EU commission chief von der Leyen faces a no-confidence vote this week

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BRUSSELS (AP) — The president of the European Union’s executive branch, Ursula von der Leyen, faces a no-confidence vote this week linked in part to text messages she exchanged with a pharmaceutical boss during the COVID-19 pandemic.

EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen walks in the Town Hall Garden at Aarhus Town Hall, Aarhus, Denmark, Thursday, July 3, 2025. (Ida Marie Odgaard/Ritzau Scanpix via AP)

EU lawmakers will debate von der Leyen’s future at the European Parliament in Strasbourg, France, on Monday in the European Commission president’s presence, and vote on a censure motion on Thursday. The commission proposes EU laws and supervises whether those that enter force are respected.

No-confidence votes are rare in the European Parliament, and von der Leyen is expected to win comfortably, but the censure motion is another sign of discontent with the former German defense minister and her backers.

Supported by a small group of hard-right members of parliament, the motion contains a mix of allegations against von der Leyen including text messaging with the boss of vaccine maker Pfizer, misuse of EU funds and interference in elections in Germany and Romania.

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“This is a list of backbenchers, (Russian President Vladimir) Putin’s friends. They’re anti-Ukrainian and anti-EU,” Daniel Köster, a spokesperson for the European People’s Party — the largest political group in the assembly — said on Friday.

The commission chief is a member of the EPP, which Köster said “will unanimously vote against this.”

Other groups are using the debate to criticize von der Leyen, They believe she is trying to bypass the parliament to act more quickly. The second biggest political group, the Socialists and Democrats, said the censure motion is a result “of the EPP’s irresponsibility and the double games.”

The threat of a parliamentary censure motion in 1999 forced the European Commission — led at the time by Jacques Santer from Luxembourg — to resign over fraud, mismanagement and nepotism allegations.

Can a Great Museum City Survive the Censorious Right?

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When police removed four photographs by Sally Mann from the Modern Art Museum of Fort Worth in early January, Marshall K. Harris, a former NFL player-turned-local artist, wasn’t surprised. Local politics had been shifting to the right recently, especially since the election of conservative firebrand Tim O’Hare as Tarrant County judge in 2022. Furthermore, a nationwide cultural shift toward right-wing censorship, evident in activist book-banning efforts across Texas in the past few years, had been further invigorated since the reelection of President Donald Trump in November.

Harris wasn’t shocked either, when the photos—much-lauded and long-controversial 1980s pictures of Mann’s young children nude—were held as evidence for more than three months in what may be the most significant police investigation of a museum art show in the United States since 1990. 

Instead, what amazed Harris was the silence that predominated across the Fort Worth art scene surrounding the matter. 

Harris, who was a standout defensive end at Fort Worth’s Texas Christian University before his four-year NFL career, is one of few outspoken voices in an art community on edge in the face of an ascendant right-wing political force. “For an institution like the Modern to be caught in this situation, and then everybody goes silent?” he told me in February. “Everybody. You can’t talk to anyone. And I sort of wonder if me opening my big mouth puts me at risk of reaction. Nobody wants to say anything to possibly get themselves in any trouble.”

The photographs, seized by police in early January and finally returned to the museum in April after a grand jury declined to issue indictments in the case, are from Mann’s Immediate Family series, which includes both nude and clothed images of her children growing up on a remote Virginia farm. The photos removed from the Modern include a shot of the torso and genital region of Mann’s approximately 6-year-old son after eating a Popsicle that dripped down his naked body, and another wider shot of Mann’s approximately 8-year-old daughter jumping naked onto a picnic table. Mann’s three children are all now in their 40s or deceased; they were involved as adults in selecting Immediate Family nudes for inclusion in Mann’s memoir, published in 2015. 

THE PHOTOS IN IMMEDIATE FAMILY HAVE DRAWN CONTROVERSY SINCE MANN FIRST SHARED THEM WITH THE PUBLIC IN 1992.

The photos were dogged by controversy in the ’90s, and they still make some viewers uncomfortable today. But they have also become part of the mainstream canon of American photography, admired by many as beacons of autobiographical art. 

Mann did not respond to requests for an interview for this story. Nor did the Gagosian Gallery, which loaned the photos to the Modern. The Modern has said very little beyond noting that the works in question “have been widely published and exhibited for more than 30 years in leading cultural institutions across the country and around the world.” Other Fort Worth museums, city council members, and several artists with work in the same exhibition as Mann’s photos all ignored or declined requests for interviews. Most remarkably, city police refused to release any information pertaining to the investigation, arguing, among other reasons, that “records of alleged or suspected abuse or neglect of a child are confidential.”

As details failed to trickle out, members of the Fort Worth arts community shared gossip, looking for answers, and mostly came up empty. “I’m trying to get a better handle on it, but every single employee at the Modern has been told not to talk about this at all,” said Wesley Kirk of the nonprofit Support Fort Worth Art. “I’ve been surprised that Kimbell and Amon Carter haven’t been speaking up, because this sets a bad precedent.” 

Kimbell Art Museum, Amon Carter Museum of American Art, and the Modern Art Museum of Fort Worth form a trinity of world-class, well-endowed art museums in the heart of one of the most conservative big cities in the United States. Until recently, this had not led to public confrontations. 

“I’ve lived here for 40-something years, and I’ve seen all sorts of things at those museums that some people would consider inappropriate and others would not,” said Lauren Saba, proprietor of the Fort Works Art gallery. “I hope this is an isolated incident.” Saba noted that, in November 2024, her gallery ran an exhibition of provocative art called “Ban This Show”—including a video titled “God Save Abortion” by Nadya Tolokonnikova of Pussy Riot—and received no pushback. 

Yet it’s difficult to consider the events at the Modern as entirely isolated. In October, Amon Carter’s exhibit “Cowboy,” which promised to “disrupt the homogenous ideal of the cowboy as a White, cisgender American male and showcase the diverse manifestations of this figure across communities,” shut down without explanation and reopened a week later with a trigger warning. The show featured images of naked men swimming together and men in cowboy getups partner-dancing and kissing.   

The origin of the police-led art heist lay in a public backlash stoked by local conservative media, institutions, and politicians. Sharayah and Scott Colter, respectively the communications director and CEO for the Danbury Institute, a religious-rights group with Baptist roots, went to see the Mann photos in December at the Modern after an article in a right-wing news outlet, the Dallas Express, called the works pornographic. The Colters, upon seeing the photos for themselves, were horrified. 

“It was even worse than we imagined,” said Sharayah, who splits time between Dallas and Washington, D.C. “We did not even take pictures of it, because we don’t want that kind of content on any of our devices. It’s really obscene material. It definitely does not belong in a museum. It should never have been taken in the first place. And yes, I do believe it belongs with the police.” The Danbury Institute then gathered around 20,000 signatures for an open letter invoking Biblical principles to call for the Modern to remove the Mann nudes.

Colter said she didn’t know how the Fort Worth police investigation came to be. She credited the Dallas Express—a nonprofit outlet that repurposed the name of a defunct Black-owned paper and routinely promotes the causes of its publisher, GOP megador and hotelier Monty Bennett—which published a series of alarmist articles by Carlos Turcios preceding the police investigation.

Colter also praised Bo French, leader of the Tarrant County Republican Party, and Tarrant County Judge Tim O’Hare for being early to comment on the issue. Before the police action, O’Hare told the Dallas Express that the photos “should be taken down immediately and investigated by law enforcement for any and all potential criminal violations.” In an email, French told me that Mann’s photos “could even be construed as child pornography.” He was particularly critical of text describing Mann posing her children “naked, moody, and in suggestive situations” to “evoke an edgy, dark side of childhood” that appeared on the wall at the Modern.

“That should repulse everyone except perhaps the most vile degenerates,” French said. 

An unidentified person walks across the main entrance of The Modern Art Museum of Fort Worth in December 2002. (AP Photo/ Donna McWilliam)

Some in Fort Worth see O’Hare’s hand in the investigation. Kirk said an incident like this would not have happened before O’Hare won office as county judge two years ago. Indeed, O’Hare has taken a hardline approach on far-right pet issues. During his tenure, he’s pushed to withhold funding from groups helping at-risk children over their views on LGBTQ+ issues, agitated for restrictive voting laws to benefit Republicans, and shown a draconian streak by ordering the removal of a pastor from a public meeting for speaking over his allotted time. Since his days as the young mayor of suburban Farmers Branch, complaining about undocumented immigrants to national media like CNN and pressing for “Chili’s-type restaurants”  rather than more authentically Mexican establishments in town, he’s displayed a gift for knowing which issues will rally conservative support. 

But a county judge is an executive position in the county government, analogous to the mayor of a city. O’Hare has no formal role in law enforcement. 

It remains unclear who or what pushed the Fort Worth Police Department (FWPD) to pursue an investigation with no clear precedent among successful criminal prosecutions. Since the photos were returned, an additional baffling detail has emerged: FWPD spent $7,000 on travel to New York City to investigate “critical leads” pertaining to Mann’s photos, which are already among the best-studied and most-discussed works in U.S. contemporary art.

The photos in Immediate Family have drawn controversy since Mann first shared them with the public in 1992. A New York Times Magazine article that year questioned Mann’s fitness as a mother. A Wall Street Journal editorial went further, calling for the photos to be censored. The uproar played an important role in bringing the work to a wider audience. That exposure, in turn, attracted a stalker to Mann’s youngest daughter, causing difficulties for Mann’s family for years.

The frightening trade-offs of this sort of expression—now the sort of thing that all parents must consider in the era of social media—are enough to make many viewers queasy. “Mann’s a very controversial figure,” Saba said. “I think if you poll 10 moms, you get a half-and-half reaction.” 

Mann has often been in the position of having to defend her art. Her stated impetus to make what she calls her “family pictures” was a mix of motherly adoration and deep fascination with her children’s private world, growing up on the same family farm where Mann herself had spent her childhood. “In the pictures of my children I celebrated the maternal passion their bodies inspired in me—how could I not?—and never thought of them sexually or in a sexual context,” she wrote in her 2015 memoir, a portion of which was excerpted in the New York Times Magazine

In the memoir excerpt, Mann recounted being shocked and disoriented by the ’90s-era backlash. She was distressed when the Wall Street Journal published a portrait of her unclothed daughter with black bars censoring her nakedness—additions that Mann said “mutilated her innocence” and made the work appear scandalous. (The Dallas Express, in December, replicated the Journal’s approach when publishing Mann’s photos.)

It’s unclear how FWPD could have expected that this criminal investigation would result in conviction. The First Amendment’s protection of free expression is very broad, explained Lee Rowland, executive director of the National Coalition Against Censorship (NCAC). Two narrow exceptions are carved out for obscenity and child pornography. But Mann’s work does not qualify as either.

Under a 50-year-old ruling in Miller v. California, an expression must lack any serious artistic, literary, or scientific value to qualify as obscenity. It’s basically impossible for a work of art hung in a museum, selected by trained curators, to be seen to lack such value. “For someone of Sally Mann’s stature and longevity, the idea that her work and photography has no value does not even meet the laugh test, and it certainly doesn’t meet the test for obscenity,” Rowland said.

A separate legal test for child pornography depends on showing a child in a sexual activity or in a way intended to arouse the viewer, Rowland added. Just depicting nudity is not enough to fail this test, under U.S. code and 40-year-old precedent in New York v. Ferber.

“It’s very important that the definition of child pornography remain narrow and tethered to those realities, for the simple reason that child nudity is a completely natural and rather massive part of childhood existence, and it is widely celebrated as a cultural matter,” Rowland said, pointing to the many depictions of nude baby Jesus over the centuries. “Child nudity itself may be challenging for some people, but [it] is widely culturally accepted as a natural and non-sexual part of growing up.”

Throughout American history, police have steered clear of dictating what should and shouldn’t be allowed in museums—apart from a single incident in 1990 when employees of Cincinnati’s Contemporary Arts Center were prosecuted (and eventually acquitted) for displaying photographs by Robert Mapplethorpe, including nude adults in BDSM poses and two nude images of children. 

That episode came at the peak of a previous era of culture war, which may now be on the point of breaking out anew. Then, as now, sexual identity played a shadowy role in the right’s censorious fervor: Mapplethorpe was gay, having died of AIDS a year before the exhibition. The original Dallas Express article decrying Mann’s photographs also alerted readers to photos in the Modern show depicting LGBTQ+ content, including an autobiographical video about parenthood by queer and nonbinary artist Jess Dugan.

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“It’s almost like Tim O’Hare is reading a script written by Jesse Helms 30 years ago,” observed Natalie Zelt, a postdoc at the University of Texas at Austin who leads a collaborative scholarly project on the history of photography curation called “Framing the Field.” Helms was a Republican U.S. senator who used Mapplethorpe, among other controversial artists, as a wedge to change the way the National Endowment for the Arts funded artists. This summer, the Trump administration has made major cuts to the endowment’s programs, an assault on the institution not seen since Helms’ era.

The police investigation in Fort Worth may be over, but its effects could be long-lasting in the local museum and art scene. Multiple locals and experts expressed concern that the city’s museums would be more hesitant to show any work that might offend political officeholders or activists—or put board members and donors in jeopardy. Elizabeth Larison, director of the Arts & Culture Advocacy Program at NCAC, worried that such an outcome “reduces the display of art to the lowest common denominator.” 

Regardless of the courage of museum officials, big-name artists may not want to or even be allowed by insurance companies to bring their expensive works to a town where an overzealous police department could seize them for extended periods on thin legal pretense. “Artists of that caliber, they’re going to look at the Fort Worth area with some skepticism,” warned Harris, the ex-NFL player. “Like, ‘Do I even want to enter into that fray?’”

On the other side of the equation, right-wing censors are emboldened and looking beyond the city limits. Rowland described a push across several GOP-controlled states, including Texas, Florida, and Oklahoma, to beef up obscenity laws. “There is a real concerted effort to change the definition to apply effectively to all images of nudity—not just children,” she said. In the Texas GOP platform for 2024, the first item on the “criminal and civil justice” agenda calls for changes to the penal code to broaden obscenity enforcement.

In the December 26 article on Mann’s photos in the Dallas Express, GOP state Representative David Lowe, who represents part of the Fort Worth area, was quoted promising legislative action this year. “It is crucial that our legal framework leaves no room for predators to misuse the realm of art to display child nudity,” he told Turcios. “Should any loopholes exist, we are prepared to address and eliminate them in the upcoming legislative session in Texas.”

In March, Lowe introduced a bill in the Texas House of Representatives which would have created a mechanism for civil penalties against museums that display “certain obscene or harmful material.” The measure never got a hearing, but, as Texas Republicans continue to push the envelope on culture-war issues, it’s easy to imagine it returning soon in some form.

In other words, what started in Fort Worth this January could soon affect museums across Texas, and perhaps eventually elsewhere in the country. Silence may not be enough to forestall it.

The post Can a Great Museum City Survive the Censorious Right? appeared first on The Texas Observer.

A Vermont dairy farm was raided. The mixed messages from Washington since then have increased fears

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By HOLLY RAMER and AMANDA SWINHART, Associated Press

MONTPELIER, Vt. (AP) — After six 12-hour shifts milking cows, José Molina-Aguilar’s lone day off was hardly relaxing.

On April 21, he and seven co-workers were arrested on a Vermont dairy farm in what advocates say was one of the state’s largest-ever immigration raids.

“I saw through the window of the house that immigration were already there, inside the farm, and that’s when they detained us,” he said in a recent interview. “I was in the process of asylum, and even with that, they didn’t respect the document that I was still holding in my hands.”

Four of the workers were swiftly deported to Mexico. Molina-Aguilar, released after a month in a Texas detention center with his asylum case still pending, is now working at a different farm and speaking out.

“We must fight as a community so that we can all have, and keep fighting for, the rights that we have in this country,” he said.

Members of Migrant Justice, a community group advocating for migrant farmworkers’ rights, hold a rally outside the Vermont Statehouse in Montpelier, Vt., on Friday, June 13, 2025. (AP Photo/Amanda Swinhart)

The owner of the targeted farm declined to comment. But Brett Stokes, a lawyer representing the detained workers, said the raid sent shock waves through the entire Northeast agriculture industry.

“These strong-arm tactics that we’re seeing and these increases in enforcement, whether legal or not, all play a role in stoking fear in the community,” said Stokes, director of the Center for Justice Reform Clinic at Vermont Law and Graduate School.

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That fear remains given the mixed messages coming from the White House. President Donald Trump, who campaigned on a promise to deport millions of immigrants working in the U.S. illegally, last month paused arrests at farms, restaurants and hotels. But less than a week later, the assistant secretary of the Department of Homeland Security said worksite enforcement would continue.

Such uncertainty is causing problems in big states like California, where farms produce more than three-quarters of the country’s fruit and more than a third of its vegetables. But it’s also affecting small states like Vermont, where dairy is as much a part of the state’s identity as its famous maple syrup.

Nearly two-thirds of all milk production in New England comes from Vermont, where more than half the state’s farmland is dedicated to dairy and dairy crops. There are roughly 113,000 cows and 7,500 goats spread across 480 farms, according to the Vermont Agency of Agriculture, Food and Markets, which pegs the industry’s annual economic impact at $5.4 billion.

That impact has more than doubled in the last decade, with widespread help from immigrant labor. More than 90% of the farms surveyed for the agency’s recent report employed migrant workers.

Among them is Wuendy Bernardo, who has lived on a Vermont dairy farm for more than a decade and has an active application to stop her deportation on humanitarian grounds: Bernardo is the primary caregiver for her five children and her two orphaned younger sisters, according to a 2023 letter signed by dozens of state lawmakers.

Wuendy Bernardo, foreground center, a migrant dairy farmworker at risk of deportation, is greeted by Migrant Justice staff member Will Lambek, left, outside a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement office in St. Albans, Vt., on Friday, June 20, 2025. Lambek led a rally in support of Bernardo as she reported to the office for an appointment. (AP Photo/Amanda Swinhart)

Hundreds of Bernardo’s supporters showed up for her most recent check-in with immigration officials.

“It’s really difficult because every time I come here, I don’t know if I’ll be going back to my family or not,” she said after being told to return in a month.

Like Molina-Aguilar, Rossy Alfaro also worked 12-hour days with one day off per week on a Vermont farm. Now an advocate with Migrant Justice, she said the dairy industry would collapse without immigrant workers.

“It would all go down,” she said. “There are many people working long hours, without complaining, without being able to say, ‘I don’t want to work.’ They just do the job.”

Ramer reported from Concord, N.H.

Camp Mystic ‘grieving the loss of 27 campers and counselors’ following catastrophic Texas floods

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By JIM VERTUNO and JOHN SEEWER, Associated Press

KERRVILLE, Texas (AP) — Camp Mystic says it is “grieving the loss” the loss of 27 campers and counselors as the search continued Monday for victims of catastrophic Texas flooding over the Fourth of July holiday weekend.

The statement adds another layer of heartbreak to the devastating flooding sent a wall of water through the century-old summer camp.

“We have been in communication with local and state authorities who are tirelessly deploying extensive resources to search for our missing girls,” the camp said in a statement posted on its website. “We are deeply grateful for the outpouring of support from community, first responders, and officials at every level.”

Residents of Kerr County began clearing mud and salvaging what they could from their demolished properties as they recounted harrowing escapes from rapidly rising floodwaters late Friday.

Reagan Brown said his parents, in their 80s, managed to escape uphill as water inundated their home in the town of Hunt. When the couple learned that their 92-year-old neighbor was trapped in her attic, they went back and rescued her.

“Then they were able to reach their toolshed up higher ground, and neighbors throughout the early morning began to show up at their toolshed, and they all rode it out together,” Brown said.

A few miles away, rescuers maneuvering through challenging terrain filled with snakes continued their search for the missing, including 10 girls and a counselor from Camp Mystic, an all-girls summer camp that sustained massive damage.

Gov. Greg Abbott said 41 people were unaccounted for across the state and more could be missing.

In the Hill Country area, home to several summer camps, searchers have found the bodies of 68 people, including 28 children, Kerr County Sheriff Larry Leitha said.

Ten other deaths were reported in Travis, Burnet, Kendall, Tom Green and Williamson counties, according to local officials.

The governor warned that additional rounds of heavy rains lasting into Tuesday could produce more dangerous flooding, especially in places already saturated.

Families were allowed to look around the camp beginning Sunday morning. One girl walked out of a building carrying a large bell. A man whose daughter was rescued from a cabin on the highest point in the camp walked a riverbank, looking in clumps of trees and under big rocks.

One family left with a blue footlocker. A teenage girl had tears running down her face as they slowly drove away and she gazed through the open window at the wreckage.

Searching the disaster zone

Nearby crews operating heavy equipment pulled tree trunks and tangled branches from the river. With each passing hour, the outlook of finding more survivors became even more bleak.

Volunteers and some families of the missing came to the disaster zone and searched despite being asked not to do so.

Authorities faced growing questions about whether enough warnings were issued in an area long vulnerable to flooding and whether enough preparations were made.

President Donald Trump signed a major disaster declaration Sunday for Kerr County and said he would likely visit Friday: “I would have done it today, but we’d just be in their way.”

“It’s a horrible thing that took place, absolutely horrible,” he told reporters.

Prayers in Texas — and from the Vatican

Abbott vowed that authorities will work around the clock and said new areas were being searched as the water receded. He declared Sunday a day of prayer for the state.

In Rome, Pope Leo XIV offered special prayers for those touched by the disaster. The first American pope spoke in English at the end of his Sunday noon blessing, saying, “I would like to express sincere condolences to all the families who have lost loved ones, in particular their daughters who were in summer camp, in the disaster caused by the flooding of the Guadalupe River in Texas in the United States. We pray for them.”

Desperate refuge and trees and attics

Survivors shared terrifying stories of being swept away and clinging to trees as rampaging floodwaters carried trees and cars past them. Others fled to attics, praying the water wouldn’t reach them.

At Camp Mystic, a cabin full of girls held onto a rope strung by rescuers as they walked across a bridge with water whipping around their legs.

Among those confirmed dead were an 8-year-old girl from Mountain Brook, Alabama, who was at Camp Mystic, and the director of another camp up the road.

Two school-age sisters from Dallas were missing after their cabin was swept away. Their parents were staying in a different cabin and were safe, but the girls’ grandparents were unaccounted for.

Warnings came before the disaster

On Thursday the National Weather Service advised of potential flooding and then sent out a series of flash flood warnings in the early hours of Friday before issuing flash flood emergencies — a rare alert notifying of imminent danger.

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Authorities and elected officials have said they did not expect such an intense downpour, the equivalent of months’ worth of rain for the area.

Kerrville City Manager Dalton Rice said authorities are committed to a full review of the emergency response.

Trump, asked whether he was still planning to phase out the Federal Emergency Management Agency, said that was something “we can talk about later, but right now we are busy working.” He has said he wants to overhaul if not completely eliminate FEMA and sharply criticized its performance.

Trump also was asked whether he planned to rehire any of the federal meteorologists who were fired this year as part of widespread government spending cuts.

“I would think not. This was a thing that happened in seconds. Nobody expected it. Nobody saw it. Very talented people there, and they didn’t see it,” the president said.

Seewer reported from Toledo, Ohio. Contributing to this report were Associated Press writers Christopher Weber in Los Angeles; Adrian Sainz in Memphis, Tennessee; Cedar Attanasio in New York; Sophia Tareen in Chicago; Michelle Price in Morristown, N.J.; and Nicole Winfield in Rome.