PURDUE vs. MINNESOTA

When: 6:30 p.m. Saturday
Where: Huntington Bank Stadium
TV: Big Ten Network
Radio: KFAN, 100.3 FM
Weather: 64 degrees, mostly clear skies, 9 mph east wind
Betting spread: Gophers, minus-7.5

Records: Gophers (3-2, 1-1 Big Ten) are coming off a 42-3 beatdown from No. 1 Ohio State in Columbus on Saturday. Purdue (2-3, 0-2) lost to now-No. 17 Illinois 43-27 in West Lafayette, Ind., last weekend.

History: Minnesota has lost two straight to the Boilermakers, including a 49-30 road defeat in 2023. That loss really stung more because Purdue was 2-7 at the time and amassed 604 total yards. The U leads the overall series 41-35-3.

Context: After a 1-11 season in 2024, Purdue fired head coach Ryan Waters, hired Barry Odom and he has already doubled that win total. He went 19-8 in the previous two years at UNLV after a 25-25 run at Missouri.

Big question: Can the Gophers bounce back? They were completely owned by the Buckeyes last weekend, so are they able to turn the page or will they still be licking their wounds? A homecoming crowd should help put the humbling in the past.

Key matchup: Gophers tacklers vs. Purdue running back Devin Mockobee. Minnesota has missed an average of 15 tackles per game against Power Four competition this season, while the 5-foot-10, 195-pounder has 255 of his 305 rushing yards this season coming after contact, per Pro Football Focus. Mockobee has averaged 9.4 yards per carry in his two previous games (2022, ’23) against Minnesota.

Stats: The Gophers have, for the most part, enjoyed scheduling Purdue for homecoming. The Boilermakers are the third most-frequent opponent (11 games), behind Northwestern (19) and Iowa (14). In this set-up, Minnesota is 7-4 against Purdue, but suffered a 20-10 loss in 2022.

Who has the edge?

Gophers offense vs. Purdue defense: The Boilermakers have given up at least 460 yards of total offense to its three opponents from the Power Four conferences, all of which have all been ranked this season — USC, Notre Dame and the Illini. Purdue’s pass defense has been especially bad, ranking 134th out of 136 programs in yards per attempt (10.4). … With the Gophers struggling to run the ball this year, QB Drake Lindsey should be airing it out like he did in the second half against Rutgers. … RB Darius Taylor returned from a two-game absence to have eight carries against the Buckeyes. After coming off a hamstring injury, his role is expected to increase and could really come in handy in the short passing game. … Purdue is 100th in the nation with 12 plays allowed over 30 yards, but Minnesota has only produced five in the same category (124th). The opportunities will be there, but can Gophers’ pass catchers take advantage of the mostly zone coverages? … The U reshuffled it offensive line to start the Ohio State loss and switched at guard midway through the game. They need to figure it out because they are 104th in yards per rushing attempt (3.79). EDGE: Gophers  

Gophers defense vs. Purdue offense: The Boilers are among the worst in the nation in turnover margin (minus-7, tied for 131st) and giveaways have really cost them. They have only three points off turnovers, while allowing 34. The Gophers are plus-2, but have only one takeaway against P4 competition. S Kerry Brown’s pick against Rutgers led to a U touchdown that put that comeback in full gear. Minnesota needs to catch the would-be interceptions that have been thrown to their defensive backs. … The Gophers defense ranks 84th in stop rate (58.5%), meaning just over half of opponent drives end in punts, turnovers or turnover on downs, per ESPN. This metric doesn’t include FCS programs, so no cupcake win over Northwestern (La.) State to bloat the numbers. For reference, a top 30 team gets off the field without points allowed on 67% of total series. … Purdue is second in the Big Ten with 181 passing attempts, but Ryan Browne has completed 62.2%, which is 15th in the conference. … WR Michael Jackson II is the clear-cut No. 1 receiving option with 32 receptions, more than double Mockobee’s 14. … Most of the Gophers’ D-line has struggled to create consistent pressure. DE Anthony Smith has 16 pressures, but nobody else has more than six. EDGE: Purdue  

Special teams: Gophers K Brady Denaburg has missed one field goal in each of the last three games and is 66.7% on the season. Purdue K Spencer Porath is a perfect 7 for 7 on the year. … KR Koi Perich should have an opportunity for a big return; Purdue is allowing 31 yards per return (128th in nation). EDGE: Gophers 

Prediction: On paper, this Big Ten matchup looks like a potential shootout, but the over/under point total seems low at 52.5. Here’s a friendly wager it goes over, with Minnesota driving it. Gophers, 31-24.

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By LEE KEATH and SAMY MAGDY

CAIRO (AP) — A breakthrough deal pausing the war in Gaza has been reached. But will it lead, as U.S. President Donald Trump proclaimed, to “a Strong, Durable, and Everlasting Peace”?

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It took pressure on both Israel and Hamas from the United States, Arab countries and Turkey, each saying it was time to end a 2-year-old war that has devastated the Gaza Strip, killed tens of thousands of Palestinians, sparked other conflicts around the region and increasingly isolated Israel.

That push sealed an agreement on a first phase that would free the remaining living Israeli hostages within days in exchange for the release of hundreds of Palestinians imprisoned by Israel.

But it left unanswered a long list of questions over what happens next.

Israel wants to ensure that Hamas disarms. Hamas wants to ensure Israel pulls its troops completely out of Gaza and is not allowed to restart the war. At the same time, a postwar government for Gaza must be worked out to replace Hamas’ rule. Without that in place, reconstruction is unlikely to take place, leaving Gaza’s more than 2 million people in continued misery.

With no trust between the sides, much relies on continued pressure from the deal’s guarantors — the U.S., Egypt, Qatar and Turkey. Any hitch in working out those intertwined issues can unravel everything and potentially lead to Israel resuming its campaign to destroy Hamas.

Here is what we know about the deal.

Immediate steps

Once the Cabinet of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the country’s parliament ratify the deal — expected on Thursday evening — a partial pullback of Israeli forces in Gaza will start, according to Arab officials and a Hamas official, speaking on condition of anonymity because the text of the accord has not been released.

The extent of the withdrawal has not yet been made public, but Hamas officials have said troops will move out of populated areas.

Hamas has agreed to release the 20 living hostages within a few days, likely Monday, and Israel will free hundreds of Palestinian prisoners. Hamas also will hand over the remains of around 28 hostages believed to have died, though for logistical reasons that may take longer.

At the same time, hundreds of aid trucks will start moving into Gaza, with the numbers growing over time.

Negotiations for the next phases would then begin.

Troop withdrawal

Hamas had long insisted it would not release its last hostages unless Israeli troops leave Gaza completely. Now, after agreeing to free them first, Hamas says it is relying on solid guarantees from Trump that the full withdrawal will happen.

But how long it will take – weeks, months, years — is unknown.

Israel has spoken of keeping troops in a buffer zone within Gaza and in the Philadelphi Corrido r, a strip of land on Gaza’s border with Egypt.

Israel is unlikely to relinquish those areas unless Hamas disarms and the void left in running Gaza is filled by a body that Israel deems palatable.

An initial 20-point plan issued by Trump last week called for an Arab-led international security force to move into Gaza, along with Palestinian police trained by Egypt and Jordan. It said Israeli forces would leave areas as those forces deploy.

It is not known whether that system will be followed or an alternative will be negotiated.

Disarmament

Hamas long refused to give up its weapons, saying it had a right to armed resistance until Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories ends.

For Israel, it’s a key demand. Netanyahu has repeatedly said its campaign will not end until Hamas’ military capabilities are dismantled, including the network of tunnels built around the territory.

There are signs, however, that Hamas could agree to a “decommissioning” of its offensive weapons, handing them over to a joint Palestinian-Egyptian committee, according to the Arab officials with direct knowledge of the negotiations who spoke on condition of anonymity.

Future government

Israel has said it wants a Gaza purged of Hamas influence. But it has also rejected giving any role to the West Bank-based Palestinian Authority or any arrangement that could lead to the creation of a Palestinian state.

Hamas, which has ruled Gaza since 2007, has agreed to step down from governing the territory and hand over governance to a body of Palestinian technocrats.

What takes its place is still uncertain.

Under Trump’s plan, agreed to by Netanyahu, an international body – the Council of Peace or Board of Peace, as both names have been floated — will govern.

It would hold most power while overseeing the administration of Palestinian technocrats running day-to-day affairs. It would also hold the commanding role of directing reconstruction in Gaza. Trump’s initial 20-point plan called for former British Prime Minister Tony Blair to lead the body.

Hamas has so far not agreed, saying Gaza’s government should be worked out among Palestinians in light of their rights to sovereignty.

The stakes

Israelis celebrated the agreement announced overnight after three days of talks in the Egyptian resort city of Sharm el-Sheikh. For much of the Israeli public, freeing the last of the hostages held for two years has been their top priority.

But Palestinians in Gaza were more uncertain. There was relief that the relentless bombardment and ground offensives may stop for a time and aid may flow in. But there was also skepticism and worry over how long any pause in fighting would last, whether hundreds of thousands will be able to return to their homes, and whether Gaza — its cities largely in ruins — will ever be rebuilt.

Many Palestinians fear Israel will take any breakdown in the talks as a chance to resume its assault. For months, Netanyahu and his hard-line allies have insisted they will keep long-term direct security control over Gaza and have spoken of pushing out its Palestinian population, ostensibly on a “voluntary” basis. In Gaza, many believe that remains Israel’s objective.

Pressure from the U.S. and its allies — if it continues after hostages are out — could prevent Israel from relaunching a full-fledged war.

But there is another, murkier scenario.

If Hamas and Israel cannot reach a final deal or negotiations drag on inconclusively, Gaza could slide into an unstable limbo, with Israeli troops still holding parts of it and Hamas still active. In that case, Israel would be unlikely to allow significant reconstruction, leaving Gaza’s population languishing in tent camps or shelters.

The Timberwolves emphasized defensive tenacity throughout the first week of training camp. The whistle was blown by coaches when on-ball pressure wasn’t cranked up to the necessary degree in practices described as “intense.”

The goal of it all is to return Minnesota’s defensive nastiness to something resembling where it was two seasons ago, when the Wolves were the NBA’s best on that end of the floor by a wide margin.

And yet, when the rubber met the road in Minnesota’s home preseason bout Tuesday against the Pacers, the Wolves were horrendous on that end out of the gates. Indiana scored 37 points in the opening frame, while shooting 65% from the field and 63% from distance while getting whatever it wanted, whenever it wanted.

“That’s inexcusable,” Timberwolves coach Chris Finch admitted.

Yes, it’s only preseason. But it should be noted in four exhibition games in which their regulars played ahead of the 2023-24 season, the Wolves starters allowed 20 points or fewer in the opening frame thrice.

A tone was set that October that was maintained throughout the season.

The tone Tuesday was one more of: “Yeah, ideally we’d like to defend. But only if you don’t make it overly difficult to do.”

Until things shifted over the final eight minutes of the first half. That’s when Jaylen Clark finally entered into the contest and injected a toughness and defensive determination that’d been lacking. Clark gave all-star forward Pascal Siakam no room to breathe on one play, forcing the forward into a difficult baseline jumper he missed, while also creating havoc via tips and strips that led to extra Wolves’ possessions.

Suddenly, the game that was initially so easy for Indiana became far more difficult.

The Pacers scored 141 points per 100 possessions before Clark’s entrance. That number dipped to 81 over the remainder of the half with the perimeter stopper on the floor.

Clark is the guy Wolves star Anthony Edwards often tabs to play 1 on 1 against in an effort to sharpen his skills. Edwards noted he scores on Clark maybe 50% of the time.

“I like it at 50-50 right now, because I don’t want nothing easy. Jaylen Clark, he definitely get me ready for the year,” Edwards said. “He’s a tough defender, man. I’m not going to lie.”

Which makes it all the more curious as to why Clark was the ninth player to enter the game Tuesday – well after the first eight entered the affair – on a night when Jaden McDaniels didn’t play due to personal reasons.

Finch has noted Minnesota will likely have an eight-to-nine man rotation that could stretch to as many as 10, but added the ninth and 10th spots will be fluid.

No Timberwolves rotations have been finalized.  There’s plenty of preseason to still be played. But it looks like Terrence Shannon Jr. is the frontrunner for the No. 8 spot behind the top seven returners from last year’s Western Conference Finalist. Rob Dillingham is getting early run in exhibition bouts.

Clark may face an uphill battle in his pursuit of consistent minutes. He seemed to acknowledge as much himself on the team’s media day. Asked if things felt different for the soon-to-be 24 year old this fall after carving out a regular-season role for himself last season, Clark responded, “Not really.”

“Every year it starts all over again, man,” he said. “I’m back at the bottom, and I’ve got to figure out a way to claw and work my way back up to where I’m in the rotation and playing again.”

Which flies directly in the face of everything the team has said it wants to be. Much of the verbal sentiment has centered on returning to the tip top tier of NBA defenses this season. But attempting to do so without one of your two-best perimeter defenders feels like a fool’s errand. Especially following the offseason departure of Nickeil Alexnader-Walker.

Forget that Clark knocked down 43% of his 3-point attempts last season and is one of the team’s most adept offensive cutters. He’s the one wing whose sole concern on the floor is stopping the opposition. He’s not only willing to take on a Lu Dort-type role in Minnesota – he’s eager to do so.

Dillingham is a minus defender at the moment. Edwards, Shannon and Mike Conley are solid on that end. But they aren’t legitimate options to consistently pick up the opponent’s best perimeter player at the point of attack when McDaniels isn’t on the floor – not if the goal is to re-establish an Oklahoma City-like defensive aura.

The best defenders eat, sleep and breathe that side of the floor. That job requires a special level of not only effort and tenacity, but attention to detail.

Clark watches tape of Broncos cornerback Pat Surtain II to gain intel on how to stay in front of shifty athletes without utilizing the type of contact that’s sure to draw an official’s attention.

“I like watching that more so than basketball, because people have counters. Ant, I know when he goes left, he loves to shoot the stepback. But if I jump at the stepback, he’s going to keep going. He’s just so fast, athletic and strong. So just having that creativity to know (what may happen),” Clark said. “In football, they know a route tree. So yeah, once he passes five yards, he can’t run a slant no more. Now, it’s a post or a 10-yard dig or in. Just process of elimination while he’s running his route.

“Same thing in basketball. If the shot clock is at 3 and they’re down two, I’m thinking he’s probably going for the win, knowing Ant. So I’m jamming this 3-point line. If he beats me to the rim, it is what it is. I got helpside, or we got overtime. I’m always thinking like that.”

Clark’s will to stop the man in front of him burns deep inside of his soul. That figures to fit Minnesota like a glove. Asked in June what the identity of an Edwards-led team should be, Timberwolves president of basketball operations Tim Connelly listed two traits: competitiveness and toughness.

Jaylen Clark personified. Clark himself said the Wolves should lean into “what Minnesota is about.”

“It’s cold as hell here. Plenty of people would rather be in Miami than here when they come play,” he said. “Just embrace the fact that you know people are trying to get out of here as fast as possible. Make this night as long and hard for them as possible. Just be antagonizing, getting under people’s skin. Just being the people nobody wants to go play against. Like what Detroit used to be in the Bad Boy era against the Bulls. You just knew you were in for a long night.”

Minnesota has been at its best in recent years when it’s looked exactly like the team Clark just described. The Wolves’ signature playoff series victory in franchise history – ousting defending champion Denver in the 2024 conference semifinals – was thanks almost entirely to efforts on the defensive end.

With their backs pressed against the wall in Game 7, Minnesota held Denver to nine points over the final 10 minutes, 50 seconds of the third quarter to erase a 20-point deficit en route to an improbably victory.

That was the year in which the Wolves built an unbreakable identity of defensive dominance.

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Any path to a return to such heights likely requires Clark on the court.

BISMARCK, N.D. — A North Dakota judge has upheld the state’s ban on gender-affirming care for children, in a blow to families who have had to travel out of state to obtain the medical treatments they said are crucial for their kids’ well-being.

District Judge Jackson Lofgren’s said in his decision Wednesday that the law discriminates based on age and medical purpose, not sex, and that there’s little evidence the Legislature passed the law for “an invidious discriminatory purpose.” He also noted various concerns and ongoing debates over the medical treatments involved.

“The evidence presented at trial establishes there is a legitimate concern regarding the capacity of minors to understand and appreciate the long-term consequences of the practices prohibited by the Health Care Law,” the judge wrote, adding that he doesn’t believe the law violates the state constitution.

The ruling means parents who decided to seek gender-affirming medical care for their children after the state’s ban took effect in April 2023 will need to do so out of state.

“This ruling is devastating for transgender youth and their families in North Dakota. The evidence in this case was overwhelming: this law inflicts real harm, strips families of their constitutional rights, and denies young people the medical care they need to thrive,” Jess Braverman, the legal director for the gender equity nonprofit Gender Justice, which represented the plaintiff, said in a statement.

Republican state Rep. Bill Tveit, who introduced the legislation, said he is pleased with the ruling.

“It’s a law that needs to be there. We need to protect our youth, and that’s what the whole goal of this thing was from the beginning,” Tveit said.

The lawsuit was brought by several affected families and a pediatric endocrinologist, but the judge dismissed some of their claims and left only the physician as a plaintiff.

About half of U.S. states, nearly all of which have fully Republican-led governments, have banned gender-affirming care for minors. North Dakota’s law makes it a misdemeanor for a health care provider to prescribe or give hormone treatments or puberty blockers to a transgender child. It also makes it a felony to perform gender-affirming surgery on a minor.

The law’s backers said it would protect children from what they said are irreversible effects of treatments and surgeries, though such surgeries were never available in the state. Opponents said the law harms transgender children by denying them crucial medical care.

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Although the law exempts children who were already receiving treatments before North Dakota’s ban took effect, attorneys for the families who sued said providers held off because they perceived the law as vague and didn’t want to risk it. That led the families to miss work and school so they could travel to Minnesota for treatment.

The judge later said those kids can receive any medical care they were receiving before the law took effect, though that decision wasn’t enough of a final ruling to satisfy attorneys for health care organizations. His Wednesday ruling granted a request that those kids’ treatments continue, citing the law and his previous findings.

At least two pediatric endocrinologists were providing gender-affirming care in North Dakota before the ban.

The U.S. Supreme Court ruled in June that states can ban gender-affirming medical care for transgender minors.

At least 27 states have adopted laws restricting or banning the care.