Business People: Duluth’s Odyssey Resorts appoints new CEO

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Howard Anderson

OF NOTE

Odyssey Resorts, a Duluth-based resort property developer, announced that Howard Anderson has been promoted to chief executive officer effective May 1, succeeding Kirk Schultz, who is retiring and will stay on in an advisory role during the transition. Anderson most recently was the company’s chief operating officer.

ARCHITECTURE/ENGINEERING

Miller Architects & Builders, St. Cloud, announced its 150th year in business.

DEVELOPMENT

Dominium, a Plymouth-based affordable housing owner, developer and manager, announced that it has promoted Adam Brookins to vice president of construction for the Self Perform team; Brookins joined Dominium in 2019 as a senior construction project manager.

CONSULTING

The Minnesota Business Partnership, a business-focused lobbying group, announced that Katie Nadeau has been promoted to chief operating officer. Nadeau has been with the partnership for more than 20 years, most recently serving as operations director. Nadeau previously worked at the Minnesota House of Representatives.

EDUCATION

Talmud Torah of St. Paul, a private Jewish educational organization, announced Liz Palmer as executive director. Palmer previously was a consultant with Mighty Consulting, which provides interim leadership for organizations in the Twin Cities nonprofit sector.

EVENTS

Special Olympics USA announced seven new members of the board of directors to oversee the 2026 Games to be held at the University of Minnesota: Gwen Walz, first lady of Minnesota; Roy Smalley, former Minnesota Twins shortstop; Travis Anderson, Fredrikson & Byron; Meka White Morris, Minensota Twins and Chicago Bears; Amanda Brinkman, Sunshine Studios; Greg Epperson, Special Olympics North America, and Judy Vijums, 2026 Special Olympics USA Games.

GOVERNMENT

The Minnesota Senate voted to confirm Matt Varilek as commissioner of the Department of Employment and Economic Development. Varilek has served as DEED commissioner since June 2023.

HEALTH CARE

Guild, a St. Paul-based provider of mental health treatment and support services, announced Trish Thacker as CEO. Most recently, Thacker worked as senior department administrator – wellbeing at Hennepin County Human Services Department. … Children’s Minnesota, a Twin Cities-based chain of hospitals and clinics focused on pediatric care, announced the appointment of Matt Van Slooten to its hospital board of directors. Van Slooten is CEO of United Properties, a Minneapolis-based commercial property developer. … Life Link III, a Bloomington-based provider of helicopter ambulance services, announced that Lisa Knipping has been named chief financial officer. Knipping has served as the organization’s senior director of finance since 2020 and succeeds Robert “Bob” Sannerud, who has retired.

LAW

Larkin Hoffman, Minneapolis, announced that Erika Toftness has joined its trusts and estates practice group.

MEDICAL TECHNOLOGY

Kindeva Drug Delivery, a Woodbury-based developer of drug-delivery combination devices, welcomed Jennifer Riter as vice president of analytical services. Riter previously was with West Pharmaceutical, most recently serving as the senior director, business and technical operations. … Lifecore Biomedical, a Chaska-based contract manufacturer of pharmaceutical equipment, announced the following leadership changes: Paul Josephs was named president, chief executive officer and member of the board of directors, effective May 20, succeeding Jim Hall, who is retiring; additionally, independent director Katrina Houde will be succeeding board Chair Craig Barbarosh, who will not stand for reelection, effective upon the Fiscal 2023 Annual Shareholders Meeting.

SPORTS

Four veteran sports industry executives announced the launch of Ignitor Partners, a St. Paul-based sports consultancy offering marketing, communication, public relations, legal and sponsorship services to brands, sports properties, organizations and municipalities. The principals are Bob Hagan, the former vice president of football communications for the Minnesota Vikings; Bill Robertson, the former commissioner of the United States Hockey League and Western Collegiate Hockey Association; Patrick Klinger, founder of Agile Marketing Partners, and Scott R. Erickson, attorney with Stinson LLP.

TECHNOLOGY

Tamarack Technology a St. Paul-based provider of artificial intelligence-based software and services for the equipment finance industry, announced the additions of senior account executive Corey Ashline and business development representative Whitney Horan.

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Real World Economics: Reflections on cancer and GDP’s limitations

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Edward Lotterman

Twelve years ago today my ENT called saying a pathologist confirmed I had a squamous cell carcinoma. Days later my oncologist gave me a 45% chance of surviving five years.

And yet I am still here, writing this.

Reflecting on this can bring a flood of thoughts and emotions. But as an economist, I can’t help but see a lesson here: the value of things we value, such as life and good health, and the factors that go into making them so, often can’t be measured in terms of dollars and cents.

Being diagnosed with cancer, and surviving, for example, illustrates one limitation of gross domestic product as an indicator of the performance of an economy vis-à-vis how it impacts our well-being as individuals or a society.

GDP is frustrating to econ profs. It is a crucial indicator subject to wide misunderstanding.

Intro students must learn it is “the total market value of all final goods and services produced in an economy.” But then may of them forget the details.

We teach that output is an important indicator. In a 19th century phrase, “the objective of production is consumption.” People cannot have goods and services to meet their needs or wants unless someone produces them. All else being equal, it’s assumed the greater the value of output, the more it is possible that a population can be better off. But there are numerous caveats.

Professors spend hours explaining the limitations of GDP as an indicator: What it doesn’t tell us about an economy? What can it measure and what shouldn’t we assume it tells us? Students dutifully write litany on exams.

Unfortunately, journalists, politicians and sundry pundits don’t take our courses or have forgotten this section. So one reads assertions like “economists agree that GDP is by far the best measure of how an economy is performing.” No, we don’t agree on that. In 45 years I have never heard any economist say that.

GDP is a measure very useful when taken in context with other indicators, and when one is mindful of what is not being measured.

For example, the adjective “final” in the above GDP definition means no double counting. The hamburger we buy at the drive-up window is counted, but not the wheat and flour that went into the bun, nor the cattle feed and the steer that formed the ground beef. We count the whole F-150 truck, but not iron ore, steel, glass, plastic and rubber.

“Gross” in the definition means the value of all the new final goods produced in a nation. There’s no deduction for past production that wore out or was discarded. New cars, appliances and computers are added up. Ones crushed for scrap are not subtracted. Do that and you have “net national product;” important, but seldom cited.

Nor are adjustments made for resources used up in the production process. We have produced much grain, but there is less water in the Ogallala aquifer. We produced millions of tons of steel but have deleted Minnesota’s high-grade iron ore. Housing production is up, but thousands of square miles of white pine are gone.

Also of critical importance, the final figure makes no adjustment for external costs in producing the goods. Consider biologically dead streams downhill from old copper mines; poor children growing up near petrochemical plants with shamefully high rates of serious health problems; fewer and poorer shellfish in Chesapeake Bay and Louisiana bayous; cities choked with smog.

Moreover, “market value” is not “well-being.” A tycoon buying a $50 million yacht counts the same in GDP as $50 million spent on sewers in rural Mississippi. Millions spent lavishly furnishing a 30,000-square-foot Manhattan apartment adds the same to GDP as equal amounts upgrading nursing homes.

And sometimes rising GDP can indicate we are worse off: If we all boozed it up and caused fatal DUI crashes, output from towing services, ambulances, body shops, orthopedic surgeons and morticians would rise, and so would GDP.

Does all this mean GDP is a terrible measure? No. It remains highly useful — as long as one uses it in context.

Now, what about my carcinoma? This falls in the category of the positive things GDP fails to catch — such as ever-lowering costs for maintaining and even bettering the public good.

Consider that a heart attack killed my dad weeks after my conception. Dr. Van Solkema came by twice but could do nothing. Today a high tech ambulance would have whisked dad downtown, CPR performed along the way, stents or a pacemaker would have been put in, and he would have been alive to dandle me on his knee. My uncle went blind and died young from diabetes just like his mother. For grandma, getting an insulin shot meant a trip in the Model A to the county seat. Her son could inject himself, but without guidance from quick, cheap glucose meters. And he had an immune reaction to most animal-derived insulin.

A geezer like me can recount how people hobbled in pain before artificial knees and hips, how millions of people were near blind in their 60s because cataract operations were difficult, of limited effectiveness and expensive.

The point with regard to GDP is that only the dollar cost of stents, pacemakers, advanced insulins, glucose meters, titanium knee joints, vitrectomies and radiation machines that can focus on tumors to a millimeter in size are booked at their market price, with no consideration for ways such advances reduce tragedies — and costs — and improve millions of lives.

Other improvements in quality at lower costs also don’t get factored in. In 1965, our mechanic amazed other coffee drinkers at the Leader Café relating that factory tires on the Lotterman kids’ Volkswagen had gone 22,000 miles. The average for tires on an Impala or Galaxie might have been 15,000. The new tires cost $21 then, equivalent to $193 today, but modern tires can go 70,000 miles.

Mom bought a used 19-inch black-and-white TV in 1959 for $110. It needed a service call every year or so, The image was often snowy. That price equals $1,100 today. A high-definition one five feet across just cost us about $650, and we expect it to last for years, service free.

In myriad industries and markets, capabilities have multiplied while prices have plummeted.

So while Gross Domestic Product does not reflect many negatives, it also misses true values to us of increases in health and longevity, safety and convenience.

So when we read about GDP growth or contraction as a measure of an economy’s health, understand that all economic indicators must be taken in context with other related ones.

St. Paul economist and writer Edward Lotterman can be reached at stpaul@edlotterman.com.

Noah Feldman: Jan. 6 case will test the Supreme Court’s ‘textualist’ hypocrisy

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On Tuesday, the Supreme Court’s conservative majority appeared skeptical that prosecutors could use the Sarbanes-Oxley Act to go after Jan. 6 rioters. It’s a closely watched case in part because Special Counsel Jack Smith also cited this statute in his criminal charges against former President Donald Trump.

As a matter of statutory interpretation, it would be plausible to say that the relevant part of the statute shouldn’t apply to Trump or the rioters: it is part of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act and was originally aimed at preventing the destruction of documents to thwart criminal investigation.

The problem is that the court’s conservatives are officially textualists. That is, they believe a statute’s purpose shouldn’t matter — only its literal language should count. If they nevertheless read the law not to cover the hundreds of Jan. 6 rioters and Trump, they will be demonstrating the utter bankruptcy of textualism as a theory — not to mention looking hypocritical for violating their own principles of statutory interpretation.

The law in question, 18 USC 12(c), first says it’s a crime to “corruptly” alter or destroy a document “with the intent to impair the object’s integrity or availability for use in an official proceeding.” That’s the part that tells you the main purpose of the statute, along with the history of Sarbanes-Oxley, passed in the aftermath of the Enron scandal and aimed at assuring effective oversight of companies. No one thinks this part of the law applies to the Jan. 6 rioters.

Then, the second part of that same section punishes anyone who “otherwise obstructs, influences, or impedes any official proceeding, or attempts to do so.” This is the language used by federal prosecutors to go after Trump and hundreds of Jan. 6 offenders, including Joseph Fischer, the one whose case is before the Supreme Court right now.

The basis for charging Jan. 6 rioters under the statute is that they clearly were trying to obstruct, influence, and impede an official proceeding, namely the congressional certification of the presidential vote. Indeed, they succeeded in impeding that proceeding. If you read the words of the statute in their plain and obvious meaning, they clearly include the Jan. 6 scenario.

If you are a textualist when it comes to statutory interpretation, as all the court’s conservatives claim to be, that should be the end of the matter.

According to the textualist position associated with the late Justice Antonin Scalia, legal words mean what they say. If Congress says it’s a crime to obstruct or impede an official proceeding, that’s what the crime is. That’s how the conservatives should be voting here if they have a shred of commitment to their preferred theory of statutory interpretation. (Justice Amy Coney Barrett, who clerked for Scalia and is generally loyal to his principles, did seem like she realized this in her questions.)

To reach an alternate conclusion, you really have to look at the statute’s legislative purpose — the other leading theory of statutory interpretation, espoused especially by retired Justice Stephen Breyer, who made this issue the centerpiece of his newly published book. The purpose of the law can reasonably be read as restricted to the destruction of documents. Seen through the lens of purpose, the extension of the statute to cover Jan. 6 goes too far.

The problem for the conservative textualist justices is that they can’t admit they’re looking at purpose. So in the oral argument, several belabored the theory that the word “otherwise” in the law’s second section points back to the first part of the law, and therefore textually limits the extension of the law. In this view, the word “otherwise” shows you that the drafters intended to cover as-yet-unimagined methods of altering a document that might not count as impairing its “integrity or availability.”

Maybe so — if purpose were allowed to be part of the analysis. But that kind of interpretation is the polar opposite of what textualism teaches.

Justice Samuel Alito sought to emphasize how broad the statute would be if it extended to any interference with a federal proceeding, hinting it would impinge on First Amendment freedoms. But that is true of other criminal laws, and the way we usually deal with it is by saying they don’t apply when they limit freedom of speech or assembly, not by saying they don’t apply to core criminal conduct.

Trump is also charged with other crimes on Jan. 6, as are the rioters. There will be other ways to punish anyone convicted of crimes that day. What’s at stake, therefore, is the good name of textualism — and the good name of the court’s self-professed textualists.

There are some forms of self-contradiction that threaten the reputation of legal theories and the judges who wield them. This case is one.

Noah Feldman is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist. A professor of law at Harvard University, he is author, most recently, of “To Be a Jew Today: A New Guide to God, Israel, and the Jewish People.”

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Pamela Paul: At Columbia University, the grown-ups in the room take a stand

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There’s plenty to condemn on today’s college campuses, including the behavior of both administrations and students. So, it’s a rare pleasure to get a chance to applaud the president of a university, in this case Minouche Shafik of Columbia University, who on Thursday called in police to remove student protesters who have camped out on campus in violation of university policy.

I happened to be on campus Wednesday when this latest wave of protests was getting started. Students marched around outdoors in virtue-signaling masks yelling “NYPD, KKK!” along with the usual anti-Israel slogans. For this passerby, the fury and self-righteous sentiment on display was chilling. But for Jewish students on campus, for supporters of Israel or for anyone who doesn’t subscribe to the simplistic good-versus-evil narrative of the anti-settler-colonialism crowd, it must be unimaginably painful. Many of them are at the university to learn in a safe and tolerant environment.

As for tolerance? One can’t help but wonder, no matter what one’s opinion of Israel, or its despicable government under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu or the particulars of its military response, why one rarely hears pro-Palestinian demonstrators condemn the terrorist organization Hamas, which has controlled the Gaza Strip without an election since 2006. Or why those who wish Israel’s military campaign in Gaza to end don’t likewise urge Hamas to end the fighting, which it could easily do by freeing the hostages it took during its Oct. 7 rampage.

Lofty, unrealistic goals, all. But no more unlikely than the wholesale eradication of Israel that many of these protesters seem to advocate above all else. As far as I could tell, the word “peace” was notably absent in the student display at Columbia.

On Wednesday, Shafik acquitted herself well under questioning in Congress. Asked about a glossary of politicized language, put together by students at the university’s School of Social Work, Shafik condemned the language that implicitly denigrates Jews. Asked why the document spelled the word “folks” as “folx,” Shafik gave an appropriately sardonic reply: “Maybe they can’t spell.”

Spoken like a real grown-up. And Thursday, with the authority at her disposal and with the courage that too many academic leaders have lacked, Shafik did what any responsible adult should do in her position: She ordered the police to clear Columbia’s campus of the students seemingly unaware of how lucky they are to attend one of the nation’s top universities. Let’s hope this teaches the students a lesson. They clearly still have a lot to learn.

Pamela Paul writes a column for the New York Times.

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