UN says Israeli forces, Palestinian armed groups may have committed war crimes in deadly raid

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By JAMEY KEATEN (Associated Press)

GENEVA (AP) — The U.N. human rights office is citing possible war crimes by Israeli forces and Palestinian armed groups in connection with a deadly raid by Israeli forces that freed four hostages over the weekend and killed hundreds of Palestinians.

Office spokesman Jeremy Laurence expressed concerns about possible violations of rules of proportionality, distinction and precaution by the Israeli forces in Saturday’s raid at the urban Nuseirat refugee camp.

Palestinian health officials say at least 274 Palestinians, including dozens of women and children, were killed in the operation.

Laurence said Palestinian armed groups who are holding hostages in densely populated areas are putting the lives of nearby civilians and the hostages at “added risks” from the hostilities.

“All these actions by both parties may amount to war crimes,” he told a regular U.N. briefing in Geneva.

“It was catastrophic, the way that this was carried out in that civilians — again — were caught smack bang in the middle of this,” Laurence added.

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Alluding to the “ordeal” faced by hostages and their families, he said: “The fact that four hostages are now free is clearly very good news. These hostages should never have been taken in the first place. That’s a breach of international humanitarian law. They must be freed. All of them. Promptly.”

Israel launched its war against Hamas after the group’s Oct. 7 attack, in which terrorists stormed into southern Israel, killed some 1,200 people — mostly civilians — and abducted about 250. Hamas has been designated as a terrorist organization by the United States, Canada and the European Union.

Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza has killed more than 36,730 people, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry, which does not distinguish between combatants and civilians in its count. Palestinians are facing widespread hunger because the war has largely cut off the flow of food, medicine and other supplies. U.N. agencies say over 1 million in Gaza could experience the highest level of starvation by mid-July.

President Joe Biden’s son, Hunter Biden, is convicted of all 3 felonies in federal gun trial

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By RANDALL CHASE, CLAUDIA LAUER, MICHAEL KUNZELMAN, COLLEEN LONG and ALANNA DURKIN RICHER (Associated Press)

WILMINGTON, Del. (AP) — Hunter Biden was convicted Tuesday of all three felony charges related to the purchase of a revolver in 2018 when, prosecutors argued, the president’s son lied on a mandatory gun-purchase form by saying he was not illegally using or addicted to drugs.

Jurors found Hunter Biden guilty of lying to a federally licensed gun dealer, making a false claim on the application by saying he was not a drug user and illegally having the gun for 11 days. The jury in Wilmington, Delaware, deliberated for about three hours over two days.

Hunter Biden started straight ahead and showed little emotion as the verdict was read. After the verdict, he hugged both of his attorneys and smiled wanly. He kissed his wife, Melissa, and they left the courtroom together. First lady Jill Biden arrived at the courthouse minutes after the jury delivered its verdict and was not in the courtroom when it was read.

Hunter Biden left the courthouse holding hands with the first lady and his wife. They did not speak to reporters, got into waiting SUVs and drove off.

He faces up to 25 years in prison when he is sentenced by Judge Maryellen Noreika, though first-time offenders do not get anywhere near the maximum, and it’s unclear whether she would give him time behind bars. The judge did not set a sentencing date.

Now Hunter Biden and presumptive Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump, the president’s chief political rival, have both been convicted by American jurors in an election year that has been as much about the courtroom as about campaign events and rallies.

Joe Biden has steered clear of the federal courtroom in Delaware where his son was tried and said little about the case, wary of creating an impression of interfering in a criminal matter brought by his own Justice Department. But allies of the Democrat have worried about the toll that the trial — and now the conviction — will take on the 81-year-old, who has long been concerned with his only living son’s health and sustained sobriety.

Hunter Biden and Trump have both argued they were victimized by the politics of the moment. But while Trump has continued to falsely claim the verdict was “rigged,” Joe Biden has said he would accept the results of the verdict and would not seek to pardon his son.

Hunter Biden’s legal troubles aren’t over. He faces a trial in September in California on charges of failing to pay $1.4 million in taxes, and congressional Republicans have signaled they will keep going after him in their stalled impeachment effort into the president. The president has not been accused or charged with any wrongdoing by prosecutors investigating his son.

The prosecution devoted much of the trial to highlighting the seriousness of Hunter Biden’s drug problem, through highly personal testimony and embarrassing evidence.

Jurors heard Hunter Biden’s ex-wife and a former girlfriend testify about his habitual crack use and their failed efforts to help him get clean. Jurors saw images of the president’s son bare-chested and disheveled in a filthy room, and half-naked holding crack pipes. Jurors also watched video of his crack cocaine weighed on a scale.

Hunter Biden did not testify, but jurors heard his voice when prosecutors played audio excerpts of his 2021 memoir, “Beautiful Things,” in which he talks about hitting bottom after the death of his brother, Beau, in 2015, and his descent into drugs before his eventually achieving sobriety.

Prosecutors felt the evidence was necessary to prove that Hunter, 54, was in the throes of addiction when he bought the gun and therefore lied when he checked “no” on the form that asked whether he was “an unlawful user of, or addicted to” drugs.

Hunter Biden’s lawyers had argued that he did not consider himself an “addict” when he bought the gun. They sought to show he was trying to turn his life around at the time, having completed a rehabilitation program at the end of August 2018. The defense called three witnesses, including Hunter’s daughter Naomi, who told jurors that he seemed be improving in the weeks before he bought the gun.

The trial played out in the president’s home state, where Hunter Biden grew up and where the family is deeply established. Joe Biden spent 36 years as a senator in Delaware, commuting daily to Washington, and Beau Biden was the state attorney general.

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Hunter Biden had hoped last year to resolve a long-running federal investigation under a deal with prosecutors that would avoided the spectacle of a trial so close to the 2024 election. Under the deal, he would have pleaded guilty to misdemeanor tax offenses and avoid prosecution in the gun case if he stayed out of trouble for two years.

But the deal fell apart after Noreika, who was nominated by Trump, questioned unusual aspects of the proposed agreement, and the lawyers could not resolve the matter.

Attorney General Merrick Garland then appointed top investigator David Weiss, Delaware’s U.S. attorney, as a special counsel last August, and a month later Hunter Biden was indicted.

Hunter Biden has said he was charged because the Justice Department bowed to pressure from Republicans who argued the Democratic president’s son was getting special treatment.

The reason that law enforcement raised any questions about the revolver is because Hallie Biden, Beau’s widow, found it unloaded in Hunter’s truck on Oct. 23, 2018, panicked and tossed it into a garbage can at a grocery store, where a man inadvertently fished it out of the trash. She testified about the episode in court.

Hallie Biden, who had a romantic relationship with Hunter after Beau died, eventually called the police. Officers retrieved the gun from the man who inadvertently took the gun along with other recyclables from the trash. The case was eventually closed because of lack of cooperation from Hunter Biden, who was considered the victim.

Richer and Long reported from Washington. Associated Press writer Mike Catalini in Wilmington contributed to this report.

More than 10,000 Southern Baptists gather for meeting that could bar churches with women pastors

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By PETER SMITH (Associated Press)

INDIANAPOLIS (AP) — More than 10,000 voting representatives gathered Tuesday for the opening of the Southern Baptist Convention’s two-day annual meeting, where they will vote on whether to ban churches with women pastors and deliberate yet again on how to respond to sexual abuse within churches.

Some 10,553 messengers, as delegates are known, are meeting in Indianapolis.

On Wednesday, they are expected to debate whether to amend their constitution to ban churches with any women pastors — from lead to associate roles. The measure received preliminary approval last year.

Early Tuesday, a small group of women stood outside the Indiana Convention Center in a low-key demonstration in support of women in ministry.

“I hope that people know women have equal value and can be pastors,” said the Rev. Meredith Stone, executive director of Baptist Women in Ministry, an organization that originated within the SBC in the 1980s, but it now works with women in a variety of Baptist denominations.

Participants said that of the hundreds of messengers filing by, reactions ranged from sneers to subtle thumbs-up signs to a few voicing “thank you” out loud.

Joining them was Christa Brown, who has long advocated for fellow survivors of sexual abuse in Southern Baptist churches and criticized the denomination’s resistance to reforms, an effort she has chronicled in a new memoir, “Baptistland.”

She said there’s a direct connection between issues of abuse and the equality of women in ministry.

“When you squash some people, it sets up a lot more people to be squashed,” she said.

The SBC’s statement of faith says that while women and men are both “gifted for service” in the church, the office of pastor is reserved for men alone. Some interpret that to mean only senior pastors, but the amendment would also apply to women in associate roles even if the senior pastor is male.

The SBC can’t tell its independent churches what to do, but it can decide whether they are in or out. Since 2023, it has ousted some churches with women in pastoral positions, including Saddleback Church, a California megachurch.

Politics is also a factor in sideline events. On Monday, former President Donald Trump appeared in a videotaped message to attendees of a staunchly anti-abortion conservative group that met Monday next door to the convention center. Trump appealed to the attendees for their votes.

Later Tuesday, former Vice President Mike Pence was scheduled to speak at another sideline event hosted by the denomination’s policy agency, the Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission.

An Abuse Reform Implementation Task Force recently concluded its work. While it has provided a curriculum for training churches on preventing and responding to abuse, it has not achieved the mandate of previous annual meetings to establish a database of offenders, which could help churches avoid hiring them.

Abuse survivor and advocate Megan Lively on Tuesday morning moved that the convention task the Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission with raising awareness about abuse and providing resources on preventing and responding to it. She is a delegate from Peace Church in Wilson, North Carolina.

Though some have advocated for reforms for the past two decades, the convention has particularly struggled to respond to sexual abuse in its churches since a 2019 report by the Houston Chronicle and San Antonio Express-News. It said that roughly 380 Southern Baptist church leaders and volunteers faced allegations of sexual misconduct in the previous two decades.

The denomination subsequently commissioned a report from a consulting firm, Guidepost Solutions. It concluded that leaders of the convention’s Executive Committee intimidated and mistreated survivors who sought help. The committee handles day-to-day business of the convention.

Jeff Iorg, the new president of the Executive Committee, told its members in a meeting Monday that the committee is facing a “financial crisis” because it indemnified Guidepost Solutions from any legal repercussions from the study. The convention is paying for the legal defense against two defamation lawsuits filed by two men named in the report.

“We have spent more than $2 million so far on that indemnification, and there is no end in sight,” Iorg said.

___

Associated Press religion coverage receives support through the AP’s collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content.

‘Ride’ Paints Cowboy Life in Shades of Gray

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Writer, director, and actor Jake Allyn grew up in Dallas, a city whose professional football team (as well as my nearby high school) proudly flies the banner of the cowboy, one of the most enduring, and caricatured, symbols of Texas identity. 

Allyn’s new feature film, Ride—which follows multiple generations of bull riders in Stephenville, long known as the “Cowboy Capital of Texas”—offers a nuanced portrayal of “cowboy culture,” one that puts the oft-heralded values of stoicism and pride in conflict with societal issues such as addiction, financial stress, and contact with the criminal justice system. 

The film got some early buzz, winning the audience award for best feature at the Dallas International Film Festival before its wider release on June 14. It stars real-life rodeo stars C. Thomas Howell and Forrie J. Smith, who brought a level of authenticity to their roles. 

Howell plays John Hawkins, who’s married to the local sheriff Monica Hawkins (played by Annabeth Gish), and Allyn, the director, portrays their troubled son Peter. The movie follows the family as John and Monica struggle with the price tag of the life-saving treatment necessary for their sick daughter (played by Zia Carlock) and the disruption that happens when their estranged son Peter is released from prison after four years. Having run out of legal ways to pay the medical bills, John and Peter decide to go around the law, and every member of the Hawkins family must grapple with the consequences. 

I first watched the film at an advance screening at the Cowtown Coliseum at the Fort Worth Stockyards, an operational rodeo venue. More than 100 white folding chairs were set up on the loose red-brown dirt floor. The bar at the back was serving ice cold cans of Coors Light, and a variety of whiskey bottles lined the counter. In defiance of the dirt floor, a good portion of the audience wore white cowboy hats for the occasion. In opening remarks, Allyn talked about his desire for the movie to accurately portray the “western way of life.” 

Here’s where I admit a certain level of trepidation on my part. In the film’s preview, and in promotional material, things like “western culture”, “cowboy heritage”, and “American values” are invoked. I was prepared for a one-note love letter to aspects of the Texas identity I have real problems with. But what the audience got was fairly nuanced—as Allyn later told me was his primary goal. 

“I hope that I told a story about the good and the bad that comes with that way of life,” he told me. “I really wanted to hold up a mirror to the cowboy, to honor the cowboy hat, if you will, but also shine a light on some of the issues in that world.”

C. Thomas Howell, Forrie J. Smith, and Jake Allyn (Fab Fernandez, Courtesy of Well Go USA)

What might have been taboos in cowboy flicks of decades past are immediately broken in this movie. In an early scene, John tells his other son Noah (portrayed by Josh Plasse) that he loves him. The characters aren’t unflinchingly stoic—they’re angry, they’re sad, they’re hopeless, they’re conflicted, and they’re tender, silly, and loving with the people they love. Early on, the characters are shown with their masks down: The sheriff brushes her teeth in her daughter’s hospital room; the world-weary father wakes up alone in his daughter’s bed, cradling her rainbow unicorn stuffed animal. 

The movie attempts to be an authentic representation of rodeo life. Allyn told me he wanted to make a Friday Night Lights for rodeo. Parts of the movie were filmed on location at actual rodeos, where real cowboys can be seen competing. Some scenes show Allyn’s character practicing bull-riding techniques, furiously thrusting his hips and waving his hands as if he were on a bucking bronco. These appear to be real exercises, as they aren’t particularly elegant or cinematic. 

Howell, the son of a professional bull-rider and an award-winning cowboy in his own right, said he is sensitive to the tropes and mischaracterizations of the rodeo life he sees in film. He told me he was firm that the movie had to avoid falling into those traps. 

“My goal from the beginning to the end was to make sure it was as authentic as possible,” he said. “That goes along with everything from wardrobe right on down to the way cowboys talk, the way they walk, the way they carry themselves.”

The film was well-made, with good sound and visual quality. (The scenery was beautiful—even though the end-credits reveal the movie was filmed not in Texas but in far-off Tennessee.) The editing moved the story along seamlessly. 

But what was most striking about the film was its unflinching look at a family in the midst of multiple crises. Relationship dynamics strain under the weight of it all—husband-wife, brother-sister, father-son. Through the family’s splintering, the audience can see the ways social pressures lead so many Texans to lose their grip. 

Peter, the troubled son, leaves prison with six months of sobriety under his belt, but it isn’t long until he relapses and the audience watches his quick decline into heavy drug use. His addiction is met with empathy and understanding from his grizzled grandfather (Smith’s character). The damage of Peter’s substance use is clearly shown throughout the film, but he isn’t vilified for it. Addiction is a rampant problem in Texas—opioid addiction is increasing rapidly in urban and rural areas—but it isn’t a new phenomenon. Notably, the movie depicts all three generations of Hawkins men struggling with substance abuse. 

Texas’ criminal justice system is also portrayed without moral grandstanding. People on either side of the law are humanized, portrayed as flawed people reacting to the circumstances they’re in. The effects of incarceration on individuals and their families takes center-stage, as the Hawkins family comes together after years of estrangement and Peter struggles to re-acclimate to his community.

The central conflict of the film comes from the family’s inability to keep up with the financial burdens imposed by the modern U.S. medical system. Desperation arises when survival comes down to a question of payment. Alongside this is the financial distress of modern cowboys and the towns in which they live. 

Allyn recalled the moment he decided the film should be set in Stephenville. He had been driving around Texas, scouting locations, and he saw that the “Welcome to Stephenvlle” sign at the city limits was bent over, “like a tornado had come by or something.”

“It was literally barely holding on, and the second I saw that sign, I was like, ‘That looks like a bull-rider halfway off his bull, about to get tossed, and desperately holding on for dear life,’” Allyn told me. “That immediately became a metaphor for the whole movie. … Stephenville, the world that the movie takes place in, is barely holding on, and every one of the characters, in their own way, is barely holding on.”