breaking news. Please check back for updates.

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Minnesota DNR says Mille Lacs walleye fishing will be catch-and-release until mid-August

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Mille Lacs Lake walleye fishing will be catch-and-release during the spring and early summer of 2024, with the potential to harvest a walleye 21-23 inches in length or greater than 28 inches starting on Aug. 16.

“Despite poor ice conditions, anglers caught a lot of walleye this past fall and winter because those fish weren’t finding enough to eat,” said Brad Parsons, DNR Fisheries section manager. “We need to adjust the open water season regulations to account for the active bite and for the likelihood of higher water temperatures this summer. Even with catch-and-release regulations, many fish die when water temperatures get too warm.”

Good to excellent walleye fishing is expected to continue on Mille Lacs throughout the open water season, which begins May 11 and concludes Nov. 30. Catch rates should remain high with fish eager to bite in the 132,000-acre central Minnesota lake.

While the DNR’s 2023 Mille Lacs assessment found slightly lower walleye numbers in 2022, overall the population remains healthy due to the continued abundance of walleye hatched in 2013 and 2017. Assessment results also indicate decent numbers of walleye hatched in 2021 and 2022 that should contribute to the walleye population in the future.

Those same population estimates, netting surveys and population models also indicate there are fewer yellow perch and tullibee, the primary food sources for Mille Lacs Lake walleye. With less natural forage, walleye searching for a meal are more likely to bite on anglers’ baits.

“It seems logical that high catch rates mean there are more walleye in the lake,” Parsons said. “The data we’ve collected and analyzed suggest the hot bite is because walleye aren’t finding as many tullibee and perch to eat. Our management decisions take those data into account.”

Mille Lacs continues to be a lake experiencing changes. Increasing water clarity and the introduction of invasive species such as zebra mussels and spiny water fleas mean there is less microscopic aquatic food, resulting in decreased production of forage species and fewer walleye maturing past their first year.

“Mille Lacs is a great place to fish and recreate, and anglers will continue to enjoy quality opportunities for walleye, smallmouth bass, northern pike and muskellunge,” said Parsons. “Our management approach is aligned with the Mille Lacs management plan and reflects our commitment to navigating the lake’s unique dynamics and preserving its angling tradition.”

The DNR decided to allow catch-and-release only walleye angling from May through Aug. 15. This decision aims to enable the harvest of one walleye measuring 21-23 inches in length or greater than 28 inches starting on Aug. 16, assuming conditions permit.

State-licensed anglers share the harvest on Mille Lacs with Ojibwe tribes that retain fishing rights by treaty. To conserve the fishery, an annual safe harvest level is set through discussion and agreement between the state and the tribes, with each party setting regulations to stay within their share of the harvest. This year’s agreement took the lake’s overall walleye population decline into account and lowered the walleye safe harvest level by 10% from 2023, setting it at 91,500 pounds for state-licensed anglers and 65,500 pounds for tribal fishing.

Anglers are reminded to protect Mille Lacs Lake and all Minnesota waters from aquatic invasive species by cleaning and draining watercraft and equipment and disposing of unwanted bait in the trash. A decontamination station is available 24/7 at the Shaw-Bosh-Kung Bay public access on the west side of Mille Lacs Lake about 8 miles south of Garrison.

Complete Mille Lacs Lake fishing regulations and regularly updated surveys that show ongoing state-licensed angler catches of walleye, northern pike and yellow perch are available on the DNR website.

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Fulton County DA Fani Willis must step aside or remove special prosecutor in Trump case, judge says

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By KATE BRUMBACK (Associated Press)

ATLANTA (AP) — Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis must step aside from the Georgia election interference case against Donald Trump or remove the special prosecutor with whom she had a romantic relationship before the case can proceed, the judge overseeing it ruled Friday.

Fulton County Superior Court Judge Scott McAfee did not find that Willis’ relationship with special prosecutor Nathan Wade amounted to a conflict of interest that should disqualify her from one of four criminal cases against the Republican former president.

However, the judge said, it created “appearance of impropriety” that infected the prosecution team, and he questioned the truthfulness of Willis and Wade’s testimony about the timing of their relationship.

“As the case moves forward, reasonable members of the public could easily be left to wonder whether the financial exchanges have continued resulting in some form of benefit to the District Attorney, or even whether the romantic relationship has resumed,” the judge wrote.

“Put differently, an outsider could reasonably think that the District Attorney is not exercising her independent professional judgment totally free of any compromising influences. As long as Wade remains on the case, this unnecessary perception will persist.”

A spokesperson for Willis did not immediately respond to a text message seeking comment Friday.

An attorney for Trump said they respect the court’s decision but believe the judge “did not afford appropriate significance to the prosecutorial misconduct of Willis and Wade.”

“We will use all legal options available as we continue to fight to end this case, which should never have been brought in the first place,” defense attorney Steve Sadow said.

Willis hired Wade to lead the team to investigate and ultimately prosecute Trump and 18 others accused of participating in a wide-ranging scheme to illegally try to overturn Trump’s narrow loss to Democrat Joe Biden in Georgia in 2020. Willis and Wade testified at a hearing last month that they had engaged in a romantic relationship, but they rejected the idea that Willis improperly benefited from it, as lawyers for Trump and some of his co-defendants alleged.

McAfee wrote that there was insufficient evidence that Willis had a personal stake in the prosecution. But he condemned what he described as a “tremendous” lapse in judgment and the “unprofessional manner of the District Attorney’s testimony.”

The judge said he was unable to “conclusively establish by a preponderance of the evidence” whether Willis and Wade began dating before or after he was hired as special prosecutor.

“However, an odor of mendacity remains,” the judge wrote. He said “reasonable questions” about whether Willis and Wade testified truthfully about the timing of their relationship “further underpin the finding of an appearance of impropriety and the need to make proportional efforts to cure it.”

Even so, he said, dismissal of the case was not the appropriate remedy to “adequately dissipate the financial cloud of impropriety and potential untruthfulness found here.”

McAfee found no showing that the due process rights of Trump and the other defendants had been violated or that the issues involved prejudiced them in any way. He also said the disqualification of a constitutional officer, like a district attorney, is not necessary when a less drastic option is sufficient.

The judge said he believes that “Georgia law does not permit the finding of an actual conflict for simply making bad choices — even repeatedly — and it is the trial court’s duty to confine itself to the relevant issues and applicable law properly brought before it.”

An attorney for co-defendant Michael Roman asked McAfee to dismiss the indictment and prevent Willis and Wade and their offices from continuing to prosecute the case. The attorney, Ashleigh Merchant, alleged that Willis paid Wade large sums for his work and then improperly benefited from the prosecution of the case when Wade used his earnings to pay for vacations for the two of them.

Willis had insisted that the relationship created no financial or personal conflict of interest that justified removing her office from the case. She and Wade testified that their relationship began in the spring of 2022 and ended in the summer of 2023. They both said that Willis either paid for things herself or used cash to reimburse Wade for travel expenses.

The sprawling indictment charges Trump and more than a dozen other defendants with violating Georgia’s Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act, known as RICO. The case uses a statute normally associated with mobsters to accuse the former president, lawyers and other aides of a “criminal enterprise” to keep him in power after he lost the 2020 election to Democrat Joe Biden.

Trump, Republicans’ presumptive presidential nominee for 2024, has denied doing anything wrong and pleaded not guilty.

Earlier this week, the judge dismissed some of the charges against Trump.

The six challenged counts charged the defendants with soliciting public officers to violate their oaths. One count stemmed from a phone call Trump made to Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, a fellow Republican, on Jan. 2, 2021, in which Trump urged Raffensperger to “find 11,780 votes” for him to win the election in the state.

Another of the dismissed counts accused Trump of soliciting then-Georgia House Speaker David Ralston to violate his oath of office by calling a special session of the legislature to unlawfully appoint presidential electors.

McAfee said the counts did not allege sufficient detail regarding the nature of the violations.

The Specter of Disinformation Haunts South by Southwest

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When some of the largest newswire agencies in the world had to retract a manipulated photograph of British royal Kate Middleton on March 11, one thing was made clear: Even well-resourced journalistic outlets are ill-equipped to detect technologically advanced fakery. 

Counterfeit photos created to deceive audiences have existed nearly as long as photography itself. Joseph Stalin famously edited political opponents out of the historical record. The use of deceptive photo editing by a PR flack for a British aristocrat may seem inconsequential relative to disinformation deployed to influence elections or international conflicts. Nevertheless, the emergence of generative artificial intelligence technologies that can automate the creation of bogus but convincing content pours gas on an already raging fire posing a serious threat to democratic societies. If well-resourced agencies like Reuters and the Associated Press can be duped by a manipulated image, what hope do small outlets have against deceptive generative content at scale?

This was a hot topic at this year’s South by Southwest (SXSW), the Austin music festival turned tech and media expo that in recent years has embraced sponsorships from military contractors and the United States Army. The Department of Defense—one of history’s GOATS of propaganda campaigns— is actively considering using “deepfake” videos for psychological operations, and even hosted a SXSW panel on disinformation. Meanwhile, a host of musical acts and panelists dropped out in public protest, citing the American-made bombs the Israeli military continues to drop on civilians in Gaza.

“The defense industry has historically been a proving ground for many of the systems we rely on today,” the official SXSW account posted on X. “These institutions are often leaders in emerging technologies, and we believe it’s better to understand how their approach will impact our lives.”

A panel on disinformation and democracy at SXSW in Austin Courtesy/Steven Monacelli

Based on the panels I attended, the prognosis for combating disinformation is grim, particularly with the advent of advanced machine learning, or “artificial intelligence.” Tools like ChatGPT may seem innocuous, but the technology is poised to shake loose the cornerstones of our democracy: elections and journalism. Against the broader techno-optimist grain of SXSW, a few panels of academics, journalists, technologists, and civil servants gave grave warnings about the threat of artificial intelligence being used by bad actors to sow division and chaos in an already fragile political environment. David Allan, an editorial director at CNN, encapsulated the two-mindedness around the artificial intelligence revolution, which he said offers “big promises and a specter of peril.”

From my perspective, the promises are less solid than the specter haunting our information ecosystem, and I’m not alone in thinking this way. Lindsay Gorman, senior fellow for emerging technologies at the Alliance for Securing Democracy, said during one panel that “There are more negative examples than positive ones” in response to a question about positive use cases of artificial intelligence in elections.

“The real positive use case for tech isn’t about detecting what’s fake,” Gorman said. “But authenticating what’s real.” 

A concrete example of using technology for authentication is a new camera from Sony that allows publishers to request the metadata for a given photo to understand where it originated and to prove it is real. Another example could be embedding information into communications around elections that can be verified by an end user.  Promising concepts—but ones that would require buy-in from technology companies and widespread adoption by end users to make a dent in the disinformation problem. 

The other side of that coin, as Gorman alluded to, is detecting what’s fake. Technologists at SXSW tended to focus their discussions on high-tech tools to defend against and ameliorate the effects of machine-fueled disinformation. Such tools can be helpful for researchers and journalists who don’t want to be duped. But as one questioner astutely noted, good and bad actors are now engaged in a technological arms race and more sophisticated detection tools provoke new techniques for deception. 

Unfortunately, there’s little hope for policy solutions at the federal level in our current political environment. If we can’t get Congress to pass a bill to crack down on phone call spam, we shouldn’t hold our breath when it comes to regulating technologies that can fuel disinformation. Jena Griswold, Colorado’s secretary of state, put it bluntly during one panel.

“Congress, at this point under the current speaker, is basically nonfunctional,” Griswold said.
“Everybody says, ‘Oh, Congress can pass a law.’ And they can. But they won’t. Let’s not waste much effort. … Many elected officials want the disinformation. There are literally hundreds of election deniers in Congress. Do you think they’re going to allow a federal agency to counter disinformation?”

Joan Donovan, assistant professor of journalism at Boston University, agreed that we shouldn’t have much faith in our political institutions to legislate the issue.

“The biggest lobby on Capitol Hill is tech,” Donovan said. “They want to operate in a deregulated environment. … The reason why artificial intelligence or deepfakes are possible is years of social media use.” 

Griswold and other secretaries of state are concerned that deepfake videos and audio could be used to disrupt elections. 

“What if county clerks get a call cloning my voice telling them to do something,” Griswold said. “What if it happens all across the country at the same time? That could cause a very chaotic situation.”

Griswold said she is conducting training exercises to prepare her election officials for the worst. Sandra Stevenson, deputy photography director at the Washington Post, said the paper is constantly training its staff on how to identify fake imagery.

But in the social media age, when government officials and news outlets are no longer gatekeepers of information, all the training in the world may not be able to stop American citizens from falling victim to disinformation—which is why Donovan believes industry giants need to take the lead.

“We have to get commitments from these technology companies that are running international communications technologies that they are at least not willing to allow their platforms to become weaponized by foreign actors,” Donovan said. “They also have to take a look at the domestic actors. That will require industry coordination and reform. There’s a lot that we have to disentangle, but unfortunately the way our government is structured and these companies are structured is at odds with what we might call consumer safety.”