Letters: We need more politicians (Democrat and Republican alike) with courage

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We need more courageous politicians

As I watched George Stephanopoulos interview President Biden on Friday night, Biden reminded me of an old man who refuses to give up his car keys, despite that he’s driven through red lights and past stop signs. His refusal to accept that he’s down in the polls and that he is, indeed, frail and only getting older shows a complete lack of judgment. When he broke into a goofy grin several times, it appeared he wasn’t taking Stephanopoulos’s questions and comments seriously. Shame on those Democrats (and that includes Gov. Walz) who continue to support Biden (Biden’s debate “performance” was not just a bad night).

Dean Phillips has been one of the few who has the guts to say it’s time for Biden to move on, yet Phillips received great pushback and criticism for speaking the truth and trying to do something to encourage Biden to drop out months ago. We need more courageous politicians and donors to continue pushing until Biden hands over the keys. This is one decision that should not be left up to Joe Biden.

Carol Noren, Arden Hills

 

Moral courage?

These days I am Alice, plunging down the rabbit hole where everything is upside down. The latest example is the horde of Democratic lawmakers begging Biden to step aside for the crime of becoming an octogenarian.

But not a single Republican has the moral courage to confront their nominee and urge him to step down. Their felon has been convicted of 34 counts, with more serious charges to come. If Donald was Pinocchio Trump his nose would be as long as a broom handle. His morals are reprehensible and he has fractured those Ten Commandments his followers are so eager to post in our public schools.  This party, that I used to respect, has used gerrymandering, the Supreme Court, and an actual insurrection to grasp power instead of designing thoughtful policies to solve the many challenges we face. They have set the bar so low for their candidate that you need to dig to find it.

If you really listen to him and his cronies, it is obvious that he means to tear the fabric of our institutions to shreds and destroy this magnificent country. I ask you, Republican citizens, is this really the best you can do?

W. Rossi, Shoreview

 

Beyond cognition?

During the interview of President Biden by George Stephanopoulos on July, 5, President Biden was asked about taking a cognitive test. He responded, I take a cognitive test every day … “I am not only campaigning, I’m running the world.” This man may have cognitive issues, but one would also wonder if he has advanced delusional issues. I can only wonder what thoughts went through the minds of Netanyahu, Xi Jinping, Kim Jong Un or Putin, et al.

Jim Feckey, Mendota Heights

 

Unfair advantage?

When Donald Trump takes part in a debate he will always have the advantage. Trump has no need to recall facts or policies even if he could. He does not even attempt to answer questions but merely falls back on one of his favorite rants. Nothing he says needs to be factual or even make sense. He is essentially a combination standup comedian and shock-jock.

Joe Danko, North St. Paul

 

The Walz waltz

One traditional dance style is named the waltz. Waltz is a German word meaning to roll or to revolve.

Our Gov. Tim Walz has implied that President Biden’s debate debacle was influenced by his having taken time, the day before the debate, “calling out here to see how the flood recovery was going.”

Walz now contends that our country’s Democratic governors continue to support President Joe Biden, and that he is ‘fit for office” … even as concerns are growing among Democrats as to whether the president can continue his campaign for a second term or for his current term in office.

When accompanied by his Feeding our Future “waltz,” Tim Walz has well established his rolling and revolving style of governing.

Gene Delaune, New Brighton

 

He needs more than just Democrats to win

It has been reported, “The bottom line is, we’re not going anywhere. I am not going anywhere!” Biden boomed through the phone. “I wouldn’t be running if I didn’t absolutely believe that I am the best candidate to beat Donald Trump in 2024.”

President Biden argued that bowing out of the race, as some Democratic lawmakers have urged him to do, would go against the wishes of Democratic voters.

He possibly is correct that many Democratic voters may not want him to drop out. But he is running for the American presidency and needs more votes than just Democrats to win. I am not a Democrat, but intend to vote against Trump whatever (but I hope there is a better choice than Biden). As I see it Biden can’t count on a lot of non-Democrats to vote “No to Trump” if he is the other choice. And that is what I am afraid of — Biden staying on will allow Trump in.

Roger M. Nelson,  Woodbury

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Daniel DePetris: What does the election of a reformist as president mean for Iran?

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Even as Americans are inundated by news about the seemingly never-ending contest between Joe Biden and Donald Trump, several other elections occurred last week.

In the United Kingdom, the Labour Party beat the Tories and captured the reins of government after a 14-year stretch as the opposition. In France, President Emmanuel Macron was given a slight reprieve after his party and a coalition of leftists teamed up to prevent Marine Le Pen’s far-right National Rally from controlling the French National Assembly.

But it was in Iran, a country not associated with free and fair democratic procedures, where the most interesting election took place by delivering the most surprising result.

A little known reformist lawmaker, Masoud Pezeshkian, defeated a pillar of the conservative Iranian political establishment by a whopping 3 million votes. What many assumed would be another highly controlled election in which the conservative candidate would sail to victory instead turned out to be a blunt rejection of the system, writ large. Confronted with a choice between Saeed Jalili, an ultra-conservative hardliner known for his theological diatribes, or a lawmaker campaigning on loosening social restrictions and exploring an opening to the West, more than 16 million Iranian voters chose the latter.

Not much is known about Pezeshkian or his policies. A heart surgeon, a health minister under former reformist President Mohammad Khatami and a lawmaker for nearly 20 years, Pezeshkian pursued the office facing steep odds. Indeed, he has firsthand knowledge about how difficult it is to break into Iran’s national political scene; in 2021, he was disqualified from running for president by the guardian council, an unelected panel of jurists, clerics and officials appointed by Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei to ensure candidates are firm believers in the Islamic Republic. That presidential contest was a stage-managed affair, with the field cleared for Ebrahim Raisi, Khamenei’s loyal protege, to assume the presidency.

However, Raisi’s death in a helicopter crash in May meant that Iran had to organize elections in short order. Many candidates were barred from running this time as well, but Pezeshkian was allowed to enter the contest. It’s likely Khamenei wanted more Iranians to turn out to the polls after dismal participation rates during the last few elections. During the 2024 parliamentary election earlier this year, only 41% of Iranians cast ballots, a pathetic figure that caused the supreme leader’s office significant distress. Allowing a reformist candidate into the race would, presumably, compel more Iranians — particularly in the cities and among the young — to engage. If that was the purpose, it worked to a degree — about 50% of eligible Iranians participated.

Pezeshkian was also a safe choice. Although he ran as a moderate who wants to curtail the morality police, the good doctor is hardly a reformist revolutionary. In fact, Pezeshkian is a product of the system and has been an active participant in it since the mid-1990s, when he was first appointed deputy foreign minister under the Khatami administration. Whereas his old boss, Khatami, relished shaking up the Islamic Republic’s political system in the hope of turning it more democratic (Khatami was stymied by Khamenei and the security services), Pezeshkian is more cautious and seems to understand that an Iranian leader isn’t going to get very far if he isn’t mind-numbingly patient. He also needs to play the part and reaffirm his loyalty to the supreme leader and the Islamic Republic as a whole, something Pezeshkian did constantly during his short presidential campaign.

Even so, the longtime lawmaker said all the right things on the trail. He was emphatic, particularly during the presidential debates, that it was absolutely unacceptable for police officers to beat women for wearing their clothing a certain way. He blasted the Raisi administration (without explicitly naming it) as an incompetent bunch who couldn’t negotiate their way out of a paper bag. He blasted his opponent, Jalili, for being wholly unqualified to manage anything, let alone a country whose economy has been hemmed in by U.S. sanctions, whose currency is depreciating and where inflation hovers around 40%. And he scoffed at Jalili for making economic promises he didn’t have the experience to keep.

Pezeshkian had a major difference of opinion on foreign affairs as well. Unlike Jalili, a former nuclear negotiator who stonewalled diplomacy during Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s presidency, Pezeshkian argued that the only way Iran was going to turn its economy around was by reopening nuclear talks with the United States in order to get Washington’s sanctions regime lifted. It’s no surprise that Pezeshkian’s most vocal supporter was Mohammad Javad Zarif, a onetime Iranian foreign minister who was instrumental in getting the Iranian nuclear deal across the finish line back in 2015.

Nuclear talks with the United States have been largely dormant for the last two years, and whether they will resume is anybody’s guess. For one thing, the Biden administration has bigger fish to fry right now, including sustaining Ukraine’s war effort against Russia, trying to finalize a cease-fire agreement between Israel and Hamas and preventing another explosion of violence in the Middle East along the Israel-Lebanon border. Second, Pezeshkian’s hands are still tied; it’s Khamenei’s office, not the presidency, that will determine Iran’s nuclear policy. Having been burned by Washington during Donald Trump’s administration, Khamenei will likely wait until the 2024 U.S. election is over before making any major moves. After all, why negotiate something with an administration that could possibly be out by January?

Iran could be in for an interesting few years.

Daniel DePetris is a fellow at Defense Priorities and a foreign affairs columnist for the Chicago Tribune.

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Other voices: Presidential immunity must have clearer limits

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Chief Justice John Roberts declared emphatically that “the President is not above the law” in his majority opinion for last week’s sweeping presidential immunity decision. And yet the U.S. Supreme Court’s 6-3 ruling does place the nation’s chief executive above the law and protect the office from criminal prosecution in certain circumstances.

While the decision is not the blanket shield that many say would make a president a king or dictator, it goes considerably too far in excusing the holder of the executive office from accountability.

The ruling creates absolute immunity for a president carrying out the core constitutional duties of the office — what are considered “official acts” — including powers ascribed to a unitary executive in the Constitution, such as granting pardons, hosting foreign ambassadors and engaging in foreign relations.

The decision also creates essentially two lower classes of presidential acts — those considered within the outer perimeter of official responsibilities of the office, from which he has presumptive immunity, and those considered entirely private, for which there is no immunity.

We support the instinct of the court to preserve the critical separation of powers and protect a president from having his constitutional authority marginalized by a barrage of lawsuits — or by the fear of them.

But it goes against American values to offer such complete immunity even when carrying out core constitutional functions.

The result is not terribly surprising considering five of the six conservative justices who joined the majority opinion all worked extensively for previous presidents in the executive branch of government.

But codifying that a president can block an investigation or launch politically motivated investigations without cause or fear of accountability raises the likelihood a president could engage in illegal activity — as former President Donald Trump is accused of in the case that prompted the court’s review.

Former President Gerald Ford’s 1974 pardon of predecessor Richard Nixon, for example, would have been unnecessary under this ruling because Nixon presumably would have been absolutely immune from prosecution for the obstruction of justice allegation that compelled his resignation after he conspired to thwart the investigation of the Watergate break-in.

Presidents can still be prosecuted for some criminal acts, although it will be much more difficult to investigate those acts within the office.

Justice Amy Coney Barrett’s concurrence notes nothing in the Constitution insulates a president from criminal liability for their official acts, although any attempt to charge a president could always face a constitutional challenge.

That is a measured approach and one that should have been adopted in the majority’s opinion. Better yet would have been more unanimity from the court on such an impactful decision.

Legal scholars are divided on how sweeping the protections are, which is reflected in the justices’ individual commentary.

In her dissent from the majority opinion, Justice Sonya Sotomayor took one extreme, arguing the decision enables a president to be emboldened to take a plethora of actions with “evil ends,” such as bribes or assassinations.

Barrett, in her concurrence, sought to calm fears that prosecution — including specific charges against Trump for pressuring state electors in Michigan and elsewhere to overturn election results — would be thrown out.

Notably, the court remanded most of the charges against Trump back to lower courts for evidentiary processing, a clear indication the ruling is not a blanket protection for anything a president might do.

There is a possibility that some of the ambiguities will gain clarity as cases against Trump move through the legal process.

While we agree with Roberts that the ruling should not allow the president to get away with anything, there’s a clear danger that it allows current and future presidents to get away with too much.

— The Detroit News

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Spectacular summer menu includes easier clam chowder

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We’re on a high with cooking at my house. Pretty much everything we’re eating is from one farmers’ market or another, because glorious summer produce is upon us. It’s heavenly. The fresh, fully formed flavor of ripe, in-season fruits and vegetables makes cooking exciting — and easier.

Take, for example, hothouse tomatoes. In winter, they require a fair amount of intervention to taste like much, whereas ripe summer tomatoes need little more than a sprinkle of salt and a splash of extra-virgin olive oil.

It needn’t be as simple as that, but the summer first course here isn’t much more complicated. It takes a cue from bruschetta and panzanella, both Italian favorites that feature tomatoes, bread, garlic, basil and oil.

In this variation on the theme, a multicolored mix of well-marinated cherry tomatoes are served spooned over toasted sourdough bread to catch all the delicious juices. The key is, after dressing them, to let the halved cherry tomatoes sit for half an hour or so, to meld with the olive oil, red wine vinegar, salt and garlic. Of course, these marinated tomatoes could also be tossed with greens for an easy salad or spooned over grilled fish.

For a main course, I wanted something akin to clam chowder.

Inspired by New England-style white chowders, made with milk and potatoes, it’s more of a dinner stew than a soup. Fairly easy to put together, it all cooks in one pot, with various ingredients added along the way. Start with sautéed onions and celery, building a savory white sauce thickened with a touch of flour. Sliced potatoes go in next, followed by sweet corn and a few clams.

When the clams have opened, seasoned chunks of cod are added to finish the stew. It’s nice if some of the fish stays firm and some breaks up a bit.

Checking the seasoning, I pronounced my chowder delicious but a touch bland. So, to add spark, I finished it with grated lemon zest, slivers of serrano chile and lots of chopped dill and chives, which supply a necessary zing to the mild, creamy base.

You can prepare the chowder up to two hours in advance and reheat it gently just before serving, to avoid any last-minute rushing.

I always say fruit — whether a bowl of sweet berries or a wedge of watermelon — makes the best dessert. But stone fruits are a real treat, especially nectarines, and a little lime syrup makes them into something truly special, adding sweetness and a pronounced lime flavor. (A squeeze of fresh lime juice, though, is necessary to provide the acidity you want.)

Serve the fruit well chilled, for an inordinately refreshing finish to a meal on a hot summer day.

Marinated Cherry Tomatoes on Toast

Marinated cherry tomatoes on toast. Letting the tomatoes sit for a half-hour or so lets them meld with the garlicky red-wine dressing. Food styled by Simon Andrews. (David Malosh/The New York Times)

By David Tanis

Taking a cue from Italian bruschetta and Spanish pan con tomate, these easy marinated cherry tomatoes go with everything. Toss them over greens for a summery salad or spoon them over grilled fish. Or serve them as they are here, on toasted bread, a great vehicle for catching all the delicious juices.

Yield: 6 servings

Total time: 10 minutes, plus 30 minutes’ marinating

INGREDIENTS

1 1/2 pounds cherry tomatoes, preferably a mix of different colors

Salt and pepper

3 tablespoons extra-virgin olive oil

2 tablespoons red wine vinegar

1 large garlic clove, grated

Pinch of red-pepper flakes

6 basil leaves, plus more for garnish

6 (3/4-inch-thick) slices sourdough bread

DIRECTIONS

1. Cut cherry tomatoes in half and place in a salad bowl. Season well with salt and pepper.

2. Add olive oil, vinegar, garlic, red-pepper flakes and basil. Toss well. Let sit at room temperature for about 30 minutes.

3. To serve, toast the bread and place on a platter or individual plates. Spoon cherry tomatoes over toast, dividing evenly among slices, and drizzle over any remaining juices from bowl. Garnish with more basil leaves.

Summer Chowder With Cod and Clams

Summer chowder with cod and clams. A generous amount of lemon zest, herbs and chile before serving lend verve to this chowder. Food styled by Simon Andrews. (David Malosh/The New York Times)

By David Tanis

Based on East Coast white chowder, made with milk and potatoes, but more of a dinner stew than a soup. Lemon zest and slivers of serrano chile add spark to the mild creamy base. Prepare the chowder up to two hours in advance and reheat it gently just before serving, to avoid any last-minute rushing.

Yield: 6 servings

Total time: 1 hour

INGREDIENTS

1 pound cod or other white fish, cut into 2-inch chunks

Salt and pepper

2 tablespoons extra-virgin olive oil

1 teaspoon chopped dill, plus 3 tablespoons chopped dill for garnish

3 tablespoons unsalted butter

1 yellow onion, diced small (about 2 cups)

1/2 cup diced celery (2 small ribs)

3 tablespoons all-purpose flour

6 cups whole milk

1 small dried bay leaf

Pinch of ground cayenne

1 1/2 pounds yellow-fleshed potatoes (preferably on the smaller side), peeled and sliced 1/4-inch-thick

1 1/2 cups corn kernels (from 2 ears)

12 littleneck clams, rinsed

Zest of 1 lemon

1 serrano chile, thinly sliced

2 tablespoons thinly sliced chives, for garnish

DIRECTIONS

1. Place fish in a medium bowl. Season with salt and pepper. Add olive oil and 1 teaspoon chopped dill. Toss to coat and set aside.

2. Melt butter in a large heavy-bottomed pot or Dutch oven over medium-high heat. Add onion and celery, season with salt and pepper, and cook, stirring, until onions are softened, 5 to 8 minutes. Lower heat as necessary to keep onions from browning.

3. Over medium-high heat, sprinkle onion-celery mixture with flour and stir to coat well. Add milk 1 cup at a time, stirring frequently to prevent scorching as it thickens, bringing to a simmer between additions, until all 6 cups have been incorporated. (Add more milk as needed to thin. The consistency should be like a thin milkshake.) Add bay leaf and cayenne. Taste and add salt, if necessary.

4. Lower heat to medium and add potatoes. Cook, stirring frequently, until tender, about 10 minutes.

5. Add corn and clams, and cook until clams begin to open, about 5 minutes. Add fish, stir well, and adjust heat to maintain a low simmer. Cook for about 10 minutes, until fish is opaque. Stir in lemon zest.

6. To serve, divide fish and sauce among 6 soup bowls, with 2 clams per bowl. Add a few slivers of serrano chile to each bowl and sprinkle generously with chopped dill and chives.

Nectarines in Lime Syrup

Nectarines in lime syrup. Ripe nectarines need little adornment, but a simple lime syrup enhances their natural charms. Food styled by Simon Andrews. (David Malosh/The New York Times)

By David Tanis

Fruit — whether a bowl of sweet berries or a wedge of watermelon — makes the best dessert, but stone fruits are a real treat, especially nectarines. Sliced and dressed in a lime syrup, served chilled as they are here, they’re a refreshing, sophisticated and shockingly simple end to a meal.

Yield: 4 to 6 servings

Total time: 20 minutes, plus at least 1 1/2 hours’ cooling and chilling

INGREDIENTS

1/2 cup fresh lime juice (from 4 large limes)

1 cup granulated sugar

2 tablespoons orange liqueur

4 to 6 ripe nectarines

Lime wedges, for garnish

DIRECTIONS

1. In a small stainless-steel saucepan, combine lime juice, sugar and 1/2 cup water. Bring to a boil over medium-high heat, stirring to dissolve. Turn heat to low and simmer for 5 minutes. Cool completely, then add orange liqueur.

2. Slice nectarines (no need to peel) about 1/2-inch thick and place in a medium bowl. Add 1/2 cup lime syrup and toss to coat. Chill well, about 1 hour. (Refrigerate leftover syrup for up to 1 month.)

3. To serve, spoon slices into dessert glasses or shallow bowls. Garnish with lime wedges, for a final squirt of fresh lime at the table.

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