By LOLITA C. BALDOR (Associated Press)

WASHINGTON (AP) — A string of security, logistical and weather problems has battered the plan to deliver desperately needed humanitarian aid to Gaza through a U.S. military-built pier.

Broken apart by strong winds and heavy seas just over a week after it became operational, the project faces criticism that it hasn’t lived up to its initial billing or its $320 million price tag.

U.S. officials say, however, that the steel causeway connected to the beach in Gaza and the floating pier are being repaired and reassembled at a port in southern Israel, then will be reinstalled and working again next week.

While early Pentagon estimates suggested the pier could deliver up to 150 truckloads of aid a day when in full operation, that has yet to happen. Bad weather has hampered progress getting aid into Gaza from the pier, while the Israeli offensive in the southern city of Rafah has made it difficult, if not impossible at times, to get aid into the region by land routes.

Aid groups have had mixed reactions — both welcoming any amount of aid for starving Palestinians besieged by the nearly eight-month-old Israel-Hamas war and decrying the pier as a distraction that took pressure off Israel to open more border crossings, which are far more productive.

It’s “a side-show,” said Bob Kitchen, a top official of the International Rescue Committee.

The Biden administration has said from the start that the pier wasn’t meant to be a total solution and that any amount of aid helps.

“Nobody said at the outset that it was going to be a panacea for all the humanitarian assistance problems that still exist in Gaza,” national security spokesman John Kirby said Wednesday. “I think sometimes there’s an expectation of the U.S. military — because they’re so good — that everything that they touch is just going to turn to gold in an instant.”

“We knew going in that this was going to be tough stuff,” he added. “And it has proven to be tough stuff.”

Before the war, Gaza was getting about 500 truckloads of aid on average every day. The United States Agency for International Development says it needs a steady flow of 600 trucks a day to ease the struggle for food and bring people back from the brink of famine.

The aid brought through the pier was enough to feed thousands for a month, but U.N. data shows it barely made a dent in the overall need of Gaza’s 2.3 million people.

Here’s a look at the timeline of the pier, the problems it faced and what may come next:

MARCH: ANNOUNCEMENT AND PREP

MARCH 7: President Joe Biden announces his plan for the U.S. military to build a pier during his State of the Union address.

“Tonight, I’m directing the U.S. military to lead an emergency mission to establish a temporary pier in the Mediterranean on the coast of Gaza that can receive large shipments carrying food, water, medicine and temporary shelters,” he said.

But even in those first few moments, he noted the pier would increase the amount of humanitarian aid getting into Gaza but that Israel “must do its part” and let more aid in.

MARCH 8: Maj. Gen. Pat Ryder, Pentagon spokesman, tells reporters it will take “up to 60 days” to deploy the forces and build the project.

MARCH 12: Four U.S. Army boats loaded with tons of equipment and steel pier segments leave Joint Base Langley-Eustis in Virginia and head to the Atlantic Ocean for what is expected to be a monthlong voyage to Gaza.

The brigade’s commander, Army Col. Sam Miller, warns that the transit and construction will be heavily dependent on the weather and any high seas they encounter.

LATE MARCH: U.S. Army vessels hit high seas and rough weather as they cross the Atlantic, slowing their pace.

APRIL: CONSTRUCTION AND HOPE

APRIL 1: Seven World Central Kitchen aid workers are killed in an Israeli airstrike as they travel in clearly marked vehicles on a delivery mission authorized by Israel.

The strike fuels ongoing worries about security for relief workers and prompts aid agencies to pause delivery of humanitarian assistance in Gaza.

APRIL 19: U.S. officials confirm that the U.N. World Food Program has agreed to help deliver aid brought to Gaza via the maritime route once construction is done.

APRIL 25: Major construction of the port facility on the shore near Gaza City begins to take shape. The onshore site is where aid from the causeway will be delivered and given to aid agencies.

APRIL 30: Satellite photos show the U.S. Navy ship USNS Roy P. Benavidez and Army vessels working on assembling the pier and causeway about 11 kilometers (6.8 miles) from the port on shore.

MAY: THE PIER OPENS … THEN CLOSES

MAY 9: The U.S. vessel Sagamore is the first ship loaded with aid to leave Cyprus and head toward Gaza and ultimately the pier. An elaborate security and inspection station has been built in Cyprus to screen the aid coming from a number of countries.

MAY 16: Well past the 60-day target time, the construction and assembly of the pier off the Gaza coast and the causeway attached to the shoreline are finished after more than a week of weather and other delays.

MAY 17: The first trucks carrying aid for the Gaza Strip roll down the newly built pier and into the secure area on shore, where they will be unloaded and the cargo distributed to aid agencies for delivery by truck into Gaza.

May 18: Crowds of desperate Palestinians overrun a convoy of aid trucks coming from the pier, stripping the cargo from 11 of the 16 vehicles before they reach a U.N. warehouse for distribution.

May 19-20: The first food from the pier — a limited number of high-nutrition biscuits — reaches people in need in central Gaza, according to the World Food Program.

Aid organizations suspend deliveries from the pier for two days while the U.S. works with Israel to open alternate land routes from the pier and improve security.

MAY 24: So far, a bit more than 1,000 metric tons of aid has been delivered to Gaza via the U.S.-built pier, and USAID later says all of it has been distributed within Gaza.

MAY 25: High winds and heavy seas damage the pier and cause four U.S. Army vessels operating there to become beached, injuring three service members, including one who is in critical condition.

Two vessels went aground in Gaza near the base of the pier and two went aground near Ashkelon in Israel.

MAY 28: Pentagon spokeswoman Sabrina Singh says large portions of the causeway are being pulled from the beach and moved to an Israeli port for repairs. The base of the causeway remains at the Gaza shore.

She also says that aid in Cyprus is being loaded onto vessels and will be ready to unload onto the pier once it is back in place.

MAY 29: Two of the Army vessels that ran aground in the bad weather are now back at sea and the other two near the pier are being freed, with the aid of the Israeli navy.

WHAT’S NEXT?

In the coming days, the sections of the causeway will be put back together, and by the middle of next week will be moved back to the Gaza shore, where the causeway will once again be attached to the beach, the Pentagon says.

“When we are able to re-anchor the pier back in, you’ll be able to see that aid flow off in a pretty steady stream,” Singh said Tuesday. “We’re going to continue to operate this temporary pier for as long as we can.”

___

AP writer Ellen Knickmeyer in Washington contributed.

“The Adams administration, simply put, must do more to address the historic crisis of youth homelessness our city faces. Instead, the administration has made policies that will create a worse situation for some of the most vulnerable young people.”

CityViews are readers’ opinions, not those of City Limits. Add your voice today!

In March, city officials announced a settlement that limited the right to shelter. Many of those who will be most impacted by this agreement are Black and Latinx. Some are LGBTQIA+ young people we see daily at the Free to be Youth Project, including youth who are fleeing discrimination or torture due to their sexual orientation or gender identity.

Like all homeless youth, those who have recently come to the United States face a gauntlet of limited or non-existent youth-oriented services, bureaucratic barriers, and high-risk encounters with police. But they also face barriers to services in the language they speak, and must navigate a complex immigration system, typically with almost no support and no legal representation.

LGBTQIA+ homeless youth are disproportionately likely to suffer serious violence and experience suicidality, while migrant and refugee homeless youth are at high-risk for exploitation and violence. Now, they will be systematically pushed onto the street by cruel municipal policy, putting them at further risk for life-threatening harm. 

The Adams administration, simply put, must do more to address the historic crisis of youth homelessness our city faces. Instead, the administration has made policies that will create a worse situation for some of the most vulnerable young people. 

Historically, homeless young adults had access to the Department of Homeless Services (DHS) shelter system, which administers beds under various legal settlements that had amounted to a “right to shelter.” DHS is often not the preference of many young people because it can be very dangerous for them, but it is an option many have accepted, which has heavily-regulated minimum standards the city must attend to.

Typically homeless young people have preferred youth-specific shelters run through the Department of Youth and Community Development (DYCD). However, eligibility for the vast majority of those beds ends on an individual’s 21st birthday. These beds are scarce and often invisible to young people—there are only 813 of them for thousands of youth across the five boroughs, and no centralized way to access them.

In 2022, the mayor created a separate and unequal municipal shelter system specifically for migrants, run by the Health and Hospitals Corporation, and then steadily pushed countless asylum-seekers—including young adults—into it, while simultaneously closing the door into the DHS system. These shelters, called Humanitarian Emergency Response and Relief Centers (HERRCs), include the cots and massive tents on Randall’s Island that have made headlines and appalled so many of us.

What became ensconced in the settlement announced last month, which is official municipal policy, was in large part the framework the mayor had created over the preceding two years.

Many homeless youth and young adults who meet the mayor’s arbitrary definition of “new arrival” are now systematically blocked from accessing DHS shelter, often unable to find or get into DYCD beds, and facing extremely tight time-limits in HERRC shelters.

Youth and young adults in the HERRCs under age 23 will now have 60 days before the city can deny them a bed, while everyone else has 30 days. According to recent reports, New York City has already issued 1,300 eviction notices to these vulnerable young people. 

Decisions about whether young people will get any extension will largely be left to the discretionary decision of city bureaucrats, likely without any advocate involved to provide support. Just last week, city bureaucrats denied nearly half of the first 29 migrants who had applied for extensions and been interviewed. 

If a young person does not meet a particular standard for additional time they will likely end up on the street, where they will face an array of life-threatening risks. Hundreds of migrants ran out of time and faced eviction as of last week. 

This is unacceptable, and it is a major reason why the mayor’s cruel push to limit shelter stays for anyone, particularly young people, is so dangerous and appalling. For LGBTQIA+ young people, the risks are particularly acute.

For homeless youth new to New York City, including LGBTQIA+ youth, sleeping on the street can lead to catastrophe. Young people are at increased risk for individualized violence, targeting by police for crimes of poverty, sweeps by municipal agencies, and sex trafficking. 

The Adams administration must expand the number of shelter beds within the homeless youth system, run by DYCD. Youth shelters tailor age-appropriate services specifically to the needs of the homeless young people they help. The city has not added any new youth beds since the mayor took office. 

The Adams administration can help decrease the risks faced by LGBTQIA+ youth by also ensuring that any new beds, in any of the shelter systems, include specific programming and training for serving these young people, as well as adding specific LGBTQIA+ beds within all the homeless shelter systems. 

New York City officials must ensure protections for all homeless youth who have recently migrated, and they need to pay particular attention to the risks faced by LGBTQIA+ young people, who are now some of those who will be pushed onto the streets by cruel municipal policies.

Amy Leipziger is the project director of the Free to Be Youth Project of the Urban Justice Center.