Editorial: We can’t help but be happy for long-suffering Detroit Lions fans

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Yes, the Detroit Lions are in the Chicago Bears’ division. Yes, the Bears play them twice a year.

But we can’t help but root for the Lions as they make their improbable way through the NFL playoff gauntlet and are one win away from their first-ever Super Bowl appearance.

Chicagoans can relate. Lions Nation is one fan base that has seen almost nothing but failure in the nearly six decades that make up the Super Bowl era. One measly playoff win in all that time.

The Bears put their fans through a lot of disappointment on the field, verging on abject embarrassment sometimes. But we at least can (and do) continue to bask in the brutal majesty of the 1985-86 Bears. Lions fans have Barry Sanders highlights on YouTube, and that’s pretty much it.

Also, as fellow Upper Midwesterners, we ought to have each other’s backs, with the obvious exception of the Green Bay Packers, who’ve won quite enough, thank you very much.

The Lions’ success this year is sort of a football version of when the Cubs finally won it all in 2016, some 108 years after last doing so. Watching Lions fans, young and old, celebrate the two playoff victories in their own stadium reminded us a little of the multigenerational delirium that took hold when that Cubs team broke through at last.

It’s a lovely thing to see people bond over something shared, a phenomenon sports at its best promotes more often than just about anything else in this fractious age.

So have your day, Detroit! A lot of us are enjoying seeing folks in our neighboring state experience something for the first time even if they have more than a little gray in their hair.

If the Lions win it all, we will be glad for you. But that pledge is good for this season only.

Join the discussion on Twitter @chitribopinions and on Facebook.

Who is Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and why is he running for president?

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By JONATHAN J. COOPER (Associated Press)

The lack of excitement many Americans feel about a presidential rematch has heightened interest in alternatives to the major-party candidates, none more so than Robert F. Kennedy Jr., whose famous name has helped him build buzz for his independent bid.

Kennedy is a huge longshot to win Electoral College votes, much less the presidency. But his campaign events have drawn large crowds of supporters and people interested in his message. He plans to announce his vice presidential nominee later this month in Oakland, California, and is stoking expectations that he might pick New York Jets quarterback Aaron Rodgers or former Minnesota Gov. Jesse Ventura.

Here is a look at his campaign and what he’s stood for:

Who is RFK Jr?

Kennedy, 70, is a member of perhaps the nation’s most famous political dynasty. His uncle was President John F. Kennedy. His father served as attorney general and a U.S. senator before seeking the Democratic nomination for president. Both were assassinated.

RFK Jr. built a reputation of his own as an activist, author and lawyer who fought for environmental causes such as clean water.

More recently, his activism has veered into conspiracies and contradicted scientific consensus, most infamously on vaccines. Some members of his family have publicly criticized his views. Dozens of his family members posed with President Joe Biden at a St. Patrick’s Day reception at the White House in a photo his sister Kerry Kennedy posted to social media.

Kennedy founded Waterkeeper Alliance, which works to secure clean water, and Children’s Health Defense, an anti-vaccine group that saw its reach grow rapidly during the pandemic.

Children’s Health Defense has a lawsuit pending against a number of news organizations, among them The Associated Press, accusing them of violating antitrust laws by taking action to identify misinformation, including about COVID-19 and COVID-19 vaccines. Kennedy took leave from the group when he announced his run for president but is listed as one of its attorneys in the lawsuit.

He’s married to actress Cheryl Hines.

What does Kennedy’s campaign look like?

Kennedy’s need to collect thousands of signatures to get on the ballot has taken him to places that rarely see presidential candidates, including Hawaii, Wyoming and West Virginia.

At events in Phoenix and Las Vegas, hundreds of supporters queued up outside hours before he was scheduled to arrive. He attracts a legion of fans, many of whom have listened extensively to Kennedy’s interviews on podcasts or YouTube videos.

In Nevada, massive graphics and photos were projected on three walls as upbeat music played. Drinks and merchandise were for sale.

Kennedy speaks in a quiet, strained voice, sometimes haltingly, the result of a neurological condition called spasmodic dysphonia.

What does he talk about?

Kennedy frames himself as a truthteller with a track record of fighting for the middle class against powerful interests. He points to lawsuits he’s won against corporate behemoths such as Monsanto and DuPont.

“I can fix this country,” he said in Las Vegas in February. “All these agencies that intimidate normal politicians, I’ve sued every one of them. … When you sue these agencies, you get a Ph.D. in corporate capture and how to unravel it.” Corporate capture refers to private interests using their influence to control government decision-making, as when they help draft legislation.

Kennedy has been critical of U.S. support for Ukraine and supportive of Israel’s war against Hamas. He wants to reduce military and health care spending because of the impact on budget deficits, and combat rising housing costs so young people can afford to buy homes.

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Kennedy has found a loyal following among people distrustful of institutions and those who believe the government has been captured by corporations, especially pharmaceutical companies.

He hasn’t shied away from his controversial views on health care and vaccines. He wants to dismantle the public health bureaucracy, saying he’d immediately tell the National Institutes of Health to refocus research away from infectious diseases and vaccines and toward chronic diseases.

Kennedy insists he is not anti-vaccine and claims he has never told the public to avoid vaccination. But he has repeatedly made his opposition to vaccines clear. He said on a podcast “there’s no vaccine that is safe and effective” and has urged people to resist CDC guidelines on when kids should get vaccinated.

While there are rare instances when people have severe reactions to vaccines, the billions of doses administered globally provide real-world evidence that they are safe. The World Health Organization says vaccines prevent as many as 5 million deaths each year.

Can he win?

The United States has a long history of rejecting independent or third-party presidential candidates. In fact, the last president to win without a party’s backing was George Washington, and he did it before there were political parties.

The last third-party candidate to make it to the White House was Abraham Lincoln with the newly formed Republican Party.

The last third-party candidate to pull more than single digits in the popular vote was Ross Perot, a businessman who won 19% in 1992 and 8% in 1996. But he won zero electoral votes.

And while the independent share of the electorate is growing, it is still dwarfed by voters who consistently support Republican or Democratic candidates, even if they identify as independent.

In other words, the odds are long.

Kennedy’s case for optimism hinges on his relatively strong showing in a few national polls. Polls during the 2016 presidential campaign regularly put libertarian Gary Johnson’s support in the high single or low double digits, but he ultimately received only about 3% of the vote nationwide.

Horse-race polls are also notoriously unreliable this far out from an election, and many Americans don’t know who Kennedy is. A February AP-NORC poll found, for instance, that 29% of Americans don’t know enough about Kennedy to have a view about him.

Some of the people who say they’d support him may also be reacting to his famous last name rather than his actual pitch as a candidate. A CNN/SSRS poll conducted last spring found that 20% of people who said they would consider supporting Kennedy for the Democratic nomination — for which he was running at the time — said that their support was related to his last name and Kennedy family connections. Only 12% said it was because of support for his views and policies.

But for any of that to matter, he has to get on the ballot.

How does he get on the ballot?

Forget getting elected; merely running for president is an arduous process, especially for candidates like Kennedy who don’t belong to a party.

Every state has different rules, requiring an army of lawyers to make sure everything is done right. Most states require thousands of signatures.

A pro-Kennedy super PAC is helping pay for Kennedy’s ballot access work in several states. His allies have created a political party to ease the process in some states by getting recognized as a party and making Kennedy its nominee.

He has been approved for the ballot in Utah. His campaign and super PAC say he’s collected enough signatures to qualify in several other states, including the battlegrounds of Arizona, Georgia and Nevada, though election officials in those states have not yet affirmed his candidacy.

Kennedy has also said he’s talked with officials from the Libertarian Party, though it’s not clear what a tie-up between the two might look like.

Who is working for him?

Kennedy is looking to his family and his allies in the anti-vaccine world to staff his campaign, building a leadership team that is light on experience working in politics.

His campaign manager is Amaryllis Fox Kennedy, his daughter-in-law who served as a CIA officer and has not worked in politics before.

His communications director, Del Bigtree, is founder of the Informed Consent Action Network, an anti-vaccine group. He also produced “Vaxxed,” an anti-vaccine film that promoted the discredited idea that the vaccines cause autism.

Press secretary Stefanie Spear was an editor for the Children’s Health Defense news website. Charles Eisenstein, a New Age author, is an adviser.

Kennedy also has staff and volunteers spread throughout states and focused on gathering signatures to get him on the ballot.

Associated Press writer Ali Swenson in New York contributed to this report.

Biden and Netanyahu hold first call in more than a month as tension grows over food crisis, war

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By AAMER MADHANI, ZEKE MILLER and JULIA FRANKEL (Associated Press)

WASHINGTON (AP) — President Joe Biden and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu spoke on Monday, their first interaction in more than a month, as the divide has grown between allies over the food crisis in Gaza and conduct of the war, according to the White House.

The call comes after Republicans in Washington and Israeli officials were quick to express outrage after Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer sharply criticizedNetanyahu’s handling of the war in Gaza and called for Israel to hold new elections. They accused the Democratic leader of breaking the unwritten rule against interfering in a close ally’s electoral politics.

Biden hasn’t endorsed Schumer’s call for election but said he thought he gave a “good speech” that reflected the concerns of many Americans.

The White House has been skeptical of Netanyahu’s plan of carrying out an operation in the southern city of Rafah, to which more than a 1 million displaced Palestinians have fled, as Israel looks to eliminate Hamas following Hamas’ deadly Oct. 7 attack. Biden administration officials have warned that they would not support such an operation without the Israelis presenting a credible plan to ensure the safety of innocent Palestinian civilians. Hamas has been designated as a terrorist organization by the United States, Canada and the European Union.

Israel has yet to present such a plan, according to White House officials.

The Biden-Netanyahu call also comes as the United Nations food agency on Monday issued more dire warnings about the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza.

The World Food Program warned that “famine is imminent” in northern Gaza, where 70% of the remaining population is experiencing catastrophic hunger, and that a further escalation of the war could push around half of Gaza’s population to the brink of starvation.

Netanyahu lashed out against the American criticism on Sunday, describing calls for a new election as “wholly inappropriate.”

Netanyahu told Fox News Channel that Israel never would have called for a new U.S. election after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, and he denounced Schumer’s comments as inappropriate.

“We’re not a banana republic,” he said. “The people of Israel will choose when they will have elections, and who they’ll elect, and it’s not something that will be foisted on us.”

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Biden after his State of the Union address earlier this month was caught on a hot mic telling a Democratic ally that he has told Netanyahu they would have a “come to Jesus” meeting over the growing humanitarian crisis in Gaza. His frustration with Netanyahu’s prosecution of the war was also on display in a recent MSNBC interview, in which he asserted Netanyahu was “hurting Israel.”

“He has a right to defend Israel, a right to continue to pursue Hamas,” Biden said of Netanyahu in the MSNBC interview. “But he must, he must, he must pay more attention to the innocent lives being lost as a consequence of the actions taken. He’s hurting … in my view, he’s hurting Israel more than helping Israel.”

The president announced during his State of the Union address that the U.S. military would help establish a temporary pier aimed at boosting the amount of aid getting into the territory. The U.S. military has also been air-dropping aid into Gaza.

The Biden administration resorted to the unusual workarounds after months of appealing to Israel, a top recipient of military aid, to step up access and protection for trucks bearing humanitarian goods for Gaza.

Opinion: The Harmful Impact of Invasive Child Welfare Investigations

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“These rates of over-investigation are state-sanctioned family policing. Even where investigations are warranted and allegations are substantiated, the investigative process is often coercive and traumatic, indelibly harming the children the investigations intend to protect.”

Adi Talwar

New York County Family Court at 60 Lafayette Street in Manhattan.

CityViews are readers’ opinions, not those of City Limits. Add your voice today!

Imagine you are 10 years old; a child abuse investigator bangs on your door at 3 a.m., demanding to search your home and threatening to take you from your parents. Imagine the investigator did this without a warrant—and that when your parent felt they had no choice but to let them in, they strip-searched you. Think this can’t happen here? This nightmare is reality for nearly 100,000, mostly Black and brown children, in New York City annually.

Earlier this month, the NYC Family Policy Project released a bombshell report demonstrating, in no uncertain terms, that New York investigates far too many children and families for suspected abuse or neglect. The report comes just days after the filing of a class action lawsuit, Gould, by parents suing New York City for violating their Fourth Amendment Rights in coercively and systematically conducting warrantless searches of their homes. As attorneys for children, we applaud these efforts to shine light on a pernicious problem.

Each year, nearly 100,000 children are subject to investigation by the Administration for Children’s Services (“ACS”). ACS only substantiates—finds that it is more likely than not maltreatment occurred—approximately 23 percent of its investigations a year. This suggests nearly 77,000 children endure unnecessary investigation by ACS annually. These rates of over-investigation are state-sanctioned family policing. Even where investigations are warranted and allegations are substantiated, the investigative process is often coercive and traumatic, indelibly harming the children the investigations intend to protect.

ACS’ primary mandate is to protect NYC’s children. Investigating allegations of abuse and neglect is necessary and—if done properly—critical to carrying out that mandate. Unfortunately, the aggressive and coercive tactics ACS employs to investigate, and the volume of children and families that it investigates, have created an apparatus that harms more children than it protects.

During an investigation, which lasts 60 days, ACS workers regularly enter and search through children’s homes in the middle of the night, threaten family separation, show up unannounced in their schools, and interview countless individuals connected to their lives. Regardless of the allegations or age of the child, ACS frequently interrogates and strip searches the child at least once, and often multiple times.

In a study conducted by ACS and then shelved, an ACS investigator likened an investigation to “being stopped and frisked for 60 days” and “[c]aseworkers said they felt pressured to push their way into people’s homes without advising parents of their rights.” Needless to say, such tactics are harmful for children, but there is also a plethora of social science research that establishes these harms. Even the ACS Commissioner, Jess Dannhauser, acknowledged that “investigations are often disruptive, stressful and can be traumatic.”

The coercive, traumatic nature of ACS investigations is particularly disturbing when accounting for race. Nearly one out of every two Black children in New York City has been, or will be, the subject of an ACS investigation by the time they turn 18. These numbers alone are an urgent cry for change.

Like their parents, children have a Fourth Amendment right to be protected from unreasonable searches. Nevertheless, ACS seeks warrants in a mere 0.4 percent of investigations. It is unfathomable that emergency circumstances or meaningful parental consent—exceptions to the warrant requirement— exist in 99.6 percent of investigations. The numbers paint a clear picture of consent routinely obtained through coercion and an abuse of emergency powers.

Action by New York is long overdue. The following six recommendations are necessary first steps. First, the State Central Register (“SCR”), which receives all allegations of abuse and neglect in New York, must strengthen the screen-out process—disregarding allegations that do not meet the agency’s own requirements for investigation.

Second, New York must pass the Anti-Harassment in Reporting Bill which requires those who report abuse or neglect to identify themselves to deter false reporting. Third, New York must pass the Family Miranda Bill, which requires child welfare investigators to advise parents of their rights at initial contact, absent an emergency. Fourth, child welfare investigators must seek a warrant prior to investigating a family’s home whenever feasible.

Fifth, New York must move toward the elimination of mandated reporting, because most professionals now mandated to report would still report suspected abuse or neglect, and legal penalties incentivize over reporting. Finally, child welfare investigators must minimize the use of harmful, traumatic investigative tactics such as middle of the night home visits and strip-searching children.

Child welfare investigations in New York City are currently hurting more children than they are helping. We hope that the NYC Family Policy Project’s report and the Gould litigation, compel New York to re-examine the family regulation system, overhaul the investigative apparatus, and put the wellbeing of children and families first.

Dawne Mitchell is chief attorney of the Juvenile Rights Practice at The Legal Aid Society. Melissa Friedman is director of child welfare training with the Juvenile Rights Practice at The Legal Aid Society. Daniella Rohr is a staff attorney with the Immigration Law Unit’s Youth Project at The Legal Aid Society